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Cover Design hy Jeffrey Homar
Title Page Design hy Gail Mitchem
School of Fine Arts
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
m*sAmoiis OF the
WISCOMI ACADEMY
OF SCIEn, ARTS
AAD LETTERS
LIU — 1964
Editor
GOODWIN F. BERQUIST,
EDITORIAL POLICY
The Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
is an annual publication devoted to the original, scholarly investigations of
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or its people are especially welcome, although papers by Academy members on
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Manuscripts should be sent to :
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Editor, Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy
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Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53211
Editorial Advisory Board
Robert J. Dicke (Biological Sciences)
Department of Entomology
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Stephen F. Darling (Physical
Sciences)
Department of Chemistry
Lawrence University
Goodwin F. Berquist, J
Department of Speech
University of Wiscons
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Department of History
Marquette University
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'. (Chrm. of the Board)
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TRMSiimS OF TUE
mm\m academy
Established 1870
Volume LIII
THE SCIENTIST AND THE MODERN WORLD 1
Aaron J, Ihde
Professor of Chemistry
. University of Wisconsin-Madison
JENS JENSEN-^CONSERVER OF NATURE 9
AND OF THE HUMAN SPIRIT
Harriet M. Sweetland
Department of English
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
I
THE FISHES OF PEWAUKEE LAKE 19
George C. Becker
Professor of Biology
Wisconsin State University-Stevens Point
THE FISHES OF LAKES POYGAN AND WINNEBAGO 29
George C. Becker
Professor of Biology
Wisconsin State University-Stevens Point
DIE FREIEN GEMEINDEN IN WISCONSIN 53
- ■ Berenice Cooper
Profesor Emeritus, Department of English
Wisconsin State University- — Superior
THE EFFECTS OF FIRE ON THE VEGETATIONAL 67
COMPOSITION OF BRACKEN GRASSLANDS
Richard J. Vogl
Assistant Professor of Botany
Los Angeles State College
AN EVALUATION OF WATERFOWL REGULATIONS 83
AND LOCAL HARVESTS IN WISCONSIN
James C. Bartonek, Joseph L. Hickey, and Lloyd B. Keith
Department of Wildlife Management
University of Wisconsin-Madison
YELLOW BASS IN WISCONSIN 109
William T. Helm
Assistant Professor of Wildlife Resources
Utah State University
127
UWM AND THE PEACE CORPS; PARTNERSHIP
IN INNOVATION
Carol Edler Baumann
Assistant Professor of Political Science
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
CHARACTERISTICS AND GENESIS OF SOME ORGANIC 149
SOIL HORIZONS AS DETERMINED BY MORPHOLOGICAL
STUDIES AND CHEMICAL ANALYSES
John E. Langton and Gerhard B. Lee
Department of Soils and Soil Survey Division
University of Wisconsin-Madison
A SENSITIVE FLUORESCENT INDICATOR FOR IDENTIFYING 159
AND DETERMINING THE CONCENTRATION OF THE
ALUMINUM ION IN MINERALS AND SOILS
John G. Surak, Robert A. Starshak and Daniel T. Haworth
Department of Chemistry
Marquette University
POTHOLES AND ASSOCIATED GRAVEL
OF DEVILS LAKE STATE PARK
165
Robert F. Black
Professor of Geology
University of Wisconsin-Madison
NOTES ON WISCONSIN PARASITIC FUNGI. XXX
H. C. Greene
Department of Botany
University of Wisconsin-Madison
177
NOTES ON WISCONSIN PARASITIC FUNGI. XXXI
H. C. Greene
Department of Botany
University of Wisconsin-Madison
197
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN.
NO. 51. SALICACEAE. THE GENUS SALJX — THE WILLOWS
217
George W, Argus
University of Saskatchewan
Saskatoon, Canada
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN.
NO. 52. GENTIANA HYBRIDS IN WISCONSIN
273
James S. Pringle
Royal Botanical Gardens
Hamilton, Ontario
DR. AARON J. IHDE
43rd President of the
WISCONSIN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, ARTS AND LETTERS
THE SCIENTIST AND THE MODERN WORLD
Aaron J. Ihde'^
Although human beings have been concerned about scientific
matters since they mastered fire in paleolithic times, it has only
been in the past century that scientific discoveries have rapidly and
profoundly changed their way of life. In fact, modern science is
the product of barely four centuries of activity. The year 1543 may
be looked upon as the beginning of the modern scientific revolution.
It was in that year that two of the great books in the history of
science were published: De revolutionibus orhium coelestium (Con¬
cerning the revolutions of the heavenly bodies) by the Polish cleric
Nicolaus Copernicus and De humani corporis fabrica (Concerning
the structure of the human body) by the Belgian physician Andreas
Vesalius. In the four centuries since their day we have seen many
changes of fashion in science but it is interesting to point out that
we have now returned to first interests — the most vigorous fields
of mid-twentieth century science, like those of the sixteenth, deal
with space and life.
In examining the role of the scientist in the modern world it is
best to clarify the characteristics of both before proceeding further.
Reading, observation, and reflection cause me to believe that scien¬
tists have certain common attributes. They are curious, especially
with respect to the nature of nature. They are intelligent. They are
enthusiastic. They are dedicated in their pursuit of understanding,
frequently to the point of ignoring everything else in the world
about them. They have faith that the universe is orderly. Except
for these common characteristics, scientists vary tremendously.
Some are thinkers, others are doers; occasionally the two charac¬
teristics are found in the same person. Some are innovators who
see the important interrelationships betv\^een apparently dissimilar
areas ; others are cream-skimmers who seldom introduce new inno¬
vations but quickly recognize significant problems once they have
been opened and exploit them enthusiastically before turning to a
newer problem of significance. Finally, there are the clean-up men,
persons of limited imagination who have the patience and consci¬
entiousness to carry on after the glamor of the problem has passed.
Fortunately, all three types are able to make important contri¬
butions.
* The author is Professor of Chemistry and the History of Science and Chairman,
Department of Integrated Studies University of Wisconsin-Madison.
1
2 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Now, if we turn to the characteristics of the modern world, we
observe a shrinking globe which is potentially affluent and is filled
with a multiplicity of misunderstanding . I shall not further belabor
the shrinking globe. Joel Carl Welty, in his address as retiring
president of the Academy two years ago, stated, ‘Technological
science has made it possible for man to circle the globe, not only
in 80 days but in 80 minutes, and it promises soon to broaden his
horizons to include other planets”.^ For those of us who have lived
a significant part of our lives in the twentieth century there is little
need to add more.
My characterization of the modern world as potentially affluent
may be criticized, particularly in a period when the President
makes elimination of poverty an important goal of his presidency.
I do not deny that poverty exists. Starvation is a way of life in
many parts of the world and we are not without it in the United
States. However, the fact that as shrewd a politician as Lyndon B.
Johnson is eager to make elimination of poverty the keynote of his
presidency demonstrates, I think, that we are a society with the
potential for affluence. This potential certainly exists in various
parts of Europe and could, with wise nurture, be extended to the
rest of the globe.
This potential for widespread affluence derives largely from the
modern capacity for innovation, both economic and technological.
The willingness to accept change leads naturally to the idea of
progress, a concept which was unrecognized throughout much of
human history.^ Thus, it has been only in very recent centuries that
such economic innovations as adequate capitalization, extensive
division of labor, and mass production have become significant.
Concurrently, technological innovations have led to the utilization,
in prodigious quantities, of power from fossil fuels, and to auto¬
mation.
The application of scientific knowledge to technological innova¬
tion is a development of the past century. Before 1864 technology
contributed much more to science than science did to technology.
The modern age of applied science may be considered to have had
its origins with the synthetic dye industry and the electrical indus¬
try. The slow utilization of basic knowledge of chemistry and phys¬
ics which stimulated the growth of these industries served as
models for present day scientific technology. Today no major pro¬
ducer of goods questions the utility of a control and developmental
laboratory and many progressive companies are recognizing the
1 J. C. Welty, “Knowledge and the Law of Diminishing- Returns,” Transactions of
the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, 51:7 (1962).
2 Cf. J. B. Bury’s The Idea of Progress: An Inquiry into its Origin and Growth (Lon¬
don: Macmillan, 1920).
1964]
Ihde — The Scientist and the Modern World
3
importance of supporting basic research. The rapidity with which
basic knowledge is applied today causes many farsighted industrial¬
ists and scientists to fear that applied science is outstripping the
capacity of fundamental science to supply new basic discoveries.
My third characteristic of the modern world is multiplicity of
misunderstanding. The spread of knowledge to remote parts of the
globe has been a consequence of technological innovations which
make rapid communication possible. Non- Western people are learn¬
ing about those principles held dear in the Western world; free¬
dom, justice, the dignity of the individual, and equality of oppor¬
tunity. While our practice of these principles frequently leaves
much to be desired, the existence of such concepts comes as a sur¬
prise in many parts of the world. Hence, knowledge of such
concepts further intensifies the existing dissatisfaction with the
status quo.
The same communications media which spread knowledge of
these concepts also bring promises of easy relief. I have already
pointed out that scientists all believe in a concept of order. In the
politico-social-economic realm there is also belief in order — but the
members of different schools each have their own concept of order.
The world is therefore faced with concepts of order, with the
devotees of each concept being convinced that their own brands
of socialism, communism, capitalism, nationalism, colonialism,
industrialism, tribalism, or internationalism are without blemish.
Is it any wonder that the impact of these various concepts of social
order on semi-literate peoples leads to the present multiplicity of
misunderstanding ?
The confusion of the contemporary social revolution is com¬
pounded by the impact of modern science, with its ability to effect
massive changes. As examples we need only look at the results of
electrical innovation: generators and motors, transmission of elec¬
tromagnetic signals through space, transistorized circuits capable
of accepting, storing, and manipulating information. Or we may
examine the results of agricultural innovation where the applica¬
tion of fertilizers, agricultural chemicals, and knowledge of genetic
principles has increased productivity enormously. In the field of
medicine the recognition of the germ theory of disease stimulated
the development of immunological practices and ultimately led to the
rise of chemotherapy with its sulfa drugs, antibiotics, and steroids.
Study of the atom led, on the one hand to nuclear weapons, on the
other to nuclear power and isotopes for use in science, medicine,
agriculture, and industry.
It is easy, in a society where the products of science are so read¬
ily apparent, to conclude that more science will settle our remaining
problems. However, we must beware of simple answers. There is
4 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
an unexpected deceptiveness in the application of science. While
nuclear weapons may quickly and inexpensively destroy our ene¬
mies, they can also destroy us with the radioactive fallout produced.
While chemical insecticides can hold in check the insect enemies
of the forester, gardener and farmer, they can also contaminate the
countryside and cause damage to innocent insects, fish, birds, and
mammals. While synthetic detergents can make wash whiter with
less human effort, they can also evade normal microbiological break¬
down and pollute our surface and ground waters. While wonder
drugs can save the lives of babies, they can thereby add to the
numbers of individuals living in a state of chronic malnutrition if
not outright starvation.
A great deal of heat and some thought has gone into the problem
of control of scientific applications in the best interest of the public.
Unfortunately, most socio-scientific problems are not easily re¬
solved in a manner which leaves everyone happy. Frequently, avail¬
able facts present a one-sided picture. This is particularly true
when there are financial interests involved, as there usually are.
One side of the picture frequently is adequately presented, the
other not.
Since my own field of interest and competence lies in the realm
of food and drug control, I would like to draw my examples from
that area. One might equally well look at the regulation of nuclear
energy, conservation of natural resources, prevention of pollution
of air and water, regulation of cigarette advertising and sales, or
the control of the mushrooming population.
The history of food and drug regulation may be characterized by '
a term heard so often during the early days of the second World
War, “Too little and too late.'’
The American food industry grew to sizeable proportions in the
decades immediately following the Civil war. Meat packing, can¬
ning, and the dairy industries had all reached sizeable proportions
by 1900. The American propensity for self-medication meant that
the drug industry was also a profitable one. Despite the lack of
sanitation, the prevalence of adulteration and misbranding, and
the widespread tendency toward misleading advertising, there was
no federal food and drug legislation, except for very limited laws
designed to benefit special producer interests. Need for general leg¬
islation was apparent by 1880 when Harvey W. Wiley became chief
of the Bureau of Chemistry in the United States Department of Ag¬
riculture. Although remedial legislation was introduced in every
session of Congress over a 25-year period, it was impossible to se¬
cure passage before 1906. Even then, passage would probably have
failed had it not been for the demand for meat inspection created
by publication of Upton Sinclair’s book, The Jungle. Although the
1964]
Ihde — The Scientist and the Modern World
5
book was a novel dealing with the misfortunes of a slaughterhouse
worker, the colorful descriptions of conditions in the packing in¬
dustry led nauseated readers to clamor for reform. Investigations
by government committees revealed that enough of the suspicions
were true to justify reform and Congress was unable to resist the
demand for a Meat Inspection Act. The momentum created for meat
inspection swept the Food and Drug Act, commonly known as the
Wiley Act, through at the same time.
Wiley’s intention to fairly but firmly enforce the Food and Drug
Act was frustrated from the beginning and he resigned from his
post in 1912. His successors conscientiously attempted to cope with
the problem of regulating two rapidly growing industries, but found
themselves steadily losing ground. Up to 1930 there were no sub¬
stantial changes in the law despite the fact that changes in the
industries were creating many new regulatory problems, some of
them brought on by scientific developments.
The first major attempt to overhaul the act of 1906 was made
in 1933 when the Tugwell Bill was introduced. This was fought
vigorously by lobbyists for the food and drug industries and less
stringent bills were substituted. The Copeland Bill (named after
the sponsoring Senator) was finally passed in 1938 — but only after
tragedy had occurred from the sale of “Elixir of Sulfanilamide.”
This product came on the market shortly after the effectiveness of
sulfanilamide had been demonstrated. Its producer, seeking for a
way to cut costs, introduced diethylene glycol as a solvent. It
served very well for this purpose but very soon after it appeared
on the market in the South, patients became violently ill and some
of them died. Before all bottles of the product could be removed
from the market, 107 persons were dead. The company’s chemist
became the 108th death when he committed suicide. It had never
occurred to him or his employer that diethylene glycol might be
toxic or that the producer had a moral obligation to look into such
matters. Ironically, the only action the Food and Drug Administra¬
tion could take under the existing Wiley Act was to seize the
product for misbranding. The word “elixir” requires the use of
alcohol as a solvent. The provisions of the Copeland Act would have
prevented these needless deaths. It was passed too late! In fact,
had the deaths not occurred it perhaps would not have passed for
several more years.
The Copeland Act was reasonably adequate to deal with the
major abuses prevailing in 1938 but the nature of the industries
changed rapidly during World War II. The introduction of DDT
was followed by other organic insecticides. Concurrently, the use
of new preservatives, flavors, emulsifiers, hydrating agents, and
other chemical “improvers” grew to major proportions. The powers
6 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
of the Act and the appropriations for its administration proved too
little for realistic regulation.
It is frequently alleged by apologists for the food industry that
there has never been a recorded case of illness attributable to the
use of chemical additives. These apologists are ignorant of or choose
to ignore the vitamin deficiencies caused by use of mineral oil in low
calorie foods, or the upsets caused by the substitution of lithium
chloride in low sodium foods. They ignore the fact that, since 1945,
such chemicals as dulcin (a sweetener), coumarin (a vanilla sub¬
stitute), mono-chloracetic acid (a preservative), Agene (a flour
bleaching agent), and at least six certified food colors have been
withdrawn from the market.
Although Congressman John Delaney initiated hearings on the
safety of food additives in 1950, it was not until 1954 that the Miller
Amendment was passed to give the Food and Drug Administration
realistic control of pesticides in foods. The Chemical Additives
Amendment was only passed in 1958.
Despite the fact that the late Senator Estes Kefauver initiated
hearings into the nature of operations in the drug industry in 1959,
remedial legislation was not passed until autumn in 1962. Two
months before passage, Kefauver’s bill was doomed to a quiet death.
However, the role of thalidomide in causing malformation of un¬
born infants became apparent just as that moment. Again, tragedy
was necessary to bring about legislation to protect the public.
The history of food and drug legislation has been one of too little
and too late. I am sure that a review of many other socio-scientific ■
problems would reveal a similar history. I am particularly bothered
to find the majority of scientists quite indifferent to these problems,
or frequently aligned with the forces advising no action.
We come then to the question, ‘‘What is the responsibility of the
scientist to the modern world in which he lives?” There are some
who answer, “He has no responsibility other than to be a competent
scientist,” meaning that he need be only a competent searcher into
the nature of nature who publishes his findings at the earliest op¬
portunity. They argue that it is not possible for the investigator to
foresee the use which will be made of his discoveries, therefore his
only responsibility is to discover. I take issue with this position,
feeling that scientists are also members of the human race and have
a responsibility for the preservation and extension of civilization.
Their high level of education and their generally favorable position
in the economic system places them among the fortunate group
which is in a position to exert a disproportionately large influence
in formulating public opinion.
The scientist seeking to apply a new development has a responsi¬
bility to anticipate over-all effects, not merely the favorable effects.
1964]
Ihde — The Scientist and the Modern World
7
While it is not always possible to foresee all possible implications,
a sincere effort can be expected.
There is a further obligation to make his understanding avail¬
able. The responsible scientist, because he has command of special¬
ized and unique information, has the obligation not only to serve
on governmental agencies when requested, but to speak out on is¬
sues of public importance when he can shed light on the problem.
Many intelligent persons excuse themselves from participation in
public debate on the grounds that human beings are dominated by
animal instincts and changes in ethical values are therefore not pos¬
sible. I remind them that history reveals important changes in ethi¬
cal values, at least in the Western world. We no longer practice in¬
fanticide nor abandonment of the aged. Human sacrifice was given
up centuries ago. We have not burned any witches for two cen¬
turies. Slavery was outlawed in this country a century ago and,
while it is still practiced in certain parts of the world, it keeps los¬
ing ground. Certainly there is still much to be desired in our treat¬
ment of fellow human beings but we have been making progress.
In view of the potential affluence of the world and of the inevit¬
able increase in leisure time, can we not continue our progress to¬
ward greater freedom (with, of course, recognition of its attendant
responsibilities), and greater understanding, and greater compas¬
sion for the less fortunate? We must continue to recognize our
major problems, the spreading of education and opportunity, the
wise use of our natural resources and our scientific resources, the
control of population growth, and the abandonment of war as a
tool of international policy. These are not small responsibilities and
at times they appear hopeless but civilization is based upon the
leadership of a small minority with a firm commitment toward de¬
sirable change.
I have always been thankful that the founders of our Academy
had the foresight to accept the fact that science is not a monolith.
They understood that it could serve society best if it joined hands
with the arts and letters. This has not always been remembered by
later generations. One of our obligations in this generation is to
see that the Academy restores proper balance between the respec¬
tive disciplines. We must further see that the Academy serves as
a forum for discussion of the problems of Wisconsin, even when
these problems transcend the borders of the State. Moreover, we
must be eager to move into action toward the solution of these prob¬
lems. If we carry on in this manner, such founders as Increase
Lapham, John Hoyt, T. C. Chamberlain, Lyman Draper, A. L.
Chapin, and Ronald Irving would be proud to have us as
descendants. ^
JENS JENSEN— CONSERVER OF NATURE
AND OF THE HUMAN SPIRIT
Harriet M. Sweetland^
On the western bluffs of Door County, accentuated by pine and
cedar, stands The Clearing — ^a unique, informal, cultural center,
offering varied courses which change weekly. In nearby Ellison Bay
a village school, unusual in America because of its natural setting
in a growth of white pine, epitomizes the philosophy of a famous
landscape architect's “school in a park" theory. In Racine, Wiscon¬
sin, that “little Denmark of America," a city park system, beautiful
because of its natural winding lay-out, stretches invitingly to the
wayfarer — heritage of its Danish-American planner. At Madison,
Wisconsin, Children's Glen offers a delightful nature-retreat for
the adventurous spirit of the playful young. Farther south, in the
West Chicago park system, fatigued city-dwellers may find quiet
spots of greenery in the confines of Columbus, Garfield and Hum¬
boldt Parks; and ringing the territory of Greater Chicago, along
the waterways of the Des Plaines, Sac and Calumet Rivers, that
same urbanite may discover a chain of wooded tracts, offering a
country-like environment and known as the Cook County Forest
Preserves. Circling the state of Illinois, particularly along the Mis¬
sissippi, Rock River, and tributaries of the Ohio, there stretches a
similar chain of state parks, instigated into being by a compara¬
tively new organization — “Friends of Our Native Landscape." In
central Illinois, at Springfield, the Lincoln Memorial Garden spreads
out in the open-hearted, prairie-like candor, befitting the liberal
spirit of the Great Emancipator for whom it is named. In the neigh¬
boring state of Indiana, a seven-hundred acre tract of dune land
has been saved for posterity to serve as a natural text-book for the
science-minded.^
* Miss Sweetland is an instructor in the Department of English, the University of
Wisconsin-Milwaukee. This paper was read at the ninety-fourth Annual Meeting of
the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters.
1 Because the private papers of Jensen were destroyed in a fire at The Clearing in
the late 1930’s, the researcher must rely largely on fugitive, secondary sources; but
fortunately Miss Mertha Fulkerson, Jensen’s private secretary for over two decades,
is still available for information. Reference materials used for the factual, biographi¬
cal data in this article were obtained from the following sources: Mertha Fulkerson,
“Jens Jensen, Friend of Our Native Landscape,” The Peninsula (June 1958), pp, 7-10;
Mertha Fulkerson, Letter to author of this paper of April 12, 1964 ; interview held
with Miss Fulkerson at The Clearing, April 25, 1964 ; Clifford Butcher, “Jens Jensen
Renews War on City,” Milwaukee Journal, June 9, 1935, II: 5; obituary articles in
Madison Capital Times, October 1, 1951, pp. 1 and 3 ; Milwaukee Journal, October 1,
1951, pp. 1 and 2 ; Chicago Tribune, October 2, 1951, p. 20 ; and WHO WAS WHO IN
AMERICA (Chicago, 1961), p. 448.
9
10 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
What have all these separate spots in common? What is their
connecting link? In one way or another they represent either the
creativity or the civic activity of a remarkable Danish- American
landscape architect — who, up to his death in his ninety-first year,
sought to preserve for his fellow Americans little retreats of nat¬
ural greenery, where fatigued mankind could find moments for
peace of mind and refreshment of spirit.
Although Jens Jensen grew up on the sea-tossed, history-drenched
coastland of Denmark, receiving his training in landscape design
at the agricultural college at Jutland, like many fellow Europeans
who found the Continental political scene not to their liking, he fled
to America— arriving in New York City in his early twenties with
the proverbial ‘‘dime in his pocket.” After brief farming jobs in
Florida and Iowa, Jensen came to Chicago, starting up the ladder of
the Chicago park system in a landscaping career which brought him
national fame and caused him later to be titled “Dean of American
Landscape Architects.”
His rise to professional success parallels the typical progress of
many a nineteenth-century American immigrant: Starting as a
common laborer in Chicago’s Washington Park, he soon won atten¬
tion from the neighboring citizenry by his creation of a little wild
flower garden in the heart of the city.^ From there he worked his
way up to become, in turn, head gardener at Garfield Park (whose
world-renowned conservatory came into being largely as the result
of his planning) ; foreman of Union Park; foreman of Humboldt
Park — at the time Chicago’s largest park; and finally, general
superintendent and landscape architect for the Greater West Park
system of Chicago, a position he held until 1920.^
In his Chicago park landscaping experimentations, Jensen is
chiefly noted for his work at Columbus Park, which still exists to¬
day practically as it was created, relatively untouched by the polit¬
ical manipulators influential in most cities. Its open, sky-loving
lagoon, with plantings of native hawthorn and crab-apple, stretches
out restfully — exemplifying most concretely Jensen’s philosophy of
natural landscaping.^
2 Leonard Eaton, “Jens Jensen and the Chicago School,” Pi'ogressive Architecture
(December 1960), p. 145.
^Mertha Fulkerson, “Jens Jensen, Friend of Our Native Landscape,” pp. 9—10; Wil¬
liam Golden, History of Columhus Park (five-page typescript, signed by author, on
file at the Chicago Historical Society) ; Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency, Park
Government of Chicago, No. 15 (Chicago, 1911), p. 8; West Chicago Park Commis¬
sion, Recreation Centers ... of the West Chicago Park Commission (Chicago, 1919),
pp. 9-10; West Park Commission, Catalog Guide to Garfield Park (Chicago, 1924),
Introduction ; Eaton, op. cit., p, 145.
^ Jens Jensen, Siftings, A Major Part of The Clearing, and Collected Writings (Chi¬
cago, 1956), pp. 75-9 and 97 ; and Mertha Fulkerson, Letter to Author, April 12, 1964,
p. 1.
1964] Sweetland — Jens Jensen, Conserver of Nature 11
For Jensen represented something new in the field* of park plan¬
ning, promulgating a novel, unconventional approach in landscape
architecture : At a time when the Continental style of formal, geo¬
metric landscaping was very prevalent in public parks and private
estates — influenced strongly in this direction by the Chicago World’s
Fair exhibits of 1 893-— Jensen advocated a type of design more
closely resembling the English country park: informal, non-geo¬
metric, patterned after Nature’s curving byways and making use of
native plant materials. He used trees and flowers particularly in¬
digenous to the region, rather than exotic, foreign plantings. His
motif for this new type of landscaping he obtained by a careful
study of the Illinois prairie country which his immigrant eyes had
seen stretching all around him on his arrival in the Midwest. For
Jensen came to love the prairie even more than he had loved his
native sea-scape of Denmark. And the more he studied the prairie,
the more he became convinced that the public and private grounds
he was landscaping should contain only plants indigenous to that
landscape; so he tried to recapture in his parkways the '‘feel of
the prairie” as it must have appealed to the early settlers-— using
native wild phlox, blazing star, purple wild flag, swamp rose mal¬
low, flowering shad, wild crab and hawthorne, beech, white oak,
birch, sugar maple, and other trees belonging naturally to the re¬
gion in which he was working.^ In fact, Wilhelm Miller, Professor
of Horticulture at the University of Illinois, cited Jensen as the
pioneer in this form of landscape design, noting that Jensen was
“probably the first designer who consciously took the prairie as his
leading motive.”®
But in utilizing these native materials, Jensen felt he must al¬
ways consciously take into consideration the personality of the
plant, the personality of the landscape, and the personality of the
owner of the estate on which he was working. Moreover, landscape
architecture, as he once noted, was one of the most difficult of the
fine arts because the designer was working with living, changing
material. So he must consider not just how a certain tree looks now,
but “must see the tree in its full beauty hundreds of years hence,”
when it would have grown up to take in more of the sky line.'^
Living at a time in Chicago when there was a great interest in
“freedom of form” — a governing member of Chicago’s Art Insti¬
tute Board, and active in the Cliff Dwellers and other art groups
— Jensen reflected in his landscaping that same “freedom of form”
® Wilhelm Miller, “The Prairie Spirit in Landscape Gardening,” Circular 18^ of Illi¬
nois Agricultural Station (November 1915), pp. 2-4 ; Jensen, Siftings, pp. 20, 30-1,
35-6, 41-2, 61-3, 66-7, 77-8, 91-6 ; Eaton, pp. 145-6, 147, 149 ; Handbook of Chicago
Parks, (Chicago, 1934), pp. 20-1.
® Wilhelm Miller, “The Prairie Spirit,” pp. 2-3
7 Jensen, Siftings, p. 19.
12 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
which was to be found in the creative work of some of his Chicago
artist-friends in other fields: Louis Sullivan and Frank Lloyd
Wright in the field of architecture; Carl Sandburg, Edgar Lee
Masters, and Vachel Lindsay in poetry; and Lorado Taft in
sculpturing.^
Speaking of Jensen’s creations — both in private and public gar¬
dening projects — Leonard Eaton, professor of architecture at the
University of Michigan, appraises Jensen as —
perhaps America’s greatest landscape architect. In addition to being a
superb artist in his own field, Jensen was native in Chicago at a time
when the artists of that city were in an extremely active phase and
his career shows a remarkable interaction between the arts of archi¬
tecture and landscape design. . . . Jensen was a major American artist,
one of the most distinguished this country has produced. His design
concepts were as original and daring as anything developed by the
Chicago School in architecture and with that school he had an intimate
connection. Perhaps the central trend of the movement was the belief
that the region had a cultural identity distinct from that of the rest of
the nation. . . . The achievement of Jens Jensen must, then, be under¬
stood in relation to the work of his contemporaries. In his best moments
none of them surpassed him.®
Believing that “form must follow function” and that “happiness
and full self-expression can only be found by spreading one’s roots
in the soil,”^^ Jensen sought means by which the city-dweller could
be emancipated from the urban bee-hive for at least short moments
of respite — by furnishing him with natural woodland retreats in
the heart of the great city or on the outskirts of that great city.^^
For Jensen’s civic service did not stop with the West Chicago
Park system. Loving the wide open prairie stretches with their na¬
tive vegetation, Jensen noted the burgeoning out of Chicago in three
directions and realized, foresightedly, that this native landscape
would soon be swallowed up by city real estate developments unless
steps were taken to preserve it. So, while still serving as the super¬
intendent of the Chicago West Park system, he spent many Sun¬
days surveying the areas along the Des Plaines, Sac and Calumet
rivers, with the happy result that he soon forcefully advocated
8 Eaton, pp. 145-50; Fulkerson, letter to author, p. 1; “Upbuilders of Chicago, ” Chi¬
cago Magazine, 2:601 (September 1911) ; Madison Capital Times, October 1, 1951, p. 3.
8 Eaton, p. 150.
Milwaukee Journal, October 1, 1951, p. 1.
Jens Jensen, Greater West Park System (Chicago, 1919), pp. 13-4, 20, 38-9; Jen¬
sen, Siftings, pp. 80-88 ; 120-1 ; Clifford Butcher, “Jens Jensen Renews War on City,”
Milwaukee Journal, June 9, 1935. Note, too, Mertha Fulkerson’s quotation of Jensen’s
comment in her Peninsula article (June 1958), p. 8: “Mass education, mass production
and mass thinking is levelling the world into a monotonous sameness and totalitarian¬
ism is the result. Now we are in a struggle to prove whether the individual is of any
consequence or not. At such times the little violet along the trail can lead the way
to sound reasoning and proper respect for individual effort. Lessons in the soil give
the key to wholesome growth,”
1964] Sweetland—J ens Jensen, Conserver of Nature
13
setting aside certain wooded areas—later to be known as the For¬
est Preserves of Cook County, To bring these Forest Preserves into
being necessitated strong political action, but the genial Danish-
American was skillful in finding backing among Chicago's wealthy
residents as well as its average citizenry. Although it took both
city and county action and the passage of an entirely new law to
enable the county to hold land for the purposes Jensen recom¬
mended, eventually Cook County was empowered to purchase all
the lands Jensen had advocated Even a casual glance at a map
of the Greater Chicago area today will show just how wide-reach¬
ing and numerous are these county tracts-— peaceful sanctuaries
where today's citizenry may find retreat reminiscent of the land
our Midwest pioneers remembered. According to one noted Mid¬
west architect and city planner, these Preserves are unique in
being “still the largest wilderness area contiguous in any major
American city."^^
But Jensen's civic-mindedness extended beyond the boundaries
of Greater Chicago and Cook County. When that conservation-
minded organization, Friends of Our Native Landscape, was formed
in 1913, Jensen was its leading spirit and served as its first presi¬
dent-— continuing in that office for over twenty years. During the
first decade of its existence, the organization chose for its special
project concerted action to save certain portions of natural beauty
in Illinois for state parks. Their recommendations were published
in a brochure entitled Proposed Park Areas In The State of Illinois,
with Jensen serving as editor and chairman of the publication, as
well as chief instigator to action. As he argued in the foreword :
Practically all the lands mentioned in this report are of little or no
agricultural value. They bring to us more of the spiritual side than the
material. They represent Illinois as the white man found it — a different
world from the man-made one. , . . They offer refuge for native wild
life and a place of escape for a while at least from the grind and care
of daily life,^^
So today, largely because Jensen and his colleagues worked dili¬
gently through different community groups for their preservation,
Illinois boasts such state parks as the Savanna Headlands of the
The legislation concerning the formation of Cook County Forest Preserves was
quite involved. Sources that clarify the matter are the following: Cook County Outer
Belt Park Commission, Forest Preserves (Chicago, 1905), pp. 3-31; John B. Morrill,
“Forest Preserve District of Cook County, Illinois,” Landscape Architecture, 38:139-
44 (July 1948) ; Daniel Burnham, Planning the Region of Chicago (Chicago, 1956),
pp. 134-57; Harvey M. Karlin, Governments of Chicago (Chicago, 1958), pp. 271-83;
John C. Bollens, Special District Governments in the United States (Berkeley, Univer¬
sity of California, 1958), pp. 132-8; Leonard Eaton, p. 146; and Mertha Fulkerson,
Letter to author, p. 2.
Eaton, p. 164, (Present acreage is 62,000 acres, according to recent article in the
Christian Science Monitor, May 4, 1964, 11:2.)
1* Friends of Our Native Landscape, Proposeed Park Areas in the State of Illinois,
(Chicago, 1921), foreword by Jensen, chairman and editor.
14 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Mississippi, Starved Rock State Park, the Apple River Canyon, and
Ogle County White Pine Forest — the only native white pine forest
in the stated^ Of the twenty tracts recommended for preservation,
only two failed to materialize. Of those which did become actualities,
dearest probably to Jensen’s heart was that inter-state section be¬
tween Illinois and Iowa, encompassing the Mississippi Palisades
and known as the Savanna Headlands. Jensen himself wrote the
sections of the report advocating their salvation, noting —
On these ancient cliffs of pre-historic time botanical and geological
science, together with the early history of Illinois, vie with each other
in importance of interest. The deep ravines are filled with forests of
ferns and the crags and talus formations are full of interesting plants
not found in the adjacent prairie country. . . .
The views from the Palisades up and down the Mississippi are both
dramatic and inspiring. It is here that we of Mid-America may feel the
greatness of the praire country to the fullest. . .
It is well to consider the significance of our heritage of river and
stream and prairie. ... I have often thought what it would mean if
every boy and girl, and the grownups as well from farm and city,
would come to these bluffs to get a greater outlook of the world. If only
once a year they could sit down on the edge of a steep cliff and watch
the currents flow by. ... In this way our Mid-American rivers become
the highway of our thoughts.^®
That people can now experience this quiet pleasure from the Mis¬
sissippi Palisades is largely due to the efforts of Jensen and his
colleagues.
And the same civic-minded zeal which brought into being these
eighteen Illinois State Parks — just as it had earlier instigated the
West Chicago parkways and the Cook County Forest Preserves —
aided also the neighboring state of Indiana: For it was Jensen who
took a committee of Indiana officials (including the director of the
Indiana State Parks, the governor of the state, and several state
legislators) to the Dunes area, spurred them to climb one of the
highest dunes, and pointed out from its top the area which should
be included in an Indiana Dunes State Park. As Miss Mertha Ful¬
kerson, Jensen’s secretary for many years, notes —
The importance of the Indiana Dunes to Jens Jensen was that here
was the meeting ground of plants from as far north as Hudson Bay
and as far south as the swamps of Florida. , . . Jensen’s hope was to
make this a natural textbook for the scientist . . . the botanist, the
naturalist and the ecologist.^'’
Letters from Jensen to E. J. Parker, written March 24, 1911 and March 25, 1911,
proposing- plan for legislative action. (On file at Chicago Historical Society Library)
Jensen, “Savanna Headlands” and “Preservation of Our River Courses and Their
Natural Setting,” in Friends of our Native Landscape, Proposed Park Areas, n, p.
1“^ Mertha Fulkerson, Letter to author, April 12, 1964, p. 2.
1964] Sweetland — Jens Jensen, Conserver of Nature 15
Although Jensen recommended purchase of all land from Ches¬
terton, Indiana, to Fremont— some 3,000 acres for the Dunes area
— and although the governor and State Director of Parks were in
agreement, some of the legislators favored a smaller purchase. As
a result, Indiana today has a Dunes park of some 700 acres, when
she might so easily have had more.
During the latter part of Jensen’s life — in fact, after his six¬
tieth year — when the political machinery of Big Bill Thompson
altered the Chicago scene, Jensen ended his long career as land¬
scape designer for the city’s park system and entered private prac¬
tice entirely — planning the estates of such wealthy Midwesterners
as Ogden Armour, Julius Rosen wald, Henry and Edsel Ford. But
these private estates, like his public parks, bore evidence, too, of
his original philosophy of landscape architecture. Always he stud¬
ied the terrain, the plants native to the area, and his patron, and
then sought to bring about a happy compatability of spirit of the
three: For one person of nervous, high-strung temperament, who
lived a life of tension in his work, Jensen planned a quiet retreat,
with an open expanse facing the Western sunset, where the very
landscape would suggest peace. For another patron, whose house
was built in the horizontal planes of the Japanese influence, Jen¬
sen used native crab-apple as a compatible planning to carry out
the horizontal lines.^^
Then, after some years of landscaping for private individuals,
Jensen established residence in Door County, Wisconsin — becom¬
ing, as usual, one of its most public-spirited citizens during the last
sixteen years of his life. On a 120-acre plot of naturally timbered
landscape, he built from native stone, and utilizing the crafts of
native workmen, that unique, informal cultural center known as
“The Clearing” — so titling it because he felt that “one must have a
clearing to appreciate the forest.”^^ Patterned somewhat after the
Scandinavian folk schools. The Clearing was conceived to draw to¬
gether craftsmen and creative artists of kindred outlook and in¬
spiration— the landscape architect, the painter, the dancer, the
artisan in wood, metal and stone. Since Jensen’s death in 1951, Miss
Mertha Fulkerson, his former secretary, and the Wisconsin Farm
Bureau have continued the spirit of The Clearing with their sum¬
mer cultural offerings which vary weekly : native geology, regional
ecology, courses in modern drama and art, poetry, philosophy, and
similar selections. In the beginning years. The Clearing also fre¬
quently served, during winter, as a craft-center for year-around
residents of Door County — who took weaving, wood-carving, or
Jensen, Siftings, pp. 67-9 and Eaton, op. cit., p. 149.
Milwaukee Journal, October 1, 1951, p. 1.
16 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
homecrafts; for both Jensen and Miss Fulkerson believed strongly
in community service.^^
Although The Clearing was Jensen’s chief interest during these
latter years of his life, the genial Dane also found time for his
usual civic contributions : He served on the Door County Park
Board for five years, and it is largely because of his foresight that
community park tracts were bought at Door Bluff, Ellison Bay
Bluff and Sugar Creek, as well as additional land at Cave Point. In
fact. Door County pioneered in the United States in the forming of
township parks.^i The Ellison Bay School also reflects his philoso¬
phy of a ‘'school in a park setting”, for the village bought land
adjoining the school and Jensen also gave them a plot of white pine
woodland, so today Ellison Bay school children may spread out in
a woodland setting for their recess activities, or hold outdoor classes
around their Council Ring in the spring and the falL^^ During
these latter years, too, Jensen was one of the active promulgators —
together with Albert Fuller, Emma Toft, and others — for the crea¬
tion of The Ridges Sanctuary, near Bailey’s Harbor, where rare
swamp plants may be found in the wetlands formed by the retreat¬
ing beaches of Lake Michigan. Here shy orchids, maiden hair fern,
and a variety of swamp vegetation, have been preserved in their
native habitat from the ruthless fingers of mankind.
Although Jensen is probably best known for his civic activities,
yet it must not be forgotten that underlying his public service, and
guiding the direction which it took, was Jensen’s 'philosophy of the
land. Loving the prairies, he found in them not only the motif for
his own landscaping but also his deep-rooted belief in conservation.
He felt there was something so precious in the native landscape, he
wanted to save it for posterity. As Mertha Fulkerson summarizes
his philosophy:
There was great thought given to tenderness expressed in a field of our
native flowers, to strength expressed in mighty oaks, to humility ex¬
pressed in violets, to peace expressed in the long shadows coming over
the land from surrounding woodlands at the end of the day, of the
daringness of pine and cedar clinging on the edge of a rocky cliff facing
the elements. These were the motives of his work.^^
Indeed, one might say that Jensen’s public-service endeavors, such
as the formation of the Cook County Forest Preserves and the
State Parks of Illinois, are merely outward manifestations of that
20 Mary Ellen Gothberg', “The Clearing — from Vision, a Reality,” The Peninsula
(June 1958), pp. 11-12 ; Jensen, Siftings, p. 30 ; Clifford Butcher, op. cit., p. 8 ; Madison
Capital Times, October 1, 1951, pp. 1 and 3,
21 Author’s conversation with Mertha Fulkerson at The Clearing, April 25, 1964.
22 For Jensen’s theory of school settings, see “Neighborhood Centers,” pp. 45-51 in
his Greater West Park System and pp. 84-5 of his Siftings.
22 Mertha Fulkerson, Letter to author, April 12, 1964, p. 2.
1964] Sweetland—J ens Jensen, Conserver of Nature
17
inner philosophy which drove him for most of his ninety-one years :
his belief that the native spots of greenery must be cherished and
preserved for refreshment of man’s soul.
True, national acclaim came to Jensen for his public-spirited ef¬
forts : the Massachusetts and Minnesota Horticultural Societies gave
him citations for his distinguished work in landscaping; the Uni¬
versity of Wisconsin conferred on him an honorary degree in 1937 ;
he was sought as a consultant in the formation of the Racine park
system here in the Midwest and the Alleghany park system in the
East; and he is accredited with saving Riverside Park in New
York City at a time when commercial interests sought to destroy
it. Theodore Roosevelt also called on Jensen’s talents in helping to
form the first national conservation program.^^
Yet, in pre-occupation with Jensen’s long career of public service,
one must not slight his philosophy as a landscape artist. For, in
the final analysis, the genial Dane was a singular blend of the artist-
philosopher and the public-spirited citizen. And it was the artist-
philosopher who guided the public-spirited citizen into the creation
of those natural retreats of living greenery in Illinois, Wisconsin,
Indiana, and other states of the Union. In a world where such
green retreats are growing increasingly difficult to find, today’s
Americans owe much to Jens Jensen.
Mertha Fulkerson, “Jens Jensen, Friend of Our Native Landscape,” pp. 9—10; Mil-
loaukee Journal, June 20, 1937, p. 3 ; Milwaukee Journal, October 1, 1951, pp. 1 and 2 ;
Madison Capital Times, October 1, 1951, pp. 1 and 3.
THE FISHES OF PEWAUKEE LAKE
George C. Becker*
Pewaukee Lake, only 18 miles west of the city of Milwaukee, is
a fisherman’s Mecca, It has always produced large catches of pam
fish, and fishing for game species is excellent. Its importance from
a recreational standpoint is obvious when we consider that a large
metropolitan city and its suburbs almost reach to the Pewaukee
city limits.
During 1960 and 1961 we collected at 11 stations, capturing a
total of 29 species (Figs. 1 & 2) . Recent literature and other records
disclosed additional species, bringing the total of known species to
35. The 1960-61 survey was made by shoreline seining, using a
4' X 20' minnow seine with square mesh. Approximately 100
yards of shoreline were seined at each station at depths up to three
feet.
Acknowledgments are made to my sons, Kenneth and Dale, who
assisted in the field; to Dr. Reeve M. Bailey, curator of fishes at
the University of Michigan Museums who verified the identification
of Notropis anogenus; to Elmer Hermann and Clifford Brynildson
of the Wisconsin Conservation Department who supplied me with
information from their files; and to Brynildson, (lordon Priegel,
and Vern Hacker, all of the Wisconsin Conservation Department,
who critically read the manuscript and preferred helpful sugges¬
tions.
Pewaukee Lake lies entirely within the county of Waukesha. It
is 4.5 miles long, 1.2 miles in width and 2,502 acres in area. The
basin of the lake is a pre-glacial erosion valley through which the
Lake Michigan glacier moved toward the west. The valley was
blocked at its west end by the stratified drift associated with the
Kettle Moraine.
The western half of the north shore rises to a height of approxi¬
mately 130 feet above the lake level but this is not reached for
nearly a half mile from the lake. The south shore rises to a height
of about 100 feet, but this slope is quite gradual. Much of the east-
* The author of this article is Professor of Biology, Wisconsin State University,
Stevens Point, Wisconsin.
19
20 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Figure 1
Sampling Stati ons
ern shore is low or swampy and the same is true of a small por¬
tion of the west end (McCutchin, 1946). The lake is divided into
two parts. The western half has a known maximum depth of 45
feet, the eastern half has a maximum depth of 10 feet but most of
it is considerably shallower. Much of the eastern end of the lake
becomes choked during late summer with submergent and emer¬
gent aquatics which render boat passage difficult.
The eastern half of the lake owes its existence to the dam at
the city of Pewaukee which holds a head of water of approximately
six feet. Before this dam was installed this part of the lake was a
swamp (Fenneman, 1902). Three small spring-fed streams, two on
the south and one on the north shore (Fig. 1) flow into the lake. A
number of springs discharge into the lake, chiefly along the north
shore. The outlet, Pewaukee Creek, leaves the lake on the far east¬
ern end and flows into the Fox River. The latter, flowing in a south¬
westerly direction, joins with the Illinois River which in turn flows
into the Mississippi River. The bottom of the lake is mostly over-
lain with mud, although exposed sand was found at station 3 and
sand and gravel at stations 8 and 9. On small areas alongside most
piers, shoreline owners had deposited sand over the mud to improve
the water for bathing.
1964]
Becker — The Fishes of Pewaukee Lake
21
22 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Fish Species and Their Distribution
After the scientific name for each species I have indicated the
station (s) on the lake where the species was collected (e.g., Pewau-
kee 6, 7, 8, 9 for the longnose gar) .
1. Longnose gar — Lepisosteus osseus (Linnaeus). Pewaukee 6,
7, 8, 9. Pewaukee Lake apparently affords excellent conditions for
this species. The four specimens which I took from four different
stations were all young-of-the-year. The muddy bottom and densely
rooted vegetation in extensive shallow bays is prime habitat. An
item in the Wisconsin Conservation Bulletin of November, 1937,
states :
Ten thousand pounds of garfish were taken in a single haul by a state
rough fish removal crew operating on Pewaukee Lake. One of the fish
measured four feet, eight inches.
2. Bowfin — Amia calva Linnaeus. Greene (1935) examined the
bowfin from this lake. Fishermen report taking it yearly from the
western end of the lake.
3. White sucker — Catostomus commersoni (Lacepede). Pewau¬
kee 8. We took one specimen, 99 mm. total length.
4. Lake chubsucker — Erimyzon sucetta (Lacepede). Pewaukee
7, 8. McCutchin (1946) recorded the following data on three speci¬
mens from Pewaukee Lake :
At station 8 on Pewaukee Lake I took a young-of-the-year, 34 mm.
in total length and weighing 0.44 gm. On the same date at station
7 I captured a chubsucker 223 mm. in total length which weighed
169.6 gm. Greene (1935) also reported this species from Pewaukee
Lake.
5. Carp — Cyprinus carpio Linnaeus. Pewaukee 3, 4, 11. When
McCutchin made his survey in 1946 he failed to capture this species.
Now the natives report that during the spring many carp spawn
on the extreme western end of the lake. The 13 fish which I cap¬
tured by shoreline seining comprised only 0.2% of the total number
of fish taken.
1964]
Becker— The Fishes of Pewaukee Lake
23
6. Central stoneroller — Campostoma anomalum pullum (Agas¬
siz). McCutchin (1946) listed this species as rare in Pewaukee
Lake.
7. Golden shiner— Notemig onus crysoleucas (Mitchill). Pewau¬
kee 5, 7, 8, This shiner is probably more common in the lake than
the records indicate. McCutchin (1946) took a single individual in
a fyke net. Greene (1935) captured the golden shiner from the
eastern end of the lake.
8. Bluntnose minnow — Pimephales notatus (Rafinesque) . Pe¬
waukee 1 through 11. This species is, next to the yellow perch, the
most common hsh found in Pewaukee Lake, where it made up
21.9% of the total catch. The many items of rock, metal and wood
which are thrown into this heavily used lake apparently furnish
surfaces for egg attachment. McCutchin (1946) reported this min¬
now as abundant in Pewaukee Lake.
9. Spottail shiner— -iVo^ropis hudsonius (Clinton) Pewaukee 4,
5, 6, 8, 9. The spottail appears to be generally dispersed in the
western half of the lake.
10. Common shiner — Notropis cornutus (Mitchill) Pewaukee 8,
9. McCutchin (1946) reported this minnow as abundant in 1946.
The present survey finds this minnow uncommon.
11. Blackchin shiner — Notropis heterodon (Cope). Pewaukee 3,
6, 7. The blackchin was found travelling in schools at station 3. The
bottom there was solid but overlain with a fine silt, and the water
was clear. By contrast, the stations on the west end of the lake
from which this species was captured had a bottom of mud over-
lain with fine organic debris ; the water was highly turbid. Greene
(1935) also reported this species.
12. Pugnose shiner— N otropis anogenus Forbes. Pewaukee 8.
Two individuals were captured on August 3, 1960. This is the first
report of this species from Pewaukee Lake, and, to my knowledge,
the first time that it has been reported anywhere in the state since
Greene (1935) made his survey from 1925 to 1928. The gradual
disappearance of this rare minnow from its rather restricted range
has been reported by Bailey (1959) and Becker (1961), In Pewau¬
kee Lake this species is undoubtedly limited in numbers and range.
It was captured from clear water over a bottom grading from heavy
wave-washed, vegetation-free gravel to dense submergent aquatic
plants over a bottom overlain with mud. Hubbs and Lagler (1958)
state that this species occurs ‘^scatteringly in clear and very weedy
lakes.”
24 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The following data were taken from the specimens :
*Distance along sagittal line from medial anterior edge of mouth to a line connecting
corners of mouth.
Unusual are the 10 anal rays in Specimen 1. According to Traut-
man (1957), the usual number is 8 (frequently 7). The 38 scales in
the lateral line of the same fish also departs from the expected range
of 34 to 37.
13. Emerald shiner — Notropis atherinoides Rahnesque. Pewau-
kee 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10. Distribution appears to be general in Pewaukee
Lake but it is nowhere abundant.
14. Bigmouth shiner — Notropis dorsalis (Agassiz). Pewaukee 7.
The single specimen was taken over a muddy, heavily-silted bottom.
This contrasts with the sandy bottom in streams over which it is
normally found.
15. Blacknose shiner — Notropis heterolepis (Eigenmann and
Eigenmann). Pewaukee 3, 6, 7. I have encountered this minnow
under many conditions but most frequently over mud or silt-covered
bottoms in lakes and slow-moving streams. In 1946 McCutchin re¬
ported it as abundant. This species, I find, fluctuates greatly in
number from year to year in a given body of water. In Eske Lake
(Portage Co., Wis.) during 1959 this minnow was seen by the
thousands along the southeast shore of the lake and hundreds were
easily captured with a square-yard dip net. The following year the
lake was visited frequently and none were seen in the same area,
but a few were captured in the small creek draining the lake.
16. Black bullhead — Ictalurus melas (Rafinesque) . Greene
(1935) reported this species from the east end of the lake. Mc¬
Cutchin (1946) listed “bullhead’' from Pewaukee Lake but made
no distinction between the species in this genus.
1964]
Becker — The Fishes of Pewaukee Lake
25
17. Yellow bullhead — Ictalurus natalis (LeSueur). Pewaukee 3,
10. Greene (1935) reported this species from Pewaukee Lake.
18. Tadpole madtom — Noturus gyrinus (Mitchill), Pewaukee 3,
10. Greene (1935) captured this species from the east end of Pe¬
waukee Lake and it was here also that I took two specimens during
the 1960-61 survey, I consider it rare in the lake.
19. Grass pickerel- — Esox americanus vermiculatus LeSueur. Pe¬
waukee 2. Greene (1935) captured this species from the east end of
Pewaukee Lake. My specimen was 87 mm. total length.
20. Muskellunge— -E/sox masquinongy Mitchill. Muskellunge were
planted in Pewaukee Lake during 1937, 1939, and 1940 (McCutchin,
1946). From these original plantings occasional catches are still
reported. In 1944 an 181/^ pound fish was reported caught
(Sprecher, 1945). On October 9, 1958, an alleged muskellunge,
weighing 14 pounds 10 ounces and measuring 39 inches in total
length was taken from the east end of the lake by Mrs. W. F. Boyd
of the city of Pewaukee (pers. comm.). I examined a photograph
of this fish ; however, it was impossible to make a firm identification
from it. On the other hand Mrs. Boyd's careful description of the
scalation on the cheeks and opercula lead me to believe that the
record is authentic.
21. Northern pike — Esox lucius Linnaeus. Pewaukee 8. Mc¬
Cutchin (1946) captured the northern pike at all the stations where
he placed fyke nets and the 12 fish so caught constituted 2A% of
the total catch. This species appears to have a general distribution
in the lake. Many northerns, five to ten pounds in weight, are taken
yearly by fishermen.
22. Banded killifish — Fundulus diayhanus (LeSueur). Pewau¬
kee 3, 6. Often found in large and widely roaming schools, this top-
minnow has probably a more general distribution in the lake than
is indicated by the survey.
23. White bass — Roccus chrysops (Rafinesque) . Greene (1935)
reported a record from Pewaukee Lake. I have personally inspected
this species in a fisherman's catch from Pewaukee Lake in Septem¬
ber, 1961. McCutchin (1946) reported a dense population in the
west end of Pewaukee Lake, In fyke nets he captured specimens
from IIV2" to nearly 13%^', weighing up to a pound and a quarter.
Twelve thousand fingerlings were planted in Pewaukee in 1943.
There is no subsequent record of stocking.
24. Yellow perch— Perea flavescens (Mitchill). Pewaukee 1
through 11. The perch is probably the most abundant panfish in
Pewaukee Lake. McCutchin (1946) reported a dense population.
26 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Some fishermen, upon removing the spinous dorsal hn, use it as live
bait for the northern pike.
25. Walleye — Stizostedion vitreum vitreum (Mitchill). Pewau-
kee 7. Greene (1935) recorded a report from Pewaukee Lake. Mc-
Cutchin (1946) fyke-netted ten individuals, three to seven years of
age and from 14 to 23 inches in total length. The largest fish
weighed four pounds and five ounces. He found that these walleyes
were well above the average length-weight and length-age ratio for
Wisconsin walleyes. Millions of walleye fry and thousands of finger-
lings were planted in Pewaukee Lake between 1937 and 1956. Large
specimens of seven to nine pounds are occasionally caught by fish¬
ermen in the vicinity of stations 8 and 9.
26. Central Johnny ddiTt^v—Etheostoma nigrum nigrum (Ra-
finesque). Pewaukee 1, 3 through 11. The general distribution of
this species in Pewaukee Lake is due to man’s efforts to create
suitable swimming areas. In 1946 McCutchin reported this species
as rare. Today it is common. Small patches of gravelled areas, rep¬
resenting many hundreds of tons of gravel, are found in connection
with most piers in the lake. Since only small gravelled areas are
needed by this species, it does very well in such artificially created
habitats.
27. Smallmouth bass — Micropterus dolomieui Lacepede. Greene
(1935) listed a report from Pewaukee Lake. In 1937 seventy adult
smallmouth were stocked in the lake. According to an item in The
Milwaukee Journal of February 25, 1956, a six pound 12-ounce
smallmouth bass was taken from Pewaukee Lake the previous year.
28. Largemouth bass — Micropterus salmoides (Lacepede). Pe¬
waukee 1 through 11. The largemouth bass is commonly found in
Pewaukee Lake and is among the leading game fish caught. Many
of the fish I captured were fingerlings, indicating good reproduc¬
tion. McCutchin (1946) reports the largemouth as common in the
lake. The large weed-filled areas along the shoreline afford favorite
habitat for this species. The largemouth was last stocked in 1953.
29. Green sunfish — Lepomis cyanellus Rafinesque. Pewaukee 2,
10. McCutchin (1946) reported this species as rare in the lake.
30. Bluegill — Lepomis macrochirus Rafinesque. Pewaukee 1
through 11. This species was stocked in these waters through 1946.
In the same year McCutchin reported it as abundant. A large share
of the fisherman’s yearly bag consists of the bluegill.
31. Pumpkinseed — Lepomis gibbosus (Linnaeus). Pewaukee 1
through 11. This species has general distribution in the lake and is
common.
1964]
Becker — The Fishes of Pewaukee Lake
27
32. Rock bass — Ambloplites rupestris (Rafinesque) . Pewaukee
8. Greene (1935) listed a report from Pewaukee Lake. McCutchin
(1946) captured seven individuals in the western half of Pewaukee
Lake. Continued eutrophication of this lake will probably keep this
species at extremely low levels.
33. Black crappie — Pomoxis nigromaculatus (LeSueur). Pewau¬
kee 1, 3 through 10. McCutchin (1946) listed this species as com¬
mon. I have found it to be abundant and fishermen make excellent
catches.
34. Brook silverside — Labidesthes sicculus (Cope). Pewaukee 1,
3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11. I consider the brook silverside one of the
most abundant species in the lake. It comprised 16% of the total
catch by number. Numerous tight schools of several hundred young-
of-the-year were swimming within a few feet of the shore and
hundreds would swim or drop through the mesh of the seine be¬
fore they could be counted. It was not unusual to surround two or
three schools in a single haul.
35. Freshwater drum — -Aplodinotus grunniens Rafinesque. Pe¬
waukee 6. At present this species is no problem in Pewaukee Lake.
Occasionally an individual is taken on hook and line.
References
Bailey, Reeve M. 1959. Distribution of the American cyprinid fish Notropis
anogenus. Copeia 2:119-123.
Becker, George C. 1961. Fading fins. Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts & Letters.
50:239-248.
Fenneman, N. M. 1902. On the lakes of southeastern Wisconsin. Wis. Geol.
& Nat. Hist. Surv. Bull. 8:178 pp.
Greene, C. Willard. 1935. Distribution of Wisconsin fishes. Wis. Cons.
Comm., Madison, Wis. 235 pp.
Hubbs, Carl L. and Karl F. Lagler. 1958. Fishes of the Great Lakes region
(revised edit.). Cranbrook Instit. of Sci. Bull. 26:213 pp.
McCutchin, Thayre N, 1946. A biological survey of Pewaukee Lake, Wau¬
kesha Co., Wis. Wis. Cons. Dept., Madison, Wis. Sect, of Fish. Biol.
Invest. Report No. 573. 28 pp. (mimeog.).
Sprecher, G. E. 1945. Wisconsin fishing a la 1944. Wis. Cons. Bull. 10(5-6) :
6.
Trautman, Milton B. 1957. The fishes of Ohio. Ohio State Univ. Press.
683 pp.
I
\
■‘Vair'
THE FISHES OF LAKES POYGAN AND WINNEBAGO
George C. Becker^
Wisconsin’s larger lakes have always been strongly patronized
by fishermen because of their varied hsh life. Two lakes which
have been fished heavily are Lakes Poygan and Winnebago. The
fish life is so varied in these waters that much confusion results as
to what is caught. Although no key for identification is included,
the present study attempts to assess what these waters hold. Con¬
sidered together, these lakes have now (or have had in the recent
past) at least 71 species of fish,
I undertook the survey of the fishes of these lakes in the fall of
1959 and continued during the summers of 1960 through 1963. Not
only did my study show a rich variety of fish, it also indicated
changes in fish distribution which had taken place since C. Willard
Greene (1935) made his report based on the 1925-1928 survey of
Wisconsin lakes and streams. During the intervening three decades,
fish have moved into new areas of the state via natural or man¬
made waterways. They have crossed from one watershed to an¬
other, from one drainage basin to another. Sometimes man inten¬
tionally effected this movement by transferring these fish in min¬
now bucket or tank; some species have managed this on their own.
I have tried, wherever possible, to point out these changes in the
text which follows.
Assisting me in the field were my sons Kenneth and Dale, who
performed their tasks gratis. Had it been otherwise, the survey
would never have been made. I therefore gratefully acknowledge
their help. Also I am indebted to the following for their advice,
open files and assistance: Vern Hacker, Gordon Priegel, John Kep-
pler, Thomas Wirth, all of the Wisconsin Conservation Department.
I wish to thank Vem Hacker, Gordon Priegel, and Thomas Wirth
for their critical reading of the manuscript and their helpful sug¬
gestions. I assume full responsibility for any errors that remain
or inferences which will not stand up under the test of time.
Lakes Poygan and Winnebago lie in the Great Lakes drainage
basin and drain into the Green Bay waters of Lake Michigan. Both
are eutrophic lakes which in late summer present a problem to
* Mr. Becker is Professor of Biology, Wisconsin State University, Stevens Point,
Wisconsin.
29
30 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
shoreline owners. Growths of algae and rooted aquatics make many
shallows, especially in protected bays, undesirable for bathing and
fishing. In late summer, for instance, the public beach at Fond du
Lac on Lake Winnebago is frequently closed because of algal con¬
tamination, and in Lake Poygan large areas of dense aquatics make
boating difficult, if not impossible.
Located in the counties of Waushara and Winnebago in east-
central Wisconsin, Lake Poygan (Fig. 1), covering 10,992 acres
(Wis. Cons. Dept., 1958), is formed by a widening of the Wolf
River which drains the northeastern quarter of the state. Two
other streams of medium size. Pine River and Willow Creek, flow
into the west end of the lake. Poygan, the second largest natural
lake in the State of Wisconsin, is 7.8 miles long and approximately
3.4 miles wide. Much of the north shore between the west end of
Boom Bay and Bergner’s Point is a shallow swamp thickly grown
with emergent vegetation which makes this area unusable for bath¬
ing but important as a waterfowl area. This swamp, included as
lake proper, extends well out into the lake. During the summer of
1961 wild rice (Zizania aquaticd) appeared as a dominant plant in
the shallower waters around the entire lake. Islands of Scirpus sp.
were seen near all shores of the lake. The lake has a maximum
depth of 12 feet but most of the lake is less than 10 feet deep. The
bottom is mostly firm sand ; however, the bottom of the west shore
and parts of the north are overlain with a thick layer of mud. A
small amount of rubble is found along the southwest shoreline.
Lake Winnebago, located in the counties of Winnebago, Calumet
and Fond du Lac in eastcentral Wisconsin, is the largest inland
lake in the state. It is 28.5 miles long at its longest point, 10.5 miles
wide at its widest point and covers 137,708 acres. Its maximum
depth is 21 feet. A natural dam of glacial drift at the north end
of the lake holds the water in the basin. Its water supply which
pours into the lake at the city of Oshkosh comes primarily from
the Wolf and upper Fox rivers. Lake Winnebago is approximately
17 miles downstream from Poygan and drains to the north through
the lower Fox River into Green Bay of Lake Michigan.
The western shores of Lake Winnebago are low, and on the
southern end near Fond du Lac they are marshy. The high cliffs
of the Niagara escarpment arise from the eastern shores. These
cliffs are not due to wave work but to preglacial and glacial erosion
of resistant limestone underlain by weak shale (Martin, 1916), The
bottom along the east shore is mostly heavy gravel, rubble and
boulders. Due to wave action, very little submergent vegetation is
found here and practically no emergent vegetation. At Waverly
Beach on the far north end of the lake the bottom consists of a
1964] Becker— The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 31
32 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
[Vol. 53 V
series of sandy ridges. The bays on the west side of the lake have ?
bottoms with mud from a few inches to a foot in depth. Where the 1
water is sheltered from wind and wave actions, dense beds of sub-
mergent vegetation appear in late summer. On calm days during
August, shallow and pelagic waters are covered with a heavy scum
of blue-green algae. Occasional points of land jutting out into the
lake have their bottoms swept clear of mud and debris. Here the
shore bottom is generally a firm sand, gravel and/ or rubble.
Origin of Data
The best authority for the record of a species is an actual speci¬
men (e.g., the fish listed in Figs. 2 and 4). Where the specimen
is lacking, I have relied primarily upon the reports of trained biol¬
ogists (e.g.. Figs. 3 and 5). Next, some species are listed on the
authority of commercial fishermen. Lastly a few species are listed
on the basis of newspaper accounts and the word of fishermen.
I have included such species and records only when I felt reasonably
sure of their accuracy.
Fig. 1 gives the stations where I sampled for fish. In Figs. 2 and
4, I have summarized my samplings in Lakes Poygan and Winne¬
bago. At all stations I used a 20' by 4' seine with mesh. The
length of shoreline which was seined at each station varied from
100 to 200 yards. As many habitats as possible were sampled at
a station. These included open water, weed beds, and various bot¬
tom types. Although hauls were made mostly along the shoreline
in water two feet or less in depth, at each station a few hauls
were made in waters up to three-and-one-half feet in depth. On
Lake Poygan, for instance, we sampled around and through beds
of Scirpus sp. which were, in some cases, several hundred feet
from shore. We used here an unorthodox and only partially effec¬
tive seining system which we called the “circle net lift”. In short,
after hauling the seine through a sampling area, the two ends of
the seine were brought together and then a single operator, grasp¬
ing both seine sticks, would quickly back away from the net, pull¬
ing the seine sticks along until the right and left halves of the lead¬
line and the float-line were almost touching one another. Then,
reaching under water, he would gather the doubled-up lead-line
to himself quickly, following this up by gathering in the doubled-up
float-line. The net would then be placed into a tub for releasing
or preserving whatever fish still remained in the bag. The circle
net lift was used primarily with the standard seine. Superior to
it is an especially constructed seine into the middle of which is
sewed a large deep bag. Such a seine is somewhat more effective
Figure 2. Fish Species Taken from Lake Poygan by Shoreline Seining
(George Becker)
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 33
34 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Figure 3, Select Surveys Showing Composition of Samples
FROM Lake Poygan
(1) The presence of Lepisosteus oculatus has not as yet been established in Wisconsin
waters.
(2) White sucker, but may include others.
Figure 4. Fish Species Taken from Lake Winnebago by Shoreline Seining
(George Becker)
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 35
36 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Figure 5.
Select Surveys Sho'wing Composition of Samples
FROM Lake Winnebago
*Whitc sucker, but may include others.
in capturing fish from open water and I used it in a few collec¬
tions on Lake Poygan. I have preserved examples of all species
of fish for each lake studied. These are stored at Wisconsin State
University in Stevens Point, Wisconsin.
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 37
Data on the select surveys from Lake Poygan, which are tabu¬
lated in Fig. 3, are as follows :
Column 1. Vern Hacker/ These data include the first two of three seine
hauls made on the southwest shore, September 29, 1952. Botton, sand.
Water, up to 2.5 feet in depth. 100' x 6' seine with 14" mesh.
Column 2. Thomas Wirth.^ These data include fish taken from the ex¬
treme east end of the lake between January 9 and February 4, 1953,
in two double-end trap nets with 2.5" mesh. Depth of water, 9 to 10
feet.
Column S, W. Berwig & B. J. Rost.^ Trap nets generally of 14 hoops,
size of mesh in pots — 3". Nets were lifted at weekly intervals from
December 22, 1958, to February 12, 1959, and from December 14,
1959, to December 30, 1959. Traps were set well out from shore oppo¬
site stations 6, 7, and 8 (See Fig. 1), in approximately 9 feet of water.
Column 4- Gordon Priegel. A total of 22 hauls were made on August
15, 1961, with a 12-foot bait trawl. This trawl was towed in open
water 6 to 9 feet deep at the end of a 150-foot cable (Priegel, 1962).
Data on the select surveys from Lake Winnebago, which are
tabulated in Fig. 5, are as follows:
Column J. Vern Hacker. These data are for the second haul along the
shoreline of a 100' x 6' seine with 14" mesh. The haul was made on
September 15, 1952, in Asylum Bay which lies five miles north of the
city of Oshkosh.
Column 2, Calumet Harbor & Vern Hacker.^ The data here are a com¬
posite from two studies made by Wisconsin Conservation Department
personnel on Lake Winnebago. The Calumet Harbor rough fish re¬
moval crew inspected a total of 930 trap net sets in open water from
April through November in 1958 and another 690 from April through
November in 1959. Vern Hacker, fishery biologist, tabulated data
from 708 trap net sets in open water from April through November
of 1957 and another 397 from April through November in 1958.
Column 3. Calumet Harbor® & Gordon Priegel. The data here are a com¬
posite from several studies made by the Calumet Harbor rough fish
removal crew and Gordon Priegel, fishery biologist. These studies in¬
clude 16 winter trap net sets inspected from December, 1959, to
March, 1960; 525 open water trap net sets from April to November,
1960; 54 winter net sets from January to February, 1961; 399 open
water trap net sets from April to November, 1961; and 1619 trawl
hauls with a 30-foot trawl during 1961 (Priegel, 1962).
Column 4. Gordon Priegel. Total catch from 187 hauls (five to seven-
minute tows), using a 12-foot bait trawl, from June to November,
1960 (Priegel, 1960).
1 Intra-office memorandum from Vern Hacker to Richard Harris. In Lake Poygan
Pile, Eastcentral Area Hdqts., Wis. Cons. Dept., Oshkosh, Wisconsin.
2 Intra-office memorandum from Tom Wirth to Richard Harris. In Lake Poygan Pile,
Eastcentral Area Hdqts., Wis. Cons. Dept., Oshkosh, Wisconsin.
^ Ledger on rough fish removal from Lake Poygan. On file in Eastcentral Area
Hdqts., Wis. Cons. Dept., Oshkosh, Wis.
^ Intra-ofRce memorandum from Vern Hacker to Richard Harris. In Lake Winne¬
bago Pile, Eastcentral Area Hdqts., Wis. Cons. Dept., Oshkosh, Wis.
® Ledger on rough fish removal from Lake Winnebago. On file in Eastcentral Area
Hdqts., Wis. Cons. Dept., Oshkosh, Wis.
38 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Fish Species and Their Distribution
In the text which follows, after each species' name I have indi¬
cated the name of the lake(s) and station (s) where each was
collected.
1. Silver lamprey- — Ichthyomyzon unicuspis Hubbs & Trautman.
Winnebago, 15. The single adult specimen which I took on August
8, 1960, in a weed-filled bay was 192 mm. long. The lake bottom
at the site of capture was deep, soft mud, I examined another adult,
196 mm. in length, which was taken from Lake Winnebago by a
WCD trawl on September 17, 1959. The site of capture was not
indicated. Priegel (pers. comm.) reported this species as abundant
in Lake Winnebago where as many as 17 lampreys have been taken
off one sturgeon. He also reports this species in the upriver lakes.
2. Chestnut lamprey — Ichthyomyzon castaneus Girard. Wirth
reported taking approximately 20 chestnut lampreys in trap nets
set in Lake Poygan during January and February, 1953 (Fig. 3).
In a personal letter to me (March 5, 1962) he wrote: ‘T recall
having identified both chestnut and silver lampreys in Winnebago
and connecting waters".
3. Lake sturgeon — Acipenser fulvescens Rafinesque. This species
is found commonly in the lakes of the lower Wolf River and in
Lake Winnebago. It spawns in the Wolf River up to the Shawano
dam and in the Fox River up to Princeton. Sturgeon research in
these waters is part of the fisheries program and special efforts
have been made to tag them. A limited spearing season has been
in effect in recent years in which fish 40" or more in length may
be legally taken. The state record sturgeon, speared in Lake Win¬
nebago in 1953, weighed 180 pounds with an estimated age of 82
years.
4. Longnose gar — Lepisosteus osseus (Linnaeus). Poygan 5, 11.
Greene (1935) reported this species from Winnebago. Priegel
(pers. comm.) reported that he has taken the longnose gar in
South Asylum Bay regularly since 1960 and that it spawns in the
bay. In Poygan 148 longnose gar were taken in WCD trap nets
during January and February, 1953.
5. Spotted gar — Lepisosteus oculatus (Winchell). Wirth reported
this species from the east end of Lake Poygan (Fig. 3). Priegel
(pers. comm.) wrote: 'The spotted gar was taken in great num¬
bers in Lake Poygan and Wolf River (mouth of Rat River to
Mills Landing) while boom shocking during the summer, 1962."
Since no actual specimens were available, I sent a colored slide,
furnished by Priegel, to Dr. Reeve M. Bailey, curator of fishes at
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 39
the University of Michigan, for verification as to species. Bailey
in a letter dated Nov. 4, 1963, wrote: ''I know of no substantiation
for the occurrence of L. oculatus in Wisconsin, although it would
not be too surprising to have it turn up in eastern or southern
Wisconsin. ... It is clear from the color photo you sent that the
lower specimen is either platostomus or oculatus but I cannot make
a firm determination.’’
On the basis of the above reports this species should be consid¬
ered questionable for these waters until that time when positive
identification of actual specimens is possible.
6. Shortnose gar—Lepisosteus platostomus Rafinesque. Winne¬
bago 23. Greene (1935) reported the shortnose gar from several
stations on the Mississippi River and from Lake Mendota. To my
knowledge my records for Lake Winnebago are the first for this
species in the Great Lakes drainage basin. Data on five of these
specimens, taken on August 28, 1961, are as follows :
In September, 1962, Priegel (1963a) took a specimen from South
Asylum Bay (station 19), Lake Winnebago. It was sent to Dr.
Bailey, who verified the identification.
It seems likely that this species may have entered the upper
Fox River (Great Lakes drainage) and its lakes via the Fox-
Wisconsin canal at Portage, Wisconsin. According to Hubbs and
Lagler (1958) this species on the north of its range prefers open
silty rivers. My specimens were captured in water less than 1.5
feet in depth between large beds of submergent aquatics. The shal¬
lows abutted a jetty extending out into the lake.
7. Bowfin — Amia calva Linnaeus. Two-hundred-and -fifteen
pounds of dogfish were reported taken at the mouth of Willow
Creek (Lake Poygan, station 9) by commercial fishermen during
May, 1947. During the winter of 1958-59 forty pounds were re¬
ported taken by the WCD sturgeon research and rough fish removal
unit on Poygan. On Lake Winnebago the WCD rough fish removal
crew from Calumet Harbor reported taking one bowfin in 1958 and
40 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
another in 1959. Hacker reported shocking about 20 in Asylum
Bay, August 5, 1962, and that he has noted this species every year
since 1952 (pers. comm.).
8. Mooneye — Hiodon tergisus LeSueur. Greene (1935) captured
this species at several places in Lake Winnebago. The WCD rough
fish removal crew working out of Calumet Harbor on Lake Win¬
nebago reported taking 258 mooneye in 1960 and 1,067 in 1961.
Hacker told me in conversation that he has seen many of these fish
among the docks at Oshkosh during summer evenings. This species
is occasionally caught in Lake Poygan and in the Wolf River
upstream from Lake Poygan.
9. Cisco — Coregonus artedii LeSueur. Priegel reported that on
June 5, 1962, a research crew while shoreline seining in Lake Win¬
nebago off Neenah (northwest shore) took a young cisco, 32 mm.
long (pers. comm.) . The fish was identified by Dr. Bailey. Normally
this species is found in only cold water which is considerably deeper
than that of Lake Winnebago. Its presence in Lake Winnebago
must be considered accidental. Hacker (pers. comm.) believes that
this individual originated from the cisco population of Green Lake.
10. Lake trout — Salvelinus namaycush (Walbaum). According
to Hacker (pers. comm.) lake trout are occasionally taken by fisher¬
men. One was caught in Lake Butte des Morts (between Lakes Poy¬
gan and Winnebago) during the spring of 1962. The finclip indi¬
cated that it came from Green Lake. Another, weighing 17 pounds,
was caught in a fyke net in Little Lake Butte des Morts (outlet
of Lake Winnebago) in about 1955. In April, 1962, a lake trout
was reported caught from the upper Fox River at Eureka dam.
Hacker believes that all must have come from Green Lake.
11. Brook trout — Salvelinus fontinalis (Mitchill) . A brook trout
was reported taken from Lake Winnebago early in 1957 by Ray
and Don Tuttle, commercial fishermen. Otis Smith, another com¬
mercial fisherman, reported capturing a brook trout on April 16,
1958, on the north end of the same lake. The waters of Lake Win¬
nebago can hardly be considered brook trout habitat. It is doubtful
if the above migrants were able to survive summer temperatures.
12. Rainbow trout — Salmo gairdneri Richardson. A rainbow
trout, 19" in length, was taken in WCD nets off Brothertown Point
(east side of Lake Winnebago) on June 19, 1958, in 18 to 20 feet
of water. John Keppler, conservation aid, reported to me that a
rainbow was taken in recent years off Hospital Point (north of
Oshkosh) . On August 28, 1963, a 14.6" rainbow was caught off the
Bowen Street dock at the front of the Wis. Cons. Dept, headquaters
in Oshkosh (Priegel, pers. comm.).
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 41
13. Brown trout- — Salmo trutta Linnaeus. The following article
appeared in the Wisconsin Conservation Bulletin for September,
1938:
Oshkosh — Samuel Kingsley caught a brown trout in Lake Winnebago
near Island beach, north of the city,
Priegel (pers, comm.) wrote that three brown trout were caught
off Fairy Springs (near station 9) in Lake Winnebago during
August and September, 1962. A resort owner on the west end of
Lake Poygan told me that brown trout are occasionally taken in
early spring from the open water. Undoubtedly such salmon ids
have drifted into Poygan and the lower lakes from streams like
the Pine River (Poygan, station 3) and Willow Creek (Poygan,
station 4).
Conditions in the lakes of the upper Fox River are unsuitable
for trout, and the above records are unusual. It is doubtful if any
spawning takes place in these lakes.
14. White sucker — Catostomus commersoni (Lacepede). Poygan
4, 5, 8, 9, 10; Winnebago 3, 5, 8, 9, 14, 15, 21. This species is com¬
monly taken in Lake Poygan. Hundreds of pounds are removed
yearly by rough fish removal crews. A limited study by Wirth (Fig.
3) revealed the capture of 24 common suckers which represented
0.4% of the catch. I find that this species frequents the deeper
water of the lake. In our shallow-water seining we captured only
12 specimens at five stations on Poygan. On Lake Winnebago com¬
mercial fishermen removed thousands of pounds yearly. The Calu¬
met Harbor (WCD) rough fish removal crew captured 6,553 suckers
from April, 1957, to November, 1959.
15. Northern redhorse-^M'oxosfoma macrolepidotum (LeSueur) .
Poygan 1, 5, 8, 10. This species appears to be the most common
sucker in Lake Poygan. Wirth (Fig. 3) captured 148, representing
3.0% of the total catch. Between December, 1958, and December,
1959, the WCD rough fish removal crew on Lake Poygan removed
1,015 pounds of redhorse against 785 pounds of all other suckers
(mostly Catostomus commersoni and some Minytrema melanops) .
From Lake Winnebago the Calumet Harbor (WCD) rough fish
removal crew captured 452 redhorse between April, 1957, and
November, 1959,
16. Spotted sucker — Minytrema melanops (Refinesque) . Poygan
2. This species has been recorded regularly from Lake Poygan
although it is the least common of the species of suckers present.
Wirth (Fig. 3) took four specimens in his study. I took only one
in 1960. Hacker (Fig. 3) captured 27. Greene (1935) did not cap¬
ture the spotted sucker from Lake Poygan but took it from Willow
42 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Creek, several miles upstream from its mouth at Lake Poygan.
Priegel reported to me that this species is found throughout the
upper Fox River and in the Wolf River up to the Shawano Dam.
He captured this species from South Asylum Bay (station 9) of
Lake Winnebago while boom shocking in September, 1963.
17. Lake chubsucker — Erimyzon sucetta (LacepMe). Priegel
captured a specimen from Boom Bay in Lake Poygan while boom
shocking in the summer of 1962. Greene (1935) reported the lake
chubsucker from Willow Creek several miles upstream from Lake
Poygan. Hacker (pers. comm.) wrote that it is abundant in the
Auroraville Pond on Willow Creek.
18. Quillback — Carpiodes cyprinus (LeSueur). Commercial fish¬
ermen and rough fish removal crews refer to this species as the
‘‘white carp”. A catch of 500 pounds was reported by WCD crews
for April 29, 1947, near Herbst (station 6) on Lake Poygan. On
May 14 of the same year another catch of 100 pounds was made.
From December, 1958 to December, 1959, about 65 pounds of quill¬
back were taken by WCD fishing crews between Herbst and Brett-
schneider (stations 6 and 7). From the records in WCD files which
I have seen it is apparent that this species has decreased in num¬
bers in Lake Poygan and it is taken infrequently at the present
time. In Lake Winnebago Greene (1935) reported this species from
seven different localities. The Calumet Harbor (WCD) rough fish
removal crew captured 5,408 individuals from April, 1957, to
November, 1959. During 1960 up through February, 1961, 1,655
individuals were captured.
19. Buffalofish — Ictiobus sp. Infrequent records of “buffalofish”
appear in the commercial fish reports from Lake Winnebago. Otis
Smith, a commercial fisherman, reported one individual captured
with a trap net in May, 1956, and another with an open water trap
in the fall of 1957. One individual was reported by the WCD rough
fish removal crew in a trap net at Fond du Lac. Richard Harris,
Area Supervisor of fisheries at Oshkosh, told me that the buffalo-
fish is rare in Lake Winnebago. I have not been able to find any
specimens to verify as to species ; however, it seems likely that the
form taken in Lake Winnebago may be the bigmouth buffalo, Icti¬
obus cyprinellus. Nevertheless, all the above is conjecture and must
be considered tentative to the capture and verification of an actual
specimen.
20. Carp — Cyprinus carpio Linnaeus. Poygan 8, 9; Winnebago
11, 12, 13, 15, 18, 22, 23. Priegel stated that carp are abundant in
Lake Poygan and quite common in Lake Winnebago. He cited the
following records for Lake Poygan: April 11, 1961, at Lone Wil¬
low one seine haul 1,200 feet long — 3,000 pounds of carp; April 20,
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 43
1961, at Haul over bay, one seine haul 1,200 feet long — 16,000
pounds of carp. For Lake Winnebago : June 27, 1960, at Supple’s
Marsh near Fond du Lac, one seine haul 4,500 feet long~18,400
pounds of carp; June 8, 1961, at Supple’s Marsh, one seine haul
4,500 feet long-— 8,000 pounds of carp (pers. comm,).
21, Central stoneroller-— Campostomo. anomalum pullum (Agas¬
siz). Greene (1935) reported this species from the east shore of
Lake Winnebago. Although considered a stream fish, the stone-
roller commonly seeks water of lower gradient after spawning and
it is possible to encounter this species in lakes near the mouths of
streams from which it has migrated.
22, Longnose dace — -Rhinichthys cataractae (Valenciennes),
Priegel (pers. comm., Dec. 9, 1963) reported seeing this minnow
seined by a minnow dealer in late September, 1960, from the west
shore of Lake Winnebago just south of the mouth of the upper
Fox River.
23, Pugnose minnow — Opsopoeodus emiliae (Hay). Poygan 1,
3, 5. Greene (1935) reported the pugnose as a rare minnow of the
Mississippi drainage. It is generally southern in distribution and is
probably a recent arrival in Wisconsin. My three collections from
the western end of Lake Poygan in 1959 and 1960 are the first
reported from the Great Lakes drainage of the state of Wisconsin.
Priegel reported taking five adult pugnose minnows while shore¬
line seining in Lake Winnebago on June 14, 1962, off the south
side bathing beach at Oshkosh (pers. comm.).
24, Golden ^hineT—Notemigonus crysoleucas (Mitchill). Poygan
2, 8, 9; Winnebago 8, 15. Although this species appears to be gen¬
erally distributed in Lake Poygan, it is not numerous. Greene
(1935) captured the golden shiner at only one station for each lake.
25, Northern redbelly dace — -Chrosomus eos Cope. Priegel (pers.
comm., Dec. 9, 1963) reported seeing this minnow seined by a min¬
now dealer in late September, 1960, from the west shore of Lake
Winnebago just south of the mouth of the upper Fox River.
26, Bluntnose mmiiOw—-Pimephales notatus (Rafinesque) . Poy¬
gan 2, 4, 8, 9; Winnebago 15, 19, 23. This species, commonly dis¬
tributed throughout the state, is uncommon in Lake Winnebago and
common only in certain shoreline areas of Lake Poygan.
27, Fathead minnow — Pimephales promelas Rafinesque. Winne¬
bago 5. The single individual captured was probably a release from
a fisherman’s minnow pail.
28, Hornyhead Qh\xh~-Hyhopsis higuttata (Kirtland), Poygan 9.
This species is typically a minnow of clear medium-sized streams.
It is seldom taken in lakes or quiet water.
44 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
29. Spottail shiner— iVotropis hudsonius (Clinton). Poygan 1, 2,
5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11; Winnebago 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17,
19, 20, 21. This species is common in Lake Winnebago and abun¬
dant in Lake Poygan. In the latter it was the most common minnow
found. Large schools of young-of-the-year were captured and many
more wriggled through the mesh of the net and were lost. Numeri¬
cally, the spottail was second to the yellow perch (Fig. 2). Adults
of this species are commonly found in the open lake. Greene (1935)
took this species at one station on Lake Poygan and at several
stations on Lake Winnebago.
30. Spotfin shiner — Notropis spilopterus (Cope). Poygan 2, 4, 6,
8, 10, 11 ; Winnebago 6, 13, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23. This species is
of general distribution in the lakes of the Wolf and Fox rivers. It
is commonly found in shallow water, often in the vicinity of piers.
Greene (1935) took this species at one station on Lake Poygan
and at all stations on Lake Winnebago.
31. Common shiner — Notropis cornutus (Mitchill). Poygan 2,
4, 6, 9 ; Winnebago 1, 7, 8, 21, 23. In the present survey this min¬
now was not considered common, although its distribution appears
to be general. It was more frequently found where the water was
clear and the bottom of gravel.
32. Blackchin shiner — Notropis heterodon (Cope). Poygan 4, 8,
9. This minnow was nowhere common in Lake Poygan. At the
stations where I took this minnow, the bottom was of sand or mud,
covered with a fine silt which resulted in heavily roiled waters as
we dragged the seine. Vern Hacker (Fig. 5) estimated that he
captured 50 in Asylum Bay on Lake Winnebago in September,
1952,
33. Blacknose shiner — Notropis heterolepis Eigenmann & Eigen-
mann. Poygan 9. In Central Wisconsin I have taken this species
in small silt-bottom lakes and in small streams with slow to medium
current. In larger lakes, if found at all, it was taken in protected
bays generally on the north side of the lake.
34. Pugnose shiner — Notropis ano genus Forbes. Poygan 9. Two
individuals were captured from this station on Boom Bay on
August 8, 1961. In order to secure an adequate study sample of
this rare minnow I made a return trip to the same area on July 8,
1963, at which time I took 41 individuals. During the 1963 trip the
vegetation in the area was very heavy. There were considerable
stands of bulrush (Scirpus sp.). Submergent vegetation coupled
with heavy growths of filamentous algae (primarily Spirogyra sp.)
made seining difficult. The water was clear. Several springs had
been piped into the bay at that point. The bottom consisted of fine
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 45
gravel and sand overlain with a very fine silt. Because of the prob¬
lems encountered with the vegetation we seined primarily the areas
which had been cleared alongside piers for boat passage and swim¬
ming. The pugnose shiners were in these open areas in schools of
a dozen or more fish in water one-and-one half feet or less in depth.
All individuals were taken within thirty feet of shore.
35. Emerald shiner — Notropis atherinoides Rafinesque. Poygan
9, 11 : Winnebago 1 through 17, 19, 21, 22, 23. The emerald shiner
appears to be the most common minnow in Lake Winnebago and
is present in both shallow water and in the open lake. According
to Priegel (1962a) it is the preferred forage fish during the win¬
ter for the walleyes of Lake Winnebago. For the sauger it is, next
to the trout-perch, the most frequently found forage fish in stomach
analyses. Apparently this shiner fluctuates greatly in numbers on
Lake Winnebago. Priegel (1960) found that it decreased by 12.5%
from 1959 to 1960. Also the young-of-the-year averaged 2.1" in
length in October, 1959, but only 1.6" in October, 1960.
36. Bigmouth shiner— Notropis dorsalis (Agassiz) . Poygan 2.
The single individual captured was probably a migrant from one
of the streams opening into the west end of Lake Poygan. Nor¬
mally this species is found in moderate-sized streams over sand
bottom.
37. River shiner— -No fropis blennius (Girard). Winnebago 3, 7,
8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17. This species is commonly distributed
over the northern and eastern shores of Lake Winnebago over
sandy and rocky bottom. Next to the emerald shiner it appears to
be the most common minnow in the lake. According to Hubbs and
Lagler (1958), Lake Winnebago is the only water in the Great
Lakes drainage from which this species is known. It is a common
minnow in the larger waters of the Mississippi River drainage
basin.
38. Sand shiner— Notropis stramineus (Cope). Winnebago 15.
The sand shiner is a common species in medium and large-sized
streams. In Wisconsin it is taken only infrequently in lakes. In
Michigan lakes, Hubbs and Cooper (1936) report the species as
frequenting sandy shoal areas.
39. Black bullhead— I ctalurus melas (Rafinesque) . Winnebago
15, 17, 18, 23. Greene (1935) reported this species from Lake Win¬
nebago. The black bullhead prefers the mud-bottomed and silt-
covered bays found on the west side of Lake Winnebago. Priegel
reported taking this species while seining in Lake Poygan during
the summer of 1962 (pers. comm.) .
46 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
40. Yellow bullhead' — Ictalurus natalis (LeSueur). Poygan 2, 8.
Priegel reported having taken this species often in Lakes Poygan
and Winnebago while seining, trawling or netting (pers. comm.).
41. Brown bullhead — Ictalurus nehulosus (LeSueur). Poygan 8;
Winnebago 23. Greene (1935) had a single record from Lake Win¬
nebago at Oshkosh.
42. Channel csitfis>h— Ictalurus punctatus (Rafinesque) . Poygan
5; Winnebago 10. This species is one of the most common of the
larger fishes in Lake Poygan. In 1953 Wirth (Fig. 3), using 2%"
trap nets captured 3,530 catfish which made up 62.9% of the total
catch. On the same lake other WCD research crews captured 4,100
catfish in the period between December, 1958, and December, 1959
(Fig. 3). On a pound-to-pound basis this was exceeded only by the
fresh- water drum. The channel cat is also common in Lake Winne¬
bago although numerically it is superseded by several species of
game and rough fishes (Fig. 5). The catfish is distributed through¬
out both Poygan and Winnebago and during the day appears to
confine itself to the deeper waters.
43. Flathead catfish — Pylodictis olivaris (Rafinesque). Greene
U935) reported this species only from the Mississippi drainage
of Wisconsin. The records from Lakes Poygan and Winnebago are
the first for the Great Lakes drainage in the State of Wisconsin,
In recent years this species has been taken consistently but in small
numbers from both Lake Winnebago and Lake Poygan (Figs. 3
and 5). From April, 1957, to November, 1959, 13 fiathead catfish
were reported taken in trap nets from Lake Winnebago by commer¬
cial fishermen. Individuals from 20 to 40 pounds in weight are not
uncommon.
44. Tadpole madtom — Noturus gyrinus (Mitchill). Poygan 1, 2,
7, 8, 9, 10; Winnebago 22, 23. This species is rare in Lake Winne¬
bago. In Lake Poygan its distribution is more general but it is still
uncommon.
45. Central mudminnow — -Umbra limi (Kirtland). Poygan 9.
The mudminnow is commonly found in bog lakes and small streams
in Central Wisconsin. It has seldom been taken in large lakes.
46. Northern pike^ — Esox lucius Linnaeus. Poygan 1, 2; Winne¬
bago 5, 18, 22. Greene (1935) reported this species from several
stations on Lake Winnebago. It appears to be more generally dis¬
tributed than my station data indicate.
47. Muskellunge — Esox masquinongy Mitchill. Greene (1935)
recorded a report of muskellunge from Lake Winnebago. Netting
operations on that lake in recent years indicate that a small popu¬
lation is present (Fig. 5). Between April, 1957, and November,
1964] Becker— The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 47
1959, commercial fishermen reported capturing a total of 46 indi¬
viduals from the lake. I was not able to find any reports of this
species from Lake Poygan although conditions there appear to be
favorable for it.
48. Banded kiWifi^h—F undulus diaphanus (LeSueur). Poygan 1,
2, 4, 9, 10. Greene (1935) reported this species from five stations
on Lake Winnebago although none of the recent surveys captured
it there.
49. Burbot-— Lota lota (Linnaeus). Poygan 1, 4; Winnebago 21,
23. Greene (1935) reported this species from four stations on Lake
Winnebago. Priegel wrote that tons of lawyers are taken with nets
from Lake Winnebago during their spawning season (pers. comm.) .
50. Trout-perch— Porcopsts omiscomaycus (Walbaum). Poygan
1; Winnebago 13. Since the trout-perch frequents open water, it
is seldom taken by shoreline seining. In trawl hauls it is commonly
captured, frequently appearing as the most abundant species in
the catch. In Lake Poygan it comprised 53.4% of the catch in 22
trawl hauls (Fig. 3) ; in Winnebago, 62.4% of the catch (Fig. 5).
This small species is a mainstay in the winter diet for both wall¬
eyes and sauger in Lake Winnebago (Priegel, 1962a). Priegel
(1959) observed large numbers of trout-perch which were spawn¬
ing among the rocks along the east shore of Lake Winnebago.
51. White bass— Poccas chrysops (Rafinesque). Poygan 1, 5, 6,
7 ; Winnebago 1, 2, 3, 5 through 13, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23. Greene
(1935) reported this species from many stations on Lake Winne¬
bago. The majority of white bass taken from Poygan and Winne¬
bago by shoreline seining were young-of-the-year. They constituted
a substantial percentage of the catch (Figs. 2 & 4) . Fishermen com¬
plained frequently that Lake Winnebago was over-populated with
this species.
52. Yellow bass— Poecas mississippiensis (Jordan & Eigen-
mann) . Poygan 1, 7, 11 ; Winnebago 1, 2, 3, 5 through 19, 21, 22, 23,
Greene (1935) reported this species from a few stations on the
Mississippi River. Since then, it has been taken from many inland
waters in southern Wisconsin (Helm, 1958). In Lake Winnebago I
found this species as widely distributed as the white bass. The
largest yellow bass on record from Wisconsin waters was taken in a
state fish management trap net from Lake Poygan in January, 1964.
It measured 16.2 inches in length, weighed three pounds two ounces
and was six years old.
53. Yellow perch— Perea flavescens (Mitchell). Poygan 1 through
11; Winnebago 1, 5, 8, 9, 10, 12 through 17, 19 through 23. The
perch is probably the most abundant panfish in Lake Poygan, and
in Winnebago it is second only to the white bass.
48 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
54. Sauger — Stizostedion canadense (Smith) . Hook and line win¬
ter fishing produces sauger in great numbers in Lake Winnebago.
For the same lake, Priegel reported good 1957 and 1959 year classes
but that there is no evidence for successful hatches in 1960, 1961
and 1962 (pers. comm.). Food habits of the sauger in Lake Winne¬
bago are discussed by Priegel (1963b). Greene (1935) reported a
record for Lake Winnebago, but he failed to take any in his own
collections. A single specimen was taken in a trap net in 1953 from
Lake Poygan.
55. Walleye — Stizostedion vitreum vitreum (Mitchill). Poygan
1, 5, 7, 8; Winnebago 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 20, 23. Greene
(1935) took this species in both lakes. The walleye is considered one
of the most important game fishes in Lakes Poygan and Winnebago
where it appears to have general distribution. In the spring of the
year many walleyes from these lakes migrate up the Wolf and Fox
rivers to spawn. After the eggs are hatched, the fry are quickly
carried downstream by the current to the lakes of the lower Wolf
River (Priegel, 1960). Priegel (1963b) has analyzed the fall and
winter food habits of walleyes from Lake Winnebago.
56. River darter — Percina shumardi (Girard). Poygan 11; Win¬
nebago 10, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22. Greene (1935) captured this
species only from the Mississippi drainage in Wisconsin. In addi¬
tion to the Poygan and Winnebago collections, I have taken the
river darter from the lower Waupaca River, two miles downstream
from Weyauwega, Waupaca County. These apparently are the first
records of this species from the Great Lakes drainage in the State
of Wisconsin. The Fox-Wisconsin canal at Portage, Wisconsin,
probably acted as a connective between the two drainage basins.
The spread of this species is similar to that indicated for the rain¬
bow darter (Etheostoma caeruleunv), discussed in a previous paper
(Becker, 1959).
57. Blackside darter — Percina maculata (Girard), Poygan 4.
This darter is taken commonly in medium to large-sized streams.
It is uncommon in lakes.
58. Logperch — Percina caprodes (Rafinesque) . Poygan 1, 4, 5,
6, 7, 8, 10, 11 ; Winnebago 1, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 16 through 23. (Ireene
(1935) reported this species from Lakes Winnebago and Poygan.
The logperch is generally distributed throughout the shores of these
lakes where the bottom is of heavy gravel, rubble or boulders. It is
found commonly on the wave-swept shores and seldom in those
areas protected from wind action.
59. Johnny darter — Etheostoma nigrum Rafinesque. Poygan 2,
6 through 11 ; Winnebago 2, 3, 6, 15, 20, 22. Greene (1935) reported
this species from several stations along the eastern shore of Lake
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 49
Winnebago. The form taken in this survey was that subspecies
formerly called the scaly Johnny darter (Etheostoma nigrum eu~
lepis)j described by Hubbs and Greene (1935), in which the nape
of the neck, the cheeks and the breast are well-scaled. Recently
Underhill (1936) has presented evidence that it is undesirable to
continue to recognize the scaled form as a subspecies,
60. Iowa ddiXteT— Etheostoma exile (Girard). Poygan 9. This
species is commonly taken from boggy lakes and streams draining
such lakes in Central Wisconsin. Its appearance in a large lake such
as Poygan is unusual.
61. Fantail Etheostoma flabellare Rafinesque. Greene
(1935) recorded this species for Lake Winnebago at the point where
the upper Fox River enters the lake.
62. Smallmouth h^ss—Micropterus dolomieui Lacepede, Winne¬
bago 16, 17, 18. Greene (1935) reported this species from Lake
Winnebago, Several samplings in the deeper waters of Lake Poygan
included the smallmouth (Fig. 3). In Lake Winnebago this species
is found most commonly along the east and northwest shores.
63. Largemouth bass— Micr opt erus salmoides (Lacepede). Poy¬
gan 1, 2, 4 through 11; Winnebago 15, 19. The largemouth bass is
commonly found throughout Lake Poygan where extensive weedy
areas provide excellent habitat for it. Lake Winnebago has sub-
mergent vegetation only in a few mud-bottomed bays on the west
shore. Due to restriction of proper habitat this species is uncom¬
mon in that lake, Hacker reported that he saw about 15 nice large¬
mouth bass in Asylum Bay while shocking on September 5, 1962
(pers. comm.).
64. Pumpkinseed-— Lcpomis gibbosus (Linnaeus), Poygan 1, 2,
3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10; Winnebago 2, 5, 15, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23. Greene
(1935) reported this species from Poygan and Winnebago. I have
found that the pumpkinseed has a general distribution along the
shores of both lakes. In Lake Winnebago it is more commonly taken
from the bays on the west shore and is rare to uncommon on the
east shore. In Lake Poygan this species is abundant and constitutes
a large part of the panfish population.
65. Bluegill — Lepomis macrochirus Rafinesque. Poygan 1 through
11; Winnebago 1, 3, 4, 5, 10, 12, 13, 15 through 23. Greene (1935)
captured this species from the north end of Lake Winnebago. Al¬
though this species made up almost 12% of all the total number of
fish which I captured from Lake Winnebago, I frequently heard
about the absence or shortage of this species in that lake. Fisher¬
men in some cases doubted the presence of the bluegill in Winne¬
bago until I showed them specimens, Priegel reported that the blue-
50 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
gillj except as a rare specimen, has never entered the Lake Winne¬
bago fishery (pers. comm.) .
66. Rock bass — Amhloplites rupestris (Rafinesque) . Poygan 5,
8, 9; Winnebago 17, 19. Greene (1935) captured this species in
Lakes Poygan and Winnebago. The enrichment of these waters by
effluent and chemical fertilizers will continue to interfere with the
establishment of a strong population of this species. It is doubtful
that the rock bass will ever contribute much to the fisherman’s
catch from these lakes.
67. White crappie — Pomoxis annularis Rafinesque. Winnebago
10. Greene (1935) captured this species from several sites on the
Mississippi River and its tributaries. He took it in the Lake Michi¬
gan drainage only from the Root River in the southeastern corner
of the state. In addition to the single specimen from Lake Winne¬
bago, I made another capture on July 30, 1960, from a feeder stream
to the Grand River in Green Lake County. This stream, lying in
the Lake Michigan drainage basin, is not far from the Fox-Wiscon-
sin canal at Portage. Hacker reported this species as common in
Kingston Pond of the Grand River (pers. comm.) , It appears possi¬
ble, therefore, that the canal at Portage may have acted as a route
whereby this species recently passed from the Mississippi into the
Great Lakes drainage of Eastcentral Wisconsin. Berwig and Rost
(Fig. 3) reported this species from Lake Poygan.
68. Black crappie — Pomoxis nigromaculatus (LeSueur) . Poygan
1, 2, 5 through 10; Winnebago 1, 15, 17 through 23. This species
was captured by Greene (1935) in both lakes. It is abundant and
well distributed in Lake Poygan and common on the western and
southern shores of Lake Winnebago.
69. Freshwater drum — -Aplodinotus grunniens Rafinesque. Poy¬
gan 11; Winnebago 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17 through 23.
Greene (1935) captured this species at several stations on Lake
Winnebago. Numerically it is the most successful species of large
fish found in that water (Fig. 5). With the 20-foot seine I cap¬
tured several individuals weighing over three pounds. According to
Priegel over 30 million pounds have been removed from Lake Win¬
nebago in the last decade (pers. comm.). More pounds of drum
have been netted from Lake Poygan than any other species of fish
(Fig. 3).
70. Mottled sculpin — Cottus hairdii (Girard). Winnebago 5, 15,
18, 20, 22, 23. This species appears to be generally distributed in
Lake Winnebago. All individuals which I captured were two inches
or less in total length, averaging considerably shorter than those I
have taken in the streams of Central Wisconsin.
1964] Becker — The Fishes of Lakes Poygan and Winnebago 51
71. Brook stickleback — Eucalia inconsians (Kirtland). Priegel
(pers. comm., Dec. 9, 1963) reported seeing this species seined by
a minnow dealer in late September, 1960, from the west shore of
Lake Winnebago just south of the mouth of the Fox River. In
another letter (Dec. 10, 1963) he reported a specimen, 0.9 inches
in length, which he took while shoreline seining off the east shore
of Lake Winnebago on June 20, 1962.
Undoubtedly additional species of fish would be found in these
lakes with more intensive sampling. It is of interest here to con¬
sider a collection of fishes made by Mr. Richard Simpson of Apple-
ton who on April 21, 1962, seined the lowermost portion of a small
creek and its mouth near KerFs Resort on Boom Bay of Lake Poy¬
gan. I examined the collection and aside from some species listed
above I found the northern mimic shiner (Notropis v. volucellus)
and the rosyface shiner (Notropis ruhellus). Mr. Simpson was not
sure whether these species had been taken in the Boom Bay portion
of Lake Poygan or in the stream itself.
Sampling these lakes during the winter would probably produce
several species of minnows and darters which are normally found
only in streams. Ice has in the past rather effectively concealed the
winter distribution of our fish fauna. For instance, we know now
that the creek chub (Semotilus atromaculatus) , which spends the
spring, summer and early fall near the headwaters of a stream, will
migrate downstream and pass the winter in a large river or lake
(Trautman, 1957), As the ice goes out, this species migrates up¬
stream to spawn where it will remain until the following fall. The
longnose dace engages in similar migratory habits. However, a few
individuals may move from the torrential parts of the stream,
where they are normally found from April through November, into
adjacent shallow iced-over pools during the months of January,
February and March (Becker, 1962). Actually the 71 species listed
above are a countdown of the spring and summer forms. An equally
thorough sampling of the fall and winter population of the same
lakes would undoubtedly show a considerably enriched fish fauna.
References
Becker, George C. 1959. Distribution of Central Wisconsin fishes. Trans.
Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts & Letters. 48:65-102.
Becker, George C. 1962, Intra-specific variation in Rhinichthys c. catar-
actae (Valenciennes) and Rhinichthys atratulus meleagris (Agassiz) and
anatomical and ecological studies of Rhinichthys c. cataractae. Ph.D.
Thesis. Univ, of Wisconsin. (Order No. 62-1954) 279 pp. Univ. Microfilms.
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Greene, C, Willard. 1935. Distribution of Wisconsin fishes. Wis. Cons. Comm.,
Madison, Wis. 235 pp.
52 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Helm, William T. 1958. A ‘‘new” fish in Wisconsin. Wis. Cons. Dept., Madison,
Wis. Wis. Cons. Bull. 23(7) : 10-12.
Hubbs, Carl L. and Gerald Cooper. 1936. Minnows of Michigan. Cranbrook
Instit, of Sci. Bull. 8:84 pp.
Hubbs, Carl L. and C. Willard Greene. 1935. Two new subspecies of fishes
from Wisconsin. Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts & Letters. 28:89-101.
Hubbs, Carl L. and Karl F. Lagler. 1958. Fishes of the Great Lakes region
(revised edit.). Cranbrook Instit. of Sci. Bull. 26:213 pp.
Martin, Lawrence. 1916. The physical geography of Wisconsin. Wis. Geol. &
Nat. Hist. Surv. Bull. 36:549 pp.
Priegel, Gordon R. 1959. Winnebago studies — annual progress report for the
period Jan. 1 to Dec. 31, 1959. Wis. Cons. Dept. Fish Man. Div. Research
Sect. Oshkosh, Wis. 41 pp. (mimeog.).
Priegel, Gordon R, 1960. Winnebago studies— annual progress report for the
period Jan. 1 to Dec. 31, 1960. Wis. Cons. Dept. Fish Man. Div. Research
Sect. Oshkosh, Wis. 56 pp. (mimeog.).
Priegel, Gordon R. 1962. Winnebago studies — annual progress report for the
period Jan. 1 to Dec. 31, 1961. Wis. Cons. Dept. Fish Man. Div. Research
Sect. Oshkosh, Wis. 75 pp. (mimeog.).
Priegel, Gordon R. 1962a. Winnebago winter menu. Wis. Cons. Dept. Madison,
Wis. Wis. Cons. Bull. 27(1) : 20-21.
Priegel, Gordon R. 1963a. Dispersal of the shortnose gar, Lepisosteus plato-
stomusj into the Great Lakes drainage. Trans. Amer. Fish. Soc. 92(2) :178.
Priegel, Gordon R. 1963b. Food of walleye and sauger in Lake Winnebago,
Wisconsin Trans. Amer. Fish. Soc. 92(3) :312-13.
Trautman, Milton B. 1957. The fishes of Ohio. Ohio State Univ. Press. 683 pp.
Underhill, James C. 1963. Distribution in Minnesota of the subspecies of the
percid fish Etheostoma nigrum and of their intergrades. Amer. Mid. Nat.
70(2) :470-478.
Wisconsin Conservation Department. 1958. Wisconsin lakes. Wis. Cons. Dept
Madison, Wis. Publ. 218-58:35 pp.
DIE FREIEN GEMEINDEN IN WISCONSIN
Berenice Cooper^''
If a tourist of today should wander two blocks from the main
street of Sauk City, Wisconsin, and come upon a large wooden
building standing at the edge of a shaded park, he might be curi¬
ous about the name, Freie Gemeinde, on a small metal plate at the
corner of the building. The old-fashioned bandstand in the center of
the park implies community gatherings in the past. The tall pine
trees suggest daytime picnics over a period of years. Inquiries into
the significance of this building and the surrounding park will re¬
veal that both are the property of the Free Congregation of Sauk
City.^ Park Hall was erected in 1884 by the Freie Gemeinde (since
1937 known as the Free Congregation) of Sauk City, an organiza¬
tion founded there in 1852 by German-American settlers, who
brought with them from their fatherland this free thought move¬
ment (X, pp. 1, 15, 19; XI, pp. 169-72).
Among the German Forty-eighters who settled here and in other
Wisconsin communities were members of Free Congregations
formed in Germany after 1840 (V, pp. 9-10; IX, pp. 673-75).^
From Burlington north to Sheboygan and across the state through
Mayville to Bostwick Valley,^ there were in 1852 thirty similar so¬
cieties of free-thinking Germans (I, December 1862, p. 91). But
today Sauk City and Milwaukee are the only Freien Gemeinden
which are still active.
* Miss Berenice Cooper is Professor Emeritus, Department of English, Wisconsin
State College, Superior.
1 The congregation was organized as the Freie Gemeinde von Sauk County because
many of the members were farmers living near Honey Creek and Merrimac and in
other directions. In 1861 Honey Creek built a hall of their own; in 1863 Merrimac
dedicated their hall. Although there is no longer a congregation at Honey Creek, the
hall is kept in good repair and the cemetery around it is maintained by a cemetery
association, Mrs. Clara Runge says that Merrimac hall was sold to the Merrimac
Gesangverein in 1878 (X, p. 13). The active group is now in Sauk City and is spoken
of as the Free Congregation of Sauk City.
2 The Germans who migrated to the United States after the 1848 Revolution failed,
are usually referred to as the “Forty-eighters.” Often they immigrated to escape politi¬
cal or religious persecution by the victorious reactionary forces. A. E. Zucker is editor
of a book of essays by different historians. The Forty-eighters : Political Refugees of
the German Revolution of 18^8 (New York, 1950).
3 In the passage cited from his reminiscences, Eduard Schroter lists the following
gemeinden as active in 1852 : Burlington, Calumet, Cedarburg, Fond du Lac, German¬
town, Hermann, Howel’s Road, Jefferson, Koskonony, Kilbourn Road, Madison, Mani¬
towoc, Mayville, Mequon River, Milwaukee, New Holstein, Oshkosh, Plymouth, Polk-
town, Racine, Schleisingerville, Sheboygan, Sheboygan Palls, Theresa, Town Rhine,
Two Rivers, Watertown, Waterville, Waukesha, West Bend.
53
54 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The history of the German Free Congregations (Freien Gemein-
deri)^ in Wisconsin began in Germany in 1840-46/ when both Pro¬
testant and Catholic groups revolted against authoritarianism in
church government and in theological dogma and withdrew from
their orthodox churches to become independent groups (V, pp. 3-5 ;
IX, pp. 672-73). Those members who came to the United States
brought with them the principles of independence of the congrega¬
tion and freedom of thought for the individual which became basic
in the organizations formed in thirty Wisconsin communities.
The story of these independent-thinking societies belongs in the
history of movements which have contributed to intellectual and
religious liberalism in Wisconsin. Evidence of their rational philoso¬
phy and their democratic practices, which will be cited in this
paper, show that nineteenth century science and humanism were
strong influences upon the beliefs of the Freien Gemeinden. Al¬
though they did not unite with the Free Religious Association of the
United States, they extended to them the hand of fellowship and
sent observer-representatives to their conventions (I, March 1869,
pp. 138-43; May 1869, p. 172; September 1870, p. 140).^
The purpose of this research is to discover and organize chrono¬
logically the available information about the Freien Gemeinden in
Wisconsin so that their signiflcance in the cultural history of the
state may be apparent. This paper reports only the beginning of a
continuing effort to discover more facts about the decline of the
Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin from thirty congregations in 1852
to the two surviving societies of 1964.
Since these Free Congregations are almost forgotten in Wiscon¬
sin, it may be appropriate to begin with some examples of their
distinctive beliefs and practices. The constitutions of the two sur¬
viving societies, the resolutions passed when local congregations
met in national convention to discuss and recommend, but not to
legislate, the free thought magazine. Blatter fiir freies religioses
Lehen, and reports of the national association, are some of the most
useful sources for this information.
Like all Free Congregations in Germany and the United States,
the Wisconsin groups guarded the independence of the congregation
and the individual. The local organization was the highest authority
^ The history of the movement in Germany and the causes of migration to the
United States, written from the point of view of a Forty-eighter, may be found in
Friedrick Schiinemann-Pott’s Die Freie Gemeinde (Philadelphia, 1861).
5 The executive committee of the Bund suggested cooperation between the two
organizations through Bund members joining as individuals the Free Religious Asso¬
ciation and through exchange of publications. The committee wrote to the F.R.A. in
English and included an English tr^inslation of the Bund constitution to show the simi¬
larity of the aims of the two organizations. In May, 1870, Alexander Loos, secretary
of the Bund, attended the Boston meeting of the F.R.A. See Blatter . . . XV :3 (Sep¬
tember 1870) 38-40, for his report.
1964] Cooper— Die Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin
55
in church government and there were no specific beliefs which every
member must accept. The Sauk City congregation made this state¬
ment in Article II, sections 4 and 5 of its constitution adopted in
1853 :
There shall be no doctrine formally stated and authoritatively pro¬
claimed or laid down, as by a church. We shall endeavor, however, to in¬
stitute a self-sufficient philosophy in keeping with our ideals. We shall not
profess atheism (theoretically), the denial or disbelief in the existence of
a Supreme Being, but rather a practical atheism, namely: living so that
we can interpret our Supreme Being as we desire and hold our own con¬
ception of immortality.
We shall not designate any member to function as a priest or a minister
does in a church. We shall have no specified lecturer or teacher unless the
congregation so decides.
Nowhere in the constitution of Sauk City is there mention of an
authority higher than the congregation.
A national association of congregations, Bund der freien Gemein¬
den von Nordamerika, was formed in 1859, but its constitution
adopted in that year and revised in 1876, protected the local organ¬
izations from domination by a national organization :
Regular conventions are to be held every third year. ... No questions of
principle are to be voted upon, yet the resolutions regarding them may be
discussed and recommended to the further consideration of the single con¬
gregation. The resolutions of the convention regarding external matters of
administration become binding only as soon as a majority of the members
of the Association expressly ratify them. (I, March 1869, p. 140)
The Milwaukee constitution of 1949, section X, states the same
principle of local autonomy :
Affiliation with kindred organizations having the same or similar ideo¬
logical aims as those of our organization can only be accomplished by vote
of members of the Gemeinde. Only the Gemeinde as parent organization is
impowered to elect delegates to such an organization.
Milwaukee has kept in its constitution the principle of freedom
of thought which has guided all Free Congregations since they were
founded in Germany. Section II states the purpose of the Milwau¬
kee Freie Gemeinde:
Conscious of the limitations of the human mind and aware of our de¬
pendence upon the forces known and unknown amid which our brief lives
are spent, we seek nevertheless through education and dissemination of
the truths of science to dispel ignorance and mysticism and destroy super¬
stition, to create a wide and inclusive mental attitude which accepts the
supremacy of human reason.
We endeavor to establish through observation and experience a system
of philosophy wide as the world and embracing all men, which will attempt
to ascertain man’s relation to the universal forces about him, and place
him in harmony with such forces mentally and physically.
56 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Through knowledge of his common origin, his common end, and a real¬
ization of his common needs and tasks, to which we subscribe, men will
eventually be able to make of this earth, which is our home, a place where
ideals may grow, justice prevail, and where the good and true and beauti¬
ful may survive.
The emphasis upon this-worldliness, not other-worldliness, ex¬
pressed in the last paragraph is in harmony with Sauk City’s state¬
ment in its constitution (Article II, section 1) that the organiza¬
tion’s aim is ‘To promote and cultivate the highest possible stand¬
ards of ethics and morals in regard to all individual, social and
business relationships” and with the Bund statement of 1876, “The
highest good is earthly happiness through phyical, mental and
spiritual well-being.”
The most complete statement of belief discovered in this research
is that of the Plymouth Gemeinde (I, May 1870, pp. 173-74). It
begins, “We place reason above revelation,” and it continues in
parallel phrases to contrast the dogma of Christianity with the
principles of Free Thought: for faith they substitute knowledge;
for two worlds, one whose existence is certain; for an autocratic
removed-from-the-universe God, the rule of eternal universal law;
for miracles, natural law; for God’s providence, man’s own provi¬
dence; for predestination, fate; for man torn apart by strife be¬
tween flesh and spirit, unified, harmonious man ; for trust in God,
self-reliance; for humility, consciousness of human dignity; for
abstinence, moderate use of pleasures; for desire for reward, love
of good for its own sake; for heaven in another world, heaven in
this world (in the hearts, homes, societies, and states of mankind) ;
for values in heaven, values here; for inexplicable mysteries, un¬
solved problems; for the Bible, the book of nature and history; for
the pulpit, the speaker’s platform; for the preacher, the speaker;
for supernatural salvation of the soul, natural education of the
spirit and heart; for prescribed rituals, free customs; for the
Christian school, the humanist school.
The platform concludes :
This is our present general rule and plumb line. But there are no ir¬
revocable conclusions of faith. We can make ... in the future better rules
and plumb lines . . . Each age is its own law-giver.
These principles of freedom of thought and democratic procedure
are typical of the contribution which the German Free Congrega¬
tions have made to the growth of rational philosophy and religious
liberalism. But their contribution has received little recognition.
The usual sources of information about Wisconsin history rarely
mention them; only from their own publications and reports, in
the German language, can facts be gathered to form the beginning
of a history of the Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin.
1964] Cooper — Die Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin 57
The first Free Congregation of Wisconsin was established at
Painesville, south of Milwaukee. Some German Protestants from
Wittenberg had settled in Oak Creek and Franklin townships. Dis¬
pleased with the strict theology of their Lutheran pastor, they with¬
drew from the church and formed a Free Congregation, which first
met at Buckholtz Tavern where today United States highway 41
meets Wisconsin 100. By 1851 they had incorporated with about 35
members and had been given an acre of land upon which to build
a hall, which was completed in 1852. According to their report to
the Bund in 1876, the membership in the 27 years of their history
had increased to only 37, but their report explained that this seem¬
ing lack of growth was due to the fact that eight or ten families
had moved to Minnesota,^ where they had joined other Free
Thought societies (IV, p. 60).
The activities at Painesville listed in this report included bi¬
weekly lectures at ten o'clock Sunday morning, a gesangverein, the
circulation of Free Thought literature such as the Freidenker (or
the Truthseeker for those who did not read German), and pam¬
phlets by Karl Heinzen. The members lived on farms eight or ten
miles from the hall, but a Sunday school of 15 or 20 members was
maintained.
According to this 1876 report, the first speaker at Painesville was
Herr Rausch (1851-53). His short service was terminated when he
forsook Free Thought and became a Lutheran pastor in Racine.
Robert Glatz, a former Catholic priest in Hanau, Germany, was the
next speaker until his death in 1856. After Glatz' death, Christian
Schroter, a farmer living seven and a half miles from the hall, was
speaker and the writer of the 1876 report.
In the sources examined for this research no more information
about Painesville appears until the Bund report for 1899. After
paying their dues for that year, Painesville withdrew from the
Bund, giving as the reason that 'They had always been alone and in
the future would remain alone" (VII, p. 1). Occasional meetings
were held until about 1905 (II, p. 2) .
The name, Painesville,^ cannot be found on a modern map of
Wisconsin, but it can be located in the Historical Atlas of Wisconsin
(Milwaukee, 1878). The hall built in 1852 has been preserved be¬
cause of the recommendation of Alexander Guth, an architect who
surveyed and appraised historical buildings in Wisconsin in 1955.
Following his recommendation, the Painesville Memorial Associa-
®A number of Free Thinkers from the neighborhood of Milwaukee moved to Carver
County, Minnesota about 1870. From Carver County, some moved on to Otter Tail
County where their Free Thought cemetery, near Vergas, is located,
'^Painesville is not spelled consistently in maps and records. The Historical Atlas of
Wisconsin (Milwaukee, 1878) spells it Paynesville.
58 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
tion was organized and through its work the hall was restored and
a bronze commemorative tablet placed at the right of the door (III,
P. 7),«
Today one may see the simple white colonial hall, 24 by 36 feet,
surrounded by the cemetery and protected by a white fence. Inside
are the original pews and pulpit, and a stove bearing the date 1848.
On the walls, just as described in the 1876 report, are portraits of
Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Humboldt, and Thomas Paine. Un¬
fortunately, the original hand-glazed windows were destroyed by
vandals. The Girl Scouts now meet in the basement, which was
added in 1939 as support for the walls. The Girl Scouts leader, Mrs.
Harvey Davitz, is in charge of the hall.
Not long after Paines ville organized, a Lutheran church in Mil¬
waukee decided to declare its freedom from orthodoxy and invited
Eduard Schroter, a Forty-eighter who had been lecturing in the
East, to come to Milwaukee and organize them as a Free Congrega¬
tion. While he served as speaker in Milwaukee (1851-53), Schroter
established a Free Thought newspaper. The Humanist, and made
missionary journeys lecturing in the state. When in 1853, he ac¬
cepted the invitation to become speaker at Sauk City, he apparently
left a vigorous group in Milwaukee. But soon after his departure,
differences of opinion arose in this gemeinde which resulted in the
group’s disbanding in 1854 (XI, pp. 172-88; I, November 1856,
pp. 78-80). Until 1867 there was no Freie Gemeinde at Milwaukee.
Sauk City is, therefore, the older of the two surviving societies.
The Sauk City Gemeinde under Eduard Schroter as speaker grew
from a few Free Thinkers gathered together by Carl Diirr to a so¬
ciety of 60 members in 1859, with a school and a library. By 1876
their activities included a women’s society, a mixed chorus, and a
theater society. The membership, which at that time included Honey
Creek and Merrimac, has increased to 80 (IV, pp. 61-62; XII, p.
31). Later Bund reports show that membership continued to in¬
crease for the next 64 years: in 1918, 85 members; in 1923, 97; in
1940, 111.
Mrs. Clara Runge, a life-long member at Sauk City, wrote a his¬
tory of the congregation for their 1940 Founders’ Day celebration.
In it she pays tribute to the quality of instruction in Schroter’s
® The inscription on the tablet reads :
The Painesville Memorial
Erected in 1852 as the
“First Free Christian Church
of the town of
Franklin and Oak Creek.”
The chapel has been preserved
in its original condition for
its historical and architectural interest.
October 1939 The Painesville Memorial Association
1964] Cooper — Die Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin
59
Sunday afternoon classes and in his meetings for older students on
Thursday evenings, “He always introduced the best German poems
and required each pupil to memorize and recite a poem each Sun¬
day/' On Thursday evenings there were discussions of literature
and of passages from the Old Testament. Both Schroter and Fried-
rick Schiinemann-Pott, speaker at Philadelphia and an active na¬
tional leader in the Freien Gemeinden, referred to themselves as
humanists and considered humanism a religion (X, pp. 6-7) .
During the twenty-four years since Mrs, Bunge wrote her his¬
tory, the membership of the Sauk City Congregation has been de¬
creasing. President Ralph Marquardt says that at present the mem¬
bership is about fifty, but that attendance at the monthly meetings
is often only fifteen or twenty. Founders' Day, Thomas Paine’s
birthday, and the Spring Festival are still observed, but the quiet
celebrations of the present are a sharp contrast to the days older
members recall.
Miss Minnie Truckenbrodt, the oldest member of the Congrega¬
tion, remembers that in her girlhood the Spring Festival was an all
day and all night celebration, beginning with a band concert at ten
o’clock Sunday morning and concluding with a dance that lasted
until the early hours of Monday morning.
There was a speaker at eleven Sunday morning. During his lec¬
ture, the good cooks inside the hall were preparing chicken, beef,
potatoes, beans, peas, carrots, lettuce, kraut-salad, and pies. Tables
were filled several times for the noon feast. An afternoon of visit¬
ing and music followed, interrupted by coffee and cake in the din¬
ing room at three, or visits to refreshment stands in the park. At
six o'clock, the women served a substantial supper, not a snack.
About eight o'clock, a dance orchestra began to play in the lecture
room on the main floor. Every one danced : children, young people,
parents, grandparents. The floor was crowded for polkas, waltzes,
and square dances. Downstairs beer was sold to the thirsty dancers.
At midnight came another hot dinner, not a lunch, says Miss
Truckenbrodt,
A large number of the members were farmers. They reasoned
why not finish the night dancing? Why leave after midnight and
get home for very little sleep before five o’clock milking? Why not
dance on and go right to work when they got home? So that is
what they did.
Such gayety was only one of the Gemeinde activities. There were
plays, a gesangverein, declamation and debate programs, concerts,
lectures, and a library of German books.
A few examples from the subjects of lectures which Mrs. Bunge
has listed show that Sauk City had serious intellectual interests:
Eduard Schroter, “Schiller, His Work and His Death" ; Dr. Herman
60 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Lueders, ‘'Bacteria, Their Relation to Agriculture”; Mrs. Hedwig
Henrich-Wilhelmi, “The Modern Woman of Europe”; Rev. Howard
Udell, “Henrich Ibsen’s Brandt”; Mrs. Mary Church Terrell, “Ne¬
groes and their Rights.” (X, pp. 20-26) .
A further evidence of the intellectual interests of the Sauk City
Congregation is the library, seldom used now, since most of the
books are in German and only the older members read German with
ease. A room off the balcony above the lecture room holds books,
magazines, and pamphlets that contain valuable source material for
a history of the Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin.®
Since so few of the younger generations use the German lan¬
guage, Sauk City in 1937 adopted English for its meetings and
records and translated its official name to the Free Congregation
of Sauk City. In 1955, the group affiliated with the Unitarian Church
and became the Free Congregation of Sauk City — Unitarian Fel¬
lowship.
The other surviving Gemeinde, Milwaukee, has kept its German
name and uses the German language in its business meetings and
most of its activities, although there is a discussion section con¬
ducted in English. Organized in 1867 with only nine members, the
Milwaukee Gemeinde enrolled 250 members by 1868. By 1876 it had
established a variety of activities : 26 lectures a year with an aver¬
age attendance of 70 or 80; a Sunday school of 150 in which in¬
struction in the catechism of humanism was given; debates, fes¬
tivals, a women’s society, a singing society, a reading section, and
an organization to give assistance to the families of deceased mem¬
bers (II, July 1868, p. 12 ; IV, pp. 63-67) .
Bund reports from 1900 to 1924, on file in the Free Congregation
library of Sauk City, show fluctuations in number of members from
157 to 250. According to Walter Niederfeld, secretary, the present
membership is 129. Although there are no young people’s organiza¬
tions or Sunday school classes, as in the years 1876-1924, the Mil¬
waukee Freie Gemeinde is carrying on a variety of activities.
It rests upon a successful business organization because Jeffer¬
son Hall is a source of considerable income and an assurance of
financial stability. The basement of the large brick building is
leased to the operator of a well-patronized bowling alley. On the
first floor are social rooms with kitchens which are rented every
day between Easter and the middle of June. A bar on this floor
® In the Sauk City Free Congregation library, there is rare material on the history
of the Freien Gemeinden in the United States and in Germany. The Free Thought
magazine, Blatter fiir freies religidses Lehen^ (18 volumes) contains reports from local
gemeinden in the United States and in Europe, the travel-letters written by Schiine-
mann-Pott on his lecture tours through the East and Middle West, and articles about
the principles of the Freien Gemeinden. The nearly complete flies of Bund reports up
to 1924 and over forty thin volumes of sermons preached in Germany to the Free
Congregations 1840-50 are also valuable sources of historical information.
1964] Cooper— Die Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin 61
brings in more income. On the second floor is an auditorium where
there is a concert nearly every Sunday. Here also are staged dra¬
matic performances which continue a traditional gemeinde activity.
Discussion groups meet once a month, a German and an English
group. The Gesangvereinsektion, which attended the International
Song Festival in Germany in 1962, the Damenchor, and the Frauen-
verein are activities announced in the monthly magazine Voice of
Freedom (carrying as its subtitle the former German name, Das
Freie Wort). Secretary Niederfeld says that the group is much
interested in politics and in all legislation for freedom of the indi¬
vidual citizen.
The advantage of being located in a city with a large German-
American population is one explanation of the survival of the Mil¬
waukee Freie Gemeinde. The ability of its executive board to adapt
the financial organization of the society to meet requirements of
modern tax laws, has made the operation of the hall profitable and
insured Milwaukee against the financial problems which have been
a factor in the disappearance of Gemeinden in so many smaller
communities.
Among the five Wisconsin Gemeinden reporting to the Bund in
1876 were Bostwick Valley and Mayville, both of which became in¬
active early in this century. Neither used the name gemeinde: Bost¬
wick Valley called itself the Freidenker-Verein and Mayville re¬
ported as Der Freie Manner-Verein (IV, pp. 67-68) .
According to its report, Bostwick Valley was founded in 1869 and
had just celebrated its seventh Founders’ Day on June 11. It be¬
longed to the Provincial Verhande von Wisconsin to which it made
a yearly contribution of twenty dollars. On May 8, 1876, it had
joined the Bund with a membership of 33.
Maxmillan Gross, the speaker, reported a library of 15 volumes,
a school of about 12 students meeting three times a week under the
instruction of the speaker, and a gesangverein in the process of
organization. The speaker lectured twice each month. The group
was free from debt, owned its hall, the furnishings, and the lot
The property was valued at $700.00. Yearly contributions from the
members amounted to about $200.00.
Later Bund reports found in the Sauk City library show that in
1914 Bostwick Valley had only 20 members, a library of 29 volumes,
and property valued at $4000.00. Two years later, the president of
the Bund reported that Bostwick Valley had been dissolved on June
25, 1916, because of lack of financial support. He added that a few
members from West Salem and La Crosse had joined the Bund as
individuals.
62 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Inquiries by the writer of this paper in April, 1963, resulted in
locating among the older citizens of West Salem a few persons who
remembered that in their youth the Free Thinkers of Bostwick
Valley were an active group. Some had attended the summer school
conducted by the Free Thinkers in order to study German. Alfred
Hemker, son of the president of the group in its last years, re¬
called lively social affairs; at one of the dances held in the base¬
ment of the hall he had met his wife. The brick hall, mentioned in
Bund reports, is still standing in Bostwick Valley, but it has been
purchased by Barre Mills for use as the town hall.
The last of the five Wisconsin groups reporting at the 1876 con¬
vention was Mayville. According to a letter written by the secre¬
tary, Charles Ruedebusch in 1868, Mayville had been organized in
1863 (II, August 1868, p. 32). The Bund report of 1876 is very
brief, not signed by an officer of the society, and reads as if the
Bund office were speaking. After the statement that Mayville Freie
Mdnner-Verein of Dodge County joined the Bund in 1870 (after it
had been organized several years) and that their principal activity
had been the undertaking of a German school, which had now been
incorporated with the public school, comes the statement that no
specific statistics or other announcements about themselves have
been received “in spite of our requests.” The report concludes, “The
spiritual growth of the members is directed by the lectures of a
traveling speaker” (IV, p. 71).
In The Mayville Story, a booklet issued in 1947 to commemorate
the centennial of the city, a few historical sketches written by May¬
ville citizens mention German organizations but do not connect
them with the Society of Free Men. Mrs. Ottilie Ruedebusch tells of
Die Freie Deutsche Schule, which taught both German and English.
It was built in 1871 because there was no public school, but when
a public school was built in 1876, the German school was discon¬
tinued and the building given to the Turners, who enlarged it and
used it as a social center until 1946 when they sold it to the Masons.
Mrs. Charles Schumann in “A Walk Through Mayville Fifty
Years Ago,” tells of a Frauenverein and a Mdnnerchor, but does not
connect them with a Free Thought group. Mr. John Husting, attor¬
ney at Cedarburg, in a letter of September 13, 1963, says that his
mother, who came to Mayville in 1893 at the age of 14, has no
knowledge of a Free Thought group at that time. “The Turner was
for many years the center of Mayville’s culture : plays, musical af¬
fairs, gymnastic exhibitions. It is not known whether the Free
Thinker group helped or not.”
From the evidence available at present, we can be sure a May¬
ville Freie Mdnner-Verein did exist for a few years after 1870, the
year they joined the Bund, The sale of the schoolhouse might indi-
1964] Cooper — Die Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin
63
cate their decision to unite with the Turners in the German activ¬
ities of that organization.
In several little communities near Milwaukee, Free Thought
groups at one time were active. In the case of Thiensville, there are
interesting legends reported by a Milwaukee Journal feature writer
(October 13, 1940). According to this story, Thiensville was a
“godless city,” the “Paris of Wisconsin;” the town managed to
keep out churches until 1919 when a Catholic church was finally
established. Older citizens of Thiensville, children of Free Thinkers,
and in some cases Free Thinkers themselves, agreed upon being in¬
terviewed that they had never heard of any active opposition to the
organization of churches. “We just felt we didn’t need churches, and
we wanted to be left alone,” was the way one woman put it.
Paul Seiffert is a retired pharmacist, whose grandfather Baron
von Seiffert came from Saxony in 1845 and hung on the door of his
log cabin the coat of arms given his family in 1716 for their serv¬
ice to the state, Mr. Seiffert was willing to talk about his childhood
in a family of Free Thinkers. When as a young boy he asked his
father’s permission to attend a church Sunday school with one of
his friends, the answer was, “No. When you are twenty-one and old
enough to make your own decisions, you may decide for yourself.”
Although Mr. Seiffert does not remember that any direct instruc¬
tion in principles of Free Thought was given the children in the
home, he does recall the Sunday walks with his maternal grand¬
father Von Barkenhauser, who would take Paul and his sister to
the woods and teach them to recognize different trees and flowers.
He was certain that in his boyhood there was no formally organ¬
ized gemeinde but there were a singing group and informal social
activities for the Free Thinkers, Others interviewed were in defi¬
nite agreement on this point.
When it came to marriages and funerals, the Free Thinkers
never had a minister. A justice of the peace or a leader in the Free
Throught group officiated at marriages. Funerals were non-religious
with one of the Free Thinkers speaking briefly. One man requested
that his friends take a walk in the woods instead of giving him any
funeral ceremony.
A bit of information about Mequon and three other vanished
gemeinden comes in a letter from an unnamed correspondent to the
Blatter fur freies religioses Leben (I, November 1856, pp. 79-80).
He writes that there has been no gemeinde at Milwaukee since
1856, but that there are gemeinden at Kilbourn Road and Cedar-
burg, and the ruins of one at Howel’s Road, and that there is a re¬
port that a gemeinde may be organized at Mequon. This correspond¬
ent concludes that “there is a field here and there in the Milwaukee
64 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
neighborhood, but the spiritual power and the outward means are
entirely lacking/'
Cedarburg, HoweFs Road, Kilbourn Road, and Mequon are among
those communities listed by Schroter in 1862 when he was lament¬
ing the diminishing interest in Free Thought: “Where except on the-
banks of the Wisconsin River in Sauk and Dane Counties is there a
trace of the many victories of enlightenment?" (I, December 1862,
p. 91)
Schroter 's lament over the retreat of the “forces of enlighten¬
ment" was prophetic. Fourteen years later only four Wisconsin
groups reported to the Bund: Painesville, Sauk City, Milwaukee,
Bostwick Valley. As we have seen, the lack of a report from May-
ville was noted by the Bund office. During and after the 1876 Bund
convention, the organization by Karl Heinzen of a Bund der Radi-
kalen disrupted the Bund der Freien Gemeinden und Freidenker-
Verein, and it was not reorganized until 1897 (V, pp. 11-12). In
1900 only Bostwick Valley, Milwaukee, and Sauk City reported,
and Painesville withdrew “to be alone." In 1916 Bostwick Valley
disbanded because of lack of financial support. In succeeding re¬
ports only Milwaukee and Sauk City represent Wisconsin. Today
these two societies go their separate ways. Milwaukee belongs to
the American Rationalist Association; Sauk City is affiliated with
the Unitarians.
A variety of reasons may be logically conjectured for the dimin¬
ished membership of the Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin : marriage
of children of gemeinden families with children of orthodox fam¬
ilies ; loss of interest in German language and culture by the second
and third generations of German- Americans ; lack of enough lead¬
ership and money to keep the movement alive ; the growing liberal¬
ism in some orthodox churches which gave less ground for objec¬
tion to their principles.
In summary, it may be said that the illustrations of the beliefs
and practices of the Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin presented in
this paper, show these contributions to the cultural history of
Wisconsin :
1. In a period of conflict between orthodox religion and science,
they were among the first to demand that religion should be in
harmony with the developing scientific knowledge.
2. They believed in the right of the individual to search for truth
wherever he found it whether or not the results agreed with tradi¬
tional beliefs.
3. In their ideal of using new knowledge of nature and man to
make this world a better place for human beings, they were among
the nineteenth century humanists who anticipated the “social gos¬
pel" of the twentieth century churches.
1964] Cooper — Die Freien Gemeinden in Wisconsin
65
4. These men and women were among the earnest intellectuals
of the state for while enduring the hardships of pioneer life, they
took time and energy to nourish the life of the mind by listening to
lectures on philosophy and literature, by establishing libraries, by
organizing groups to perform in drama and in vocal and instru¬
mental music.
In taking stock of its cultural heritage, Wisconsin should recog¬
nize the contribution made by the Freien Gemeinden, Two practical
means of recognition would be the effort to preserve such of their
records as are not already lost and the commemoration by appro¬
priate historical markers of the buildings and communities con¬
nected with their history.^^ The Painesville Memorial is an example
of what should be done for the hall in Bostwick Valley and for all
places where these independent-thinking pioneers gathered to keep
alive the best of the heritage of the Old World culture and to add
to it the new knowledge of the nineteenth century.
References Cited
I. Blatter fur freies religidses Leben (Philadelphia, 1856-70 and San Fran¬
cisco, 1871-74).
II. Fink, Ella Louise. Manuscript in “Painesville” folder at Milwaukee
County Library
III. - . “The Painesville Memorial Chapel,” Historical Messinger, 11:2
(June 1955), 7-9.
IV. Geschichtliche Mittheilungen ilber die Deutschen Freien Gemeinden von
Nord-Amerika (Philadelphia, 1877).
V. Hempel, Max. Was Sind die Freien Gemeinden? (Milwaukee, 1902),
VI. History of Milwaukee County (Writers’ Project, 1944).
VIL Jahresbericht des Bundes der Freien Gemeinden und Freidenker-Vereine
von Nord-Amerika 1 Juli 1899 bis 1 Juli 1900 (Milwaukee, 1900).
VIII. The Mayville Story: One Hundredth Anniversary (Mayville, 1947).
IX. Mirbt, Carl. “Deutsch-Katholicismus,” Encyclopedia of Religion and
Ethics, IV, 673-75.
X. Runge, Clara. The Free Congregation of Sauk County : An Outline His¬
tory from 18i52 to 194.0 (a mimeographed pamphlet).
XL ScHLiCHER, J. J. “Eduard Schroeter the Humanist,” Wisconsin Magazine
of History, XXVIII: 2 (December 1944), pp. 169-83,
XII. ScHiiNEMANN-PoTT, Friedrick. Die Freie GemeindeiEin Zeugniss aus
ihr und ilber sie, an die Denkenden unter ihren Verdchter (Philadel¬
phia, 1861).
“ See unpublished manuscript “A Partial Bibliography of Material on the Freien
Gemeinden in the Library of the Free Congregation of Sauk City,” prepared by Bere¬
nice Cooper, in manuscript department of the Library of the Wisconsin Historical
Society. Milwaukee County has a collection of material on the Freien Gemeinden,
assembled by Theodore Mueller, retired librarian.
THE EFFECTS OF FIRE ON THE VEGETATIONAL
COMPOSITION OF BRACKEN-GRASSLANDS
Richard J. Vogl*
A study of the vegetational composition of bracken-grassland
communities and of changes resulting from fire was undertaken
during the summers of 1959 and 1960.^ Six Conservation Wildlife
Areas in Vilas, Florence, Marinette, and Oconto Counties in north¬
eastern Wisconsin were selected for study (Figure 1). The vegeta¬
tion of these areas is being managed for sharptailed grouse (Pedio-
ecetes phasianellus) by using prescribed burning.
Bracken-grasslands have only recently been recognized as a
major type of grassland in Wisconsin (Curtis 1959). Previously,
little information was available on the composition and origin of
this community. Curtis (1959) stated that bracken-grasslands in
Wisconsin occur on open upland sites north of the tension zone.
These upland openings are generally surrounded by northern pine-
hardwoods or boreal forest. The bracken-grasslands (Figure 2),
however, are usually treeless and dominated by bracken fern
(Pteridium aquilinum).^
There is general agreement that fire is an essential factor in the
initiation of bracken-grasslands (Maissurow 1941, Curtis 1959).
Bracken-grasslands that originated since recent European settle¬
ment are considered the result of logging followed by fire (Schorger
1943, Hamerstrom et al, 1952, Stearns 1961). Before logging and
burning, some areas were covered by thin forests of red pine (Pintts
resinoso)) and scattered white pine (Pinus strobus) (Wilde et al.
1949). Other areas were occupied by more mesic stands of sugar
maple (Acer saccharum;) ^ and associated species or by boreal forest.
Today these areas, known locally as “stump prairies,” are occupied
by bracken-grasslands dotted with stumps.
In an attempt to utilize “stump prairie” openings, the U.S. For¬
est Service and county forest agencies tried to establish pine planta¬
tions on them which subsequently failed (Frome 1962) . This failure
was blamed not only on drought and poor planting techniques, but
* Richard J. Vogl is an Assistant Professor of Botany at Los Angeles State College.
Field work for this study was undertaken as part of the author’s doctoral program
at the University of Wisconsin— Madison.
^ This study was conducted in cooperation with the Wisconsin Conservation Depart¬
ment and was financed in part with Federal Aid to Wildlife Restoration funds under
Pittman-Robertson Project Number W-79-R.
^Nomenclature for plant species follows Fernald (1950).
67
68 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Figure 1. The six Conservation Wildlife Areas selected for study of bracken-
grasslands in northeastern Wisconsin.
also on frost, since some of these areas are depressions or natural
“frost pockets” (Curtis 1959, West 1961) . As a result, some “stump
prairies” have been classified as unfit for reforestation (Stoeckeler
and Limstrom 1942) and are presently being managed for sharp¬
tailed grouse by the Wisconsin Conservation Department.
Sharptailed grouse and their habitat have gradually been fading
from the landscape in northeastern Wisconsin (Lintereur 1959).
Typical sharptail country consisted of large open areas several
thousand acres in size with scattered patches of low brush and
thickets of young forest (Newman 1959) . In an effort to restore the
sharptailed grouse to higher densities, intensive management of
the vegetation was undertaken by the Game Management Division
of the Wisconsin Conservation Department. Twenty wildlife areas
in the state, totaling 116,406 acres, were being managed for sharp-
tails as of 1959 (Newman 1959). Many openings are reverting to
forest as a result of improved fire protection, reforestation and the
abandonment of marginal farms. In these areas, prescribed burn¬
ing is being used as a management tool to recreate openings in the
encroaching second-growth forest (Schorger 1962).
I am indebted to the late Dr. John T. Curtis, University of Wis¬
consin, for his stimulating discussion, encouragement, and guidance
throughout the course of this work.
1964] Vogl — Effects of Fire on Bracken-Grasslands
69
Figure 2. A burned bracken-grassland dominated by bracken fern.
Description of Study Areas
Six areas which contained experimental tracts that had been sub¬
jected to prescribed burning were selected. The Dorothy Dunn Wild¬
life Area is in north-central Vilas County near the headwaters of
the Manitowish River. The terrain consists of a series of rolling to
choppy hills with narrow, steep ridges separating deep ''pockets’’ or
depressions. It is generally open with some timber on the ridges,
mainly white birch (Betula papyrifera) , red pine, jack pine ( Finns
hanksiana), and red maple (Acer rubrum). Old decomposed pine
stumps are found scattered over the ridge slopes and depressions.
The predominant groundlayer vegetation on the ridges and hillsides
is low in form, dominated by poverty grass (Danthonia spicata) ,
orange hawkweed (Hieracium aurantiacum) , and numerous lichens.
Three of the study areas, Spread Eagle Wildlife Area, Deadman
Creek, and Pine Creek are adjacent to each other and are very
similar. They cover 7000 acres in the extreme northeastern part of
Wisconsin in Florence County, west of the Menominee River (the
Michigan- Wisconsin boundary) (Figure 1). The landscape consists
of a series of huge, open, upland basins which contain scattered
70 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53 *
small hills, with adjacent basins separated by steep ridges (Figure f
3). Timber in the form of scattered large red pines, coppiced, open- t;
grown white birches, and red maples occurs only on the separating t.
ridges. Dense stands of jack pine grow on the north-facing slopes f
of the hills. The hills and ridges are covered by bracken fern and J
the low terrain is dominated by slender wheatgrass (Agroyyron |
trachycaulum) , wild chess (Bromus kalmii), rice grass (Oryzopsis ^
asperifolia) , and barren strawberry (Waldsteinia fragarioides) . ,
This area is unique because there are no stumps in the clearings •:
which indicates that the present openings did not support forest I
growth in presettlement times. This agrees with information ob- V,
tained from logging records and long time residents. -
The Dunbar Wildlife Area, an opening of over 1000 acres, is ’ ■
known locally as the '‘Kohler Flats.'’ These level uplands, which ?
contained some stands of red pine, have been logged and cleared ;
since white settlement (Lintereur, personal contact). Now, huge -
pine stumps, large Juneberry (Amelanchier sp.) bushes, and an g
Figure 3. Spread Eagle Wildlife Area, composed of a series of open, upland
basins. Bracken fern covers the ridges along with red pine, jack pine, and
white birch.
1964] Vogl — Effects of Fire on Bracken-Grasslands 71
occasional small tree dot the flats. The ground vegetation is dom¬
inated by slender wheatgrass, poverty grass, and ciliated aster
(Aster ciliolatus). Sand cherry (Prunus pumila) and sweet fern
(Myrica asplenifolia) have the highest shrub frequencies.
The last study area consists of several Wisconsin Conservation
Department management units within Nicolet National Forest. In¬
cluded are several small upland openings, some of which are lo¬
cated in well drained pockets or depressions. The surrounding for¬
est of second-growth northern pine-hardwoods is encroaching upon
the openings which are dotted with old pine stumps. The ground-
layer vegetation is dominated by bracken fern, little bluestem
(Andropogon scoparius), and common goldenrod (Solidago mis-
souriensis) along with large local patches of sweet fern and wild
bergamot (Monarda fistulosa).
Soil samples taken were variable. All of the soils were sandy,
ranging from fine sands and sandy loams to melanized sands. Some
of the grassland soil samples were similar to the surrounding forest
soils. Others had a deeper litter (Ao layer) and a richer organic
horizon (Aj layer) than the adjacent forest soils.
Soils in the Dunbar area were extremely sandy with a poorly
developed Aj. The soils of Spread Eagle and adjacent areas were
melanized sands with a heavy Ao layer and a dark, rich Ai horizon.
Areas within Nicolet National Forest were very rocky; this made it
difficult to install adequate firebreaks for the prescribed burning.
Methods
To determine the effects of fire on the vegetational composition
of bracken-grasslands, 27 stands were selected for survey. The
number of stands sampled was limited by the number of bracken-
grasslands burned.
The criteria used in the selection of each stand are that it be
dominated by bracken-grasslands species (Curtis 1959), be of uni¬
form topography, be at least 25 acres in extent and be an upland
site — one which is well drained and never has standing rain water
on the surface. The unburned areas or controls were free from dis¬
turbance for at least the past 25 years. The adjacent burned stands
were similar to the controls in site, slope, exposure, history, and
vegetational composition, differing only in the treatment of fire.
When two burned stands were similar and in the same immediate
area, only one adjacent control stand was sampled for comparison.
The main purpose of the control burning conducted by the sharp¬
tailed grouse management program of the Wisconsin Conserva¬
tion Department was to try to extend the present grasslands by
reducing the density of the surrounding woodlands and by elimi-
72 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
nating the encroaching trees and shrubs. Firing of the grasslands
was also expected to stimulate sharptailed grouse foods, reduce un¬
desirable species, and to increase bird accessibility to the grasslands
by eliminating accumulated dead growth.
All burning was done in the months of March and April. The 15
burned stands and adjacent control stands were sampled in July
and August of the year of the burn or the year following. All stands,
except three, were subjected to one prescribed fire. Two stands were
control-burned three times and one stand was swept by two wild¬
fires.
Each stand was sampled in the following manner. An area of
uniform vegetation 33 meters square was selected and within this
square the sample was taken by laying out 20 quadrats at random,
each a meter square. The presence of all species in each quadrat
was recorded to obtain the frequency of occurrence of each species.
This frequency was then calculated and expressed as per cent.
Within the 33 meter square study plot all trees, both living and
dead, were recorded by size classes. The number of stems per re¬
sprouted tree was counted. Density and dominance were then de¬
termined for each tree species. In addition, the percentage of cover
or canopy of the trees was estimated visually for each study plot.
A presence list was made of all species found in the stand.
Evaluation of results and the effects of fire is based primarily on
quantitative frequency data since they are more indicative of
changes than is a comparison of presence lists.
Results
The vegetational composition of undisturbed bracken-grasslands
is evident from the list of 21 prevalent species (Table 1). This list
was obtained by calculating the average number of species sampled
(21) in each of the 12 unburned stands. All species were arranged
in a descending order of their average percent frequencies and the
top 21 were selected as prevalents. The average percent frequency
for a species was obtained by totaling its percent frequency in all
stands and dividing the sum by the number of stands sampled. The
prevalents of the burned stands were similarly determined. A total
of 63 species was encountered in the entire sampling.
In the unburned stands the five species with the highest average
frequencies are bracken fern, sweet fern, sweet blueberry (Vac-
cinium angustifolium) , Carex sp., and wintergreen (Gaultheria
procumbens) . Bracken fern and sweet fern are the dominant
species, the first and most widespread dominant being bracken fern.
Six grasses, Kentucky bluegrass (Poa pratensis) , rice grass, false
melic (Schizachne purpurascen^) , wild chess, slender wheatgrass.
1964] Vogl — Effects of Fire on Bracken-Grasslands
73
Table 1. List of 21 Prevalent Species Characterizing the Composition
OF Undisturbed Bracken-Grasslands in Northeastern Wisconsin
and marsh Muhly (Muhlenbergia racemosa) , comprise 29% of the
prevalent species.
Prevalent forbs include common goldenrod, low bindweed (Con¬
volvulus spithameus) , large-leaved aster (Aster macrophyllus) , and
arrow-leaved aster (Aster saggittifolius) . All of these species, ex¬
cept low bindweed which usually grows under the dense canopy of
bracken fern, are known or strongly suspected to be active in anti¬
biotic production (Cottam and Curtis 1951, Curtis 1959).
Prevalents generally associated with forest are wintergreen and
barren strawberry, both achieving maximum presence in northern
dry forest, and bush honeysuckle (Diervilla lonicera), achieving
maximum presence in boreal forest (Curtis 1959). The existence of
forest species in adjacent openings is not uncommon and many
species are found in openings and are able to survive even after the
tree canopy has been removed (Bray 1958) .
Among the shrubs, sweet fern and sweet blueberry are extremely
high in average frequency. Juneberry is scattered throughout the
grasslands and blackberry (Rubus sp.) is common on the ridges.
Subjecting the bracken-grassland to prescribed fire causes some
changes in the prevalent species (Table 2). Species characterizing
the burned stands are sweet blueberry, sweet fern, Carex sp.,
bracken fern, and barren strawberry. The two dominants now are
sweet blueberry and sweet fern.
74 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Table 2. Prevalent Species List for Burned Bracken-Grasslands
The prescribed fires set on each area were variable, ranging from
extremely hot ones to those burning with difficulty or in a spotty
manner. Because of this variation, valid comparisons could not be
made between individual fires, between areas with differing fire
histories or between burns of varying ages even though such fac¬
tors influence community composition. A general and more ade¬
quate comparison was made by summing the results of each species
in all the burns and comparing these results with those of the con¬
trols. That is, the percent frequencies obtained for each species
from all of the burned stands and those obtained from all of the
control stands were totaled and averaged to provide two compara¬
ble average percent frequencies for each species.
The average percent frequency of each control species was com¬
pared to the corresponding frequency in the burns to divide species
into increasers, decreasers, and neutrals, depending upon their re¬
sponse to fire. Increasers were those species with an average fre¬
quency at least 5% greater in the burns than in the controls. If a
species decreased in average frequency 5% or more after burning,
it was considered a decreases Species that differed less than 5%
in average frequency were classified as neutral species. These limits
were set arbitrarily, thus permitting the categorization of gross ob¬
vious fluctuations caused by fire. In order to evaluate these cate¬
gories, a statistical test. Student’s t-test, was applied to each species
1964] Vogl— Effects of Fire on Bracken-Grasslands
75
to see if there was a significant increase or decrease at 95% con¬
fidence limits (Simpson et al, 1950).
Table 3 lists the increasers, decreasers, and neutrals. The major¬
ity of the species fall into the neutral category (76.5%) and the re¬
maining species are classed as decreasers (17.6%) and increasers
(5.9%).
Examination of the average relative frequencies reveals that few
sharp changes occurred after burning. Of the three species classed
as increasers, none changed greatly. Juneberry had the highest in¬
crease (8.0%) since it is a vigorous resprouter after burning.
Table 3. Species Grouped as Increasers, Decreasers, or Neutrals,
Depending Upon Their Response to Fire
Neutrals
76 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Sweet blueberry increased 7.7%, becoming the most prevalent
species after burning. This agrees with the findings of other work¬
ers ( Ahlgren and Ahlgren 1960) .
Among the decreasers, wintergreen showed the greatest reduc¬
tion in frequency ( — 25.8%). This species and large-leaved aster
are most common in northern pine-hardwood and boreal forests
(Curtis 1959) and would not be expected to be adapted to continual
fires. Whorled loosestrife (Lysimachia quadrifolia) , generally
found in the dense shade of bracken fern, is also reduced in fre¬
quency after burning, perhaps as a result of the reduction in fre¬
quency of bracken fern. Other authors have demonstrated that
bracken fern increased in frequency and actually takes over after
burning (McMinn 1951, Martin 1955). This increase occurs in
burned forest areas and is considered a response to the increased
light resulting from a decrease in the tree canopy. In the bracken-
grasslands, however, the tree canopy is only fragmentary and here
the slight decrease in frequency is thought to be a direct response to
fire. The same is'true for bush honeysuckle.
Three of the native grasses listed as decreasers are slender wheat-
grass, wild chess, and rice grass.
Although almost one-fourth of the species were placed into sub¬
jective increaser or decreaser categories, none of the species showed
a statistically significant increase or decrease at the 95% level ex¬
cept the decreaser wintergreen.
Most of the common and characteristic bracken-grassland species
are neutrals. Within the neutral category, the species are sub-di¬
vided into those exhibiting increased frequency and those exhibit¬
ing decreased frequency within the 5% limits. None of these fluc¬
tuations are statistically significant at the 95% level. Twenty-eight
of the species are considered as modal species for Wisconsin
bracken-grasslands by Curtis (1959) since their presence values are
highest in this community. An additional 13% are listed as preva-
lents by Curtis, Shrubs such as hazel (Corylus americana), sweet
fern, sand cherry, rose (Rosa sp.) , blackberry, and willow are listed
among the neutrals. In addition, tree reproduction frequencies are
given. Fifteen percent of the neutrals are grasses and 62% are
forbs, the majority of which are perennials.
Additional species were recorded in the sampling. Six species,
Arctostaphylos uva-ursi, Pinus resinosa seedlings, Trientalis bore¬
alis, Senecio pauperculus, Solidago gigantea, and Steironema ciliata,
were present in the control sample but absent after burning. These
species were uncommon in the control sample and were eliminated
by fire from the burned sample.
1964] Vogl — Effects of Fire on Bracken-Grasslands 77
Three other minor species, Chenopodium album, Erigeron cana¬
densis, and Panicum capillare, absent in the controls, were found
invading the burned stands. These are weedy species characteristic
of disturbed sites.
Effects of Fire on Tree Layer
The sampling procedure used in evaluating the timber growing
on the elevated portions of the bracken-grasslands is described in
the Methods,
Estimations of canopy cover revealed that the unburned study
plots had an average canopy of 22.4% which was reduced to an
average cover of 4.3% after burning.
White birch is one of the major tree species. The majority of
birch on unburned sites had coppiced trunks with an average of
two stems per tree and 26 trees per acre. After burning, they root-
resprouted into '‘bush-like’' trees with an average of four stems
per tree and 18 trees per acre. The average basal area per acre
was decreased 90%. Mortality occurred in 31% of all the birch
sampled because they were killed by burning or were decadent prior
to burning and thus unable to resprout.
Hill’s oak (Quercus ellipsoidalis) , quaking aspen (Populus trem-
uloides), and black cherry (Prunus serotina) resprouted after
burning. Hill’s oak maintained 30 trees per acre before and after
burning but had an 82% reduction in average basal area. Mortal¬
ity occurred in 40% of the aspen sampled (reduced from 20 to 12
trees per acre) but the remaining living trees resprouted vigor¬
ously to produce only a 1 % decrease in the average basal area per
acre. Fire lowered the density of black cherry from 12 to 4 indi¬
viduals per acre (66% mortality) with a corresponding 82%
decrease in basal area.
Red maple had also been encroaching on the grasslands but usu¬
ally failed to resprout after burning. It was reduced from 26 to 2
trees per acre (94% mortality) with an 88% decrease in average
basal area.
Red and jack pine did not resprout and individuals of small
diameter were eliminated by fire. However, large open-grown pines
escaped destructive crown fires and survived surface fires with only
slight damage, such as charred trunks, burned lower branches and
basal wounds. Red pine had an 18% reduction in density (from 18
to 15 trees per acre) and a 26% decrease in basal area per acre.
Jack pine was reduced 24% (from 5 to 4 trees per acre) with a
28% decrease in basal area per acre.
78 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The total average percent mortality for all tree species was
38.2% with a total average percent decrease in average basal area
per acre of 59.2%. These figures were obtained by summing the
averages for each tree species and dividing this sum by the number
of different tree species.
Discussion
The results of this study indicate that burning does not cause
major vegetational changes or modifications since it does not sub¬
stantially alter species composition. The majority of plant frequen¬
cies (76.5%) were unaffected by fire and these species are classed
as neutrals. If this community requires repeated fires for mainte¬
nance, a greater response would be expected when fire is finally
returned after 25 or more years. However, the number of species
that increased is negligible (5.9%) and the number that decreased
is relatively small (17.6%). In addition, none of the fluctuations
of average relative frequency are extreme and only one species
showed a statistically significant difference with burning. Only a
few unimportant species are eliminated by fire or invaded the
burned areas.
Since bracken fern and several grasses decreased in relative fre¬
quency, burning tends to be detrimental to these species. These
dominants would not be expected to dip in frequency following
burning if they are characteristic of a fire-type.
Burning had other effects not measured in the frequency studies.
These include resprouting and early spring plant growth, the pro¬
duction of increased height in grasses and forbs, and the increase
in flower, fruit, and seed stalk production. This was accomplished
by the removal of accumulated mulch and by the fertilizing effect
of the ash (Ehrenreich and Aikman 1963). Even if the vegetation
is not drastically altered in average percent frequency by fire, there
is an increased production of foods utilized by sharptailed grouse
(Grange 1948).
Although bracken-grasslands do not need fire to be maintained,
many of them burn readily when swept by wildfire. Since this com¬
munity is an open grassland with little protective tree canopy,
extremely dry and combustible conditions occur, particularly in
spring and fall. The heavy accumulation of mulch, which typifies
grasslands, provides ideal fuel and the open rolling terrain permits
fires to bum freely. Examples are the recent wildfires near Dunbar
and Commonwealth, Wisconsin. Even though fires have not been
recorded since 1930 (Wisconsin Conservation Department 1930-
1960) for many of these areas, fire-charred stumps, “cat-faced”
trees, coppiced stems, and dense even-aged stands of jack pine in
1964] Vogl — Effects of Fire on Bracken-Grasslands 79
the timber bordering these grasslands are evidence that these areas
not only originated after logging and burning, but were also burned
again. This is by no means universal; some bracken-grasslands
show no signs of burning other than the one initial post-logging
fire.
Bracken-grasslands appear fairly stable (Curtis 1959). However,
this study revealed that shrubs and trees are encroaching on many
areas. Here fire is beneficial in retarding this advance by reducing
the height of the shrubs and by eliminating or reducing the advanc¬
ing deciduous trees to ‘‘bushes.’’ Fire destroyed young reproduction
of jack pine, red pine, and balsam fir (Abies halsamea).
Several theories are proposed to explain how bracken-grasslands
are maintained as open grasslands, even when completely sur¬
rounded by forest. Of importance is the competition between
grasses and tree seedlings, often referred to as “eternal enemies”
by the silviculturist and forest nurseryman. Wilde (1958) for ex¬
ample, points out the importance of thoroughly removing existing
grass sod cover to insure successful establishment of pine plantings.
Since bracken-grassland has a heavy sod formed by grasses, sedges,
and fern, and since sod cover physically impairs the establishment
and early growth of invading tree seedlings, bracken-grassland
sod is considered a significant factor in the maintenance of these
openings.
Another factor having strong influence on invading trees and
resulting successional changes is bracken fern. This species occurs
in solid stands, usually waist to chest high and produces a dense
canopy under which few other species can exist. Occasionally, shade
tolerant plants such as hooked violet and whorled loosestrife con¬
tinue to grow under the fern canopy, but pioneer tree seedlings
cannot successfully compete with the bracken fern. A few species,
like slender wheatgrass, survive by growing above the solid layer
of fern.
In addition, the antibiotic production of bracken-grassland spe¬
cies might contribute to the maintenance of these treeless grass¬
lands, since many are known or suspected of producing antibiotics,
thus inhibiting the growth of species (Curtis 1959) .
Another explanation is the apparent activity of frost in low-
lying areas and depressions as a result of cold air drainage and
accumulation (Stoeckeler 1963). This does not apply to all grass¬
lands since many occur on level plains or rolling uplands such as
the Kohler Flats and adjacent “stump prairies.” However, in areas
containing deep depressions, bracken fern and trees are absent
in these pockets which are dominated only by grasses and sedges.
The explanation for this absence is the cold air drainage and result¬
ing “frost pocket” effect occurring during the growing season.
80 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Bracken fern and tree reproduction are particularly susceptible to
summer frosts. Signs of frost damage and suppressed growth were
observed on trees invading depressions and heavy frosts were
observed on clear nights throughout the summer on several areas.
Even though any one theory might be used to explain the main¬
tenance of bracken-grasslands, in actuality a combination of sev¬
eral of the above factors probably accounts for the relative stability
of this community.
Also of interest is the origin of bracken-grasslands. One of the
areas studied existed prior to white settlement and might be of the
same origin as southern Wisconsin prairies (Curtis 1959). The rest
came into existence after clear-cut logging followed by fire. Often
these post-logging fires were extremely hot due to the accumulated
slash, heavy understory of resprouts, and rapid growth of released
plants. Such hot fires could easily eliminate any remaining trees
and sprouts and completely destroy the existing understory plants
by killing rootstocks and seeds. This would permit an open inva¬
sion of grasses and sedges without competing with species already
established. In addition, since many of these areas developed hard-
pans while under the influence of forest trees, the elimination of
the total vegetation resulted in the appearance of surface waters
during the wet season which were normally removed by stands of
transpiring vegetation. This harsh environment, fluctuating season¬
ally from wet to dry, was best adapted to sedges, grasses, and
finally bracken fern. In areas where logging and fire took place in
boreal forest and northern pine-hardwood types, few tree species
survived since they were either unable to sprout after logging or
were susceptible to fire or both. Thus the tree vegetation was essen¬
tially eliminated, leaving the ‘‘stump prairies’" of today.
Summary and Conclusions
1. The vegetational composition (including prevalent species) of
burned and unburned bracken-grasslands in northeastern Wiscon¬
sin was determined using quantitative frequency data. Stands are
dominated by bracken fern, sweet fern, sweet blueberry, and
Car ex sp.
2. Fire is considered to have little effect on the vegetational com¬
position, since it does not substantially alter species composition.
The majority of species (76.5%) are not changed in average rela¬
tive frequencies and the remaining species (increasers and decreas-
ers) do not show statistically significant fluctuations. The lack of
invaders in the burned stands indicates burning has not modified
environmental conditions or the successional stage.
1964] Vogl— Effects of Fire on Bracken-Grasslands
81
3. Some of the bracken-grasslands are unstable in that there
are trees encroaching on the grasslands. Fire definitely retards the
advance of these trees and will even expand the grassland areas.
Fire reduced the average canopy cover of encroaching trees from
22.4% to 4.3%, produced a total average mortality of 38.2% for
all trees, and resulted in a 59.2% average decrease in basal area
per acre.
4. Fire was observed to have beneficial effects. It stimulated
resprouting and early spring growth, increased height of herba¬
ceous growth, and increased flower, fruit, and seed stalk produc¬
tion because of the removal of the heavy suffocating mulch and the
production of fertilizing ash.
5. Since fire is not usually considered to be important in bracken-
grassland maintenance, other theories are discussed. It is concluded
that several factors operate in combination to maintain these grass¬
lands as treeless openings, the most significant being the inability
of tree reproduction to become readily established in grassland sod
and the inability of trees to become established under the dense,
shade-producing canopy cover of bracken fern.
6. Most of the bracken-grasslands in this study are considered
to have originated from logging followed by intense fires. These
hot fires eliminated the existing vegetation, resulting in increased
surface water, and converted sites to pioneer and unstable types
best suited to sedges, grasses, and ultimately bracken fern.
References Cited
Ahlgren, I. F. and C. E, Ahlgren. 1960. Ecological effects of forest fires.
Botan, Rev. 26 (4) :483-533.,
Bray, J. R. 1958, Climax forest herbs in prairie. Am. Midland Naturalist 58:
434-440.
COTTAM, G. and J. T. Curtis. 1951. Antibiotics and plant competition. Bull.
Card. Club Amer. 39(2) :8-ll.
Curtis, J. T. 1959. The vegetation of Wisconsin. Madison, The Univ. of Wis¬
consin Press. 657 pp.
Ehrenreich, j. H. and J. M. Aikman. 1963. An ecological study of the effect
of certain management practices on native prairie in Iowa. Ecol. Mono¬
graphs 33(2) :113-130.
Fernald, M. L. 1950. Gray’s manual of botany. American Book Co., New York.
1632 pp.
Frome, M. 1962. Whose woods these are: the story of the national forests.
Doubleday and Co., Inc. New York. 360 pp.
Grange, W. B. 1948. Wisconsin grouse problems. Wis. Conserv, Dept. Publ.
328A. Madison, Wisconsin. 318 pp.
Hamerstrom, F., F. Hamerstrom and D. E. Matson. 1952. Sharptails into the
shadows? Wis. Conserv. Dept., Wisconsin Wildlife No. 1 Madison, Wiscon¬
sin. 35 pp.
Lintereur, L. j. 1959. Time running out? Wis. Conserv. Bull. 24(8) :26-27.
82 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Maissurow, D. K. 1941. The role of fire in the perpetuation of virg-in forests of
northern Wisconsin. J. Forestry 39(2) :201-207.
Martin, J. L. 1955. Observations on the origin and early development of a
plant community following a forest fire. Forestry Chron. 31(2) : 154-160.
McMinn, R. G. 1951. The vegetation of a burn near Blaney Lake, British
Columbia. Ecology 32:135-140.
Newman, D. E. 1959. Sharptails: a land management problem, Wis. Conserv,
Bull. 24(4) :10-12.
SCHORGER, A. W. 1943. The prairie chicken and sharptailed grouse in early
Wisconsin. Trans. Wisconsin Acad. Sci. 35:1-59.
- . 1962. Wildlife restoration in Wisconsin. Trans. Wisconsin Acad. Sci.
51:21-30.
Simpson, G. G., A. Roe and R. C. Lewontin. 1960, Quantitative zoology. Har-
court. Brace and Co., New York. 440 pp.
Stearns, F. A. 1961. Nicolet National Forest: field laboratory. Picture Journal,
The Milwaukee Journal. May 14:16-24.
Stoeckeler, j. H. 1963. Springtime frost frequency near La Crosse, Wisconsin,
as affected by topographic position, and its relation to potential reforesta¬
tion problems. J. Forestry 61(5) :379-381.
Stoeckeler, J. H. and G. A. Limstrom. 1942. Site classifications for reforesta¬
tion on the national forest of Wisconsin. J. Forestry 40:308-315.
West. A. J. 1961. Cold air drainage in forest openings. Pac. S. W. Forest and
Range Exptl. Sta. Res. Note #180.
Wilde, S. A. 1958, Forest soils. The Ronald Press Co., New York. 537 pp.
Wilde, S. A., F. G. Wilson and D. P. White. 1949. Soils of Wisconsin in re¬
lation to silviculture. Wis. Conserv. Dept, Publ. 525:1-171.
Wisconsin Conservation Department Fire Records. 1930-1960. Northeast area
forest protection fire records. Wausaukee, Wisconsin.
AN EVALUATION OF WATERFOWL REGULATIONS
AND LOCAL HARVESTS IN WISCONSIN
James C. Bartonek, Joseph /. Hickey j and Lloyd B. Keith*
Restrictions on waterfowl hunting have existed in this country
since 1710 (Palmer 1912), but it was not until 1913 that nation¬
wide regulations were set up by the federal government, under the
Migratory Bird Law (Lawyer 1919), Many types of regulations
with various degrees of restriction have been established, but not
all have enjoyed equal success. Bellrose (1944), Van den Akker and
Wilson (1951), and Hickey (1955) have made both local and
nation-wide analyses of changing regulations upon waterfowl har¬
vests. The purposes of the present study are to present an historical
resume of waterfowl regulations up to 1939, and to evaluate the
effects of certain of these regulations on local waterfowl harvests
in Wisconsin.
This and all similar studies of waterfowl harvests and regula¬
tions are subject to limitations imposed by local differences in hunt¬
ing conditions and practices, waterfowl species and populations,
proficiency levels and ethics of hunters, regulations and climatic
conditions. Conclusions and management recommendations derived
from local studies may be applicable only in these areas or others
with similar conditions. On the other hand, state-wide or regional
studies may yield data of limited management significance, as they
tend to give a generalized picture and often ignore important local
problems.
Through the kindness of Chandler and Robert Osborn we have
been able to study the hunting diaries of A. L. Osborn and obtain
information relevant to his hunting methods. These diaries consti¬
tute a 32-year record (1907 and 1909-39) of waterfowl-shooting
events on a small island in Lake Winnebago, Wisconsin. Osborn's
kill and that of his companions, along with varied comments on
the day's hunt, were faithfully recorded for each hunting-day.
Osborn, an ovmer and operator of a sawmill in Oshkosh, bought
the island in 1905. The island was approximately 10-15 yards wide
and 100 yards long, and it lay about a quarter-mile from the main¬
land. According to Chandler Osborn (pers. comm.), the only vaca-
* All three authors are affiliated with the Department of Wildlife Management,
University of Wisconsin-Madison.
83
84 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
tion that he ever knew his father to take was during the duck
season. A. L. Osborn died in the spring of 1940 — a veteran duck-
hunter, 81 years old. His chronicle presents many interesting facets
of human behavior that influence bird harvests, but which are not
readily discerned by such methods as roadside bag-checks or hunt¬
ing-questionnaire surveys.
Osborn kept remarkably complete records on the numbers of
persons hunting and the number of birds bagged (usually by spe¬
cies) at this site. During some seasons he recorded shooting hours,
weather conditions, numbers and kinds of birds seen and shot at
but missed, crippled birds, and remarks pertaining to hunting con¬
ditions in general. In extracting information from the Osborn jour¬
nals, we tabulated and considered all harvest data on the basis of
“party hunting’’ (i.e., assisting other members of the party to fill
their individual bag limits by shooting birds for them) so that the
“prestige” bias (i.e., a hunter over-estimating his kill by including
birds that were shot by his companions) (Cronan 1960) might be
eliminated. These harvest data were then evaluated in terms of
concurrent regulations, certain hypothetical regulations, and the
behavior of the hunter.
We wish to give acknowledgements to Laurence R. Jahn, Rich¬
ard A. Hunt, and Robert A. McCabe for their critical advice in
the preparation of this report and to Smith T. Dillon for his pre¬
liminary assembling of the diary data.
Historic Development of Waterfowl Regulations
During the early 1800’s a great number of states provided no
legal protection for waterfowl. Palmer (1912), in listing the chro¬
nology of game laws in the United States, indicated that the first
waterfowl regulation occurred in 1710, when Massachusetts pro¬
hibited the use of boats or canoes with sails or canoes disguised
with vegetation for hunting waterfowl. In 1832, Virginia prohib¬
ited night-shooting on water and the use of big guns for market
hunting. Rhode Island in 1846, followed by Michigan in 1859, were
the first to prohibit spring-shooting of waterfowl; however, both
states later repealed the law. Palmer also listed these other “firsts” :
1872, Maryland provided “rest days” for waterfowl; 1875, Arkan¬
sas prohibited market hunting; 1887, bag limits were established
in the Dakotas ; and 1904, Louisiana had a 5-year closed season on
wood duck (Aix sponsa) (scientific names obtained from A.O.U.
check-list, 1957).
Wisconsin was among the earliest to pass prohibitive regulations
on waterfowl hunting. In 1860, wood ducks were protected from
December 1 to the first Tuesday in July (Laurence R. Jahn, in litt.).
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith— Waterfowl Regulations 85
Scott (1937) said that in 1870 the wood duck, teal, and mallard
(Anas platyrhynchos) ^ were protected during 7 months of the year
in 11 southern Wisconsin counties; and the sale of these species
was prohibited. According to Lawyer (1919), during this same
year only 6 other states had some form of restrictions on spring¬
shooting. Wisconsin's county restrictions may well have been de¬
signed to protect only those species which were locally common
nesters, because regulations indicate that it was not until 1899
for other species of ducks, and 1913 for geese, that the same protec¬
tion was given.
Among the first Wisconsin regulations to appear were those that
restricted market hunters. In the late 1870's, duck hunting from
steam, sail or sneak boats, and sunken batteries was prohibited in
certain areas, and ducks could not be hunted from 8 PM to 3 AM
(Scott 1937), In 1887, birds could be shot only with a weapon dis¬
charged from the shoulder, and hunting from open-water or sink-
boats was prohibited ; the sale of all waterfowl species was prohib¬
ited in 1903.
Prior to 1913, there was little uniformity among the states re¬
garding the harvest of waterfowl. The first federal regulation gov¬
erning wildlife was the Lacey Act of 1900 which prohibited inter¬
state commerce in birds or game killed in violation of state laws
and controlled the importation and exportation of all birds and
mammals. The Federal Migratory Bird Law of March 4, 1913, au¬
thorized the U.S. Department of Agriculture to set suitable seasons
on migratory game, and the Bureau of Biological Survey was
charged with carrying its provisions into effect. Lawyer (1919)
said that this law proved very imperfect because it was incapable
of enforcement; however, he estimated that fully 95 percent of the
sportsmen abided by this mandate and refrained from hunting dur¬
ing the closed season. On December 8, 1916, the International Bird
Treaty was signed with Great Britain and was implemented by the
Migratory Bird Treaty Act of July 3, 1918, which superseded the
law of 1913. A similar treaty was signed with Mexico in 1936. In
1934, federal law required every waterfowl hunter over 17 years
of age to purchase a $1 duck stamp.
Because it brought some element of uniformity to regulations
throughout North America and provided for their enforcement, the
Migratory Bird Treaty Act was a milestone in waterfowl legisla¬
tion. It forbade the hunting, killing, exporting, importing, trans¬
porting, etc., of any migratory birds that are included in the treaty ;
however, the Secretary of Agriculture was given the authority to
permit hunting under certain conditions for a period not exceeding
31/2 months. Since 1918, under authority of this treaty and act, re¬
strictive regulations have included : ( 1 ) modifications in lengths of
86 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences y Arts and Letters [VoL 53
seasons, bag and possession limits, shooting hours, and the number
of shells in the gun; (2) prohibition of bait, live-decoys, the use of
shotguns with bores greater than 10-gauge, and certain types of
boats; and (3) complete or partial protection for certain species of
waterfowL
Local Waterfowl Harvests in Wisconsin
During 32 seasons Osborn recorded 8,078 ducks, 1,032 coots
(Fulica americand)^ and 11 geese (Branta spp., Chen spp,) that
were bagged by him and his hunting companions. Of the total num¬
ber of ducks bagged, 6,751 (83.6 percent) were identified as to
species (Table 1). We doubt that the “unidentified'' birds were un¬
known to Osborn ; they were probably individuals of common
Table 1. Bag Composition of 6,751 Identified Ducks During 32 Seasons,
1907 AND 1909-39
species which he simply failed to record. He never mentioned shoot¬
ing any unrecognized species, but he did note on several occasions
that he shot a bird “rare" to the Lake Winnebago area. None of
the several species of scaups (Aythya spp.) and mergansers (Mer-
gus spp.) were differentiated by Osborn. Conspicuously low in num¬
bers among the divers in his records is the ring-necked duck
(Aythya collaris) (Table 1) which he most likely included with
scaups. From data on Wisconsin duck harvests presented by Geis
and Carney (1961), we determined that the ring-necked duck and
scaup species were being shot at a ratio of 1.0:2.,1, respectively;
and, therefore, the ring-necked might be expected in greater num¬
bers in Osborn's bag. However, this ratio might be greater today
than during the early 1900's because of increased breeding range
of the ring-necked (Mendall 1958).
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith — Waterfowl Regulations 87
The high percentage, 86 percent, of diving ducks, which includes
mergansers and scoters (Melanitta spp.), reflects the divers' pre¬
ference for the open waters of Lake Winnebago. Four early shoot¬
ing records indicate that divers also comprised an important part
of the waterfowl bag on other southern Wisconsin lakes : 45 percent
on Lake Wingra 1873-96 (Leopold 1937), 66 percent on Lake Dela-
van 1892-99 (Hollister 1920), and 72 percent on Lake Puckaway
in the 1900's (Leopold 1929). From 1921 to 1928, kills consisting of
59 percent divers were made by E. J. Nelson on Green Bay (Leo¬
pold 1931).
State-wide bag surveys indicate that divers make up a much
smaller percentage of the total duck harvest. The Wisconsin Con¬
servation Department's annual game-harvest reports from 1931 to
1939 indicate that divers made up only 29 percent of the total bag
compared to Osborn's 88 percent during the same years. The per¬
centages of the four most important species comprising the state's
bag were the mallard, 36 percent; scaup species, 24 percent; green¬
winged teal (Anas carolinensis) , 9 per cent; and blue-winged teal
(A. discors), 9 percent. Geis and Carney (1961) in a survey of
Wisconsin's 1959 season found the kill to include 29 percent divers.
Their bag composition was very similar to that which we deter¬
mined from Wisconsin Conservation Department's data (1931-39)
with the exceptions of the canvasback (Aythya valisineria) and
redhead (A, americana) which were partially protected in 1959.
Species differences between the Osborn and state-wide bags re¬
spectively can be attributed to lake vs. largely marsh- and jump-
shooting.
We averaged the daily bag for each of the 32 hunting seasons and
then took a composite mean of these 32 averages. These average
daily bags for Osborn and his companions were 4.8 ± 0,5 SE ducks
and 0.7 it 0.1 SE coots per hunter-day. Osborn hunted an aver¬
age of 20.8 db 1.0 SE (32) days per season, and his average sea¬
son's bag was slightly in excess of 100 waterfowl. He was certainly
far more successful than the average Wisconsin hunter. From state¬
wide data for 1934-39 (Wisconsin Conserv. Dept. 1952), we cal¬
culated the average seasonal bag per waterfowl stamp sold and
found it to be 15.1 ± 1.2 SE (6) waterfowl. Voluntary hunters’
reports of this type are generally regarded as being biased too
high (Sondrini 1950).
The average kills of divers and dabblers per hunter-day, exclud¬
ing the unidentified species of ducks, declined erratically from 1909
to 1939 (Fig. 1). There appeared to be a slight rise in average kill
of the divers during the 1920's. Despite reports (U.S. Dept. Agr.
1919, Lawyer 1919, Hornaday 1927) of nation-wide increasing
waterfowl populations after cessation of spring-shooting in 1914,
88 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences^ Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Figure 1. Average kill per hunter-day of diving ducks^ dabbling ducks, and
coots (excluding unidentified species) on Lake Winnebago, 1909-39«
Osborn did not experience any persistent change from the estab-
lished downward kill trend. Nelson (1959) also noted that after
1900, Utah's waterfowl harvest was drastically reduced until a low
was reached during the mid-thirties; but following this both the
harvest and number of hunters ‘‘skyrocketed" until a peak was
reached in 1948-49.
We can only conjecture about certain of the “highs" and “lows"
among the average bags of the divers. The general decreasing trend
is, undoubtedly, a combination of both shrinking bird populations
and bag limits. The low bag of 1918 followed by the exceptionally
high bags of divers and coots in 1919 reflected his reduced hunter-
activity during World War I. Summarizing the 1938 hunt, Osborn
wrote: “So ended [the] season for 1938 the most unsatisfactory
one I [have] ever had. Everybody that hunted diving ducks agreed
they were very scarce." Yet, according to Jahn and Kabat (1955,
p. 3), “The season of 1938, when Wisconsin experienced tremendous
fall rains and the three states to the northwest of us were relatively
‘dry,' still stands as the most successful waterfowl hunting season
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith— Waterfowl Regulations 89
experienced by Wisconsin hunters/' The Wisconsin Conservation
Department (1939) reported harvests of 6 species of dabbling
ducks to increase from 291,642 in 1937 to 1,007,331 in 1938. Dur¬
ing these same 2 years the seasonal bag of scaup and ring-necked
ducks rose from .141,549 to only 179,860. With the slight increase in
scaup and ring-necked ducks over the previous year and with can-
vasback and redheads permitted in the 1938 bag, we would expect
Osborn’s season to have been more successful. We assume his poor
season to reflect local conditions; possibly, the ducks were drawn
away from the larger bodies of water such as Lake Winnebago into
the surrounding wet country which would provide numerous feed¬
ing and resting areas.
Very few geese were shot by Osborn, but all 11 of them were
shot after 1923 and 9 of these after 1931. Laurence R. Jahn (in
litt:)^ says that the establishment of waterfowl refuges by private
individuals during the period of 1923 to 1939, provided local shoot¬
ing opportunities for geese. He suspects that with unmolested up¬
land feeding areas established by private efforts, geese used Lake
Winnebago as a watering and roosting site.
Length of Season
During the 33 years (1907-39) spanned by Osborn’s journal,
there was a general trend toward shorter seasons and later opening
dates (Fig. 2) . From the turn of the century up to 1913, Wisconsin
hunters enjoyed 122-day seasons that opened on September 1 and
closed on December 31. Special 16-day seasons were permitted dur¬
ing the springs of 1903 and 1904. The federal law of 1913 super¬
seded Wisconsin’s liberal laws by restricting seasons to only 85 days
and opening them 1 week later. These regulations persisted until
1917, when for the next 4 years the opening date was set at Sep¬
tember 16 with an 86-day season. This September 16 opening date,
along with a 96-day season beginning in 1921, continued up to and
including 1930.
Low waterfowl populations during the ''duck depression” years
of the 1930’s brought about more stringent regulations. "Rest days”
for waterfowl were established by Wisconsin law on each Wednes¬
day during the 1929-33 seasons; and in 1934, federal regulations
set aside all Mondays and Tuesdays as nonhunting days. The lengths
of the 1929-34 seasons were 96, 96, 31, 61, 61, and 40 days respec¬
tively ; but the "rest days” reduced the actual number of hunting-
days to 82, 82, 27, 52, 53, and 30.
Average daily and seasonal harvests declined with a decrease in
season length (Table 2). Declining waterfowl populations and in¬
creasing hunting restrictions likely preclude any meaningful cor-
90 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Table 2. Average Daily and Seasonal Hunting Success ivith Waterfowl
Seasons of Different Lengths and Daily Bag Limits of Various Sizes
on®- Wednesdays were “rest days” in 1929 and 1930, leaving those two seasons with
ly 95 days of hunting.
^Wednesdays were “rest days,” leaving only 52 days of hunting in 1932 and 53 days
in 1933.
^Mondays and Tuesdays were “rest days,” leaving only 30 days of hunting.
‘^Wednesdays were “rest days,” leaving only 27 days of hunting.
relations in the Osborn data between season length and bird har¬
vest. However, the number of times that Osborn went hunting dur¬
ing a season was probably independent of these variables and was
certainly not significantly correlated (r = —0.18, d.f. = 30) with
the season’s length. Osborn’s hunts per season averaged 20.8 (C.V.
= 28 percent) despite variations in the season’s length from 30 to
122 days which averaged 81.9 (C.V. = 35 percent) days. During
shorter hunting seasons, he simply hunted more frequently during
the fewer days available for waterfowl (Fig. 3), his hunting activ¬
ity increasing during both the weekdays and week-ends — Sundays
in particular (Table 3). This phenomenon may be attributed to
Table 3. Average Number of Hunts per Season on Weekdays, Saturdays,
AND Sundays During Seasons Varying in Length from 30 to 122 Days
^Wednesdays were “rest days” in 1929 and 1930.
^Wednesdays in 1931-33, and Mondays and Tuesdays in 1934 were “rest days.”
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith— Waterfowl Regulations 91
Osborn having more leisure-time during the years of his semi-
retirement (1930 to 1940) when seasons were shortest.
Anderson (1948) found that shortening the season from 45 to
30 days had practically no effect upon the total number of man-
days of hunting on rented and privately owned marshes along
southwestern Lake Erie in Ohio. On the other hand, Atwood (1961)
found that the number of duck stamps sold was significantly corre¬
lated with season length in 13 of the 17 states in the Atlantic Fly¬
way, and he also found a doubtful correlation between the season
length and the number of times hunted. Gale (1954), in a study of
upland-game hunting in Kentucky, concluded that a reduction of
less than 2 weeks in a season of more than 2 months^ duration re¬
duced neither hunting pressure nor total kill.
Bellrose (1944) found that the average daily bag in each of
three Illinois duck clubs was greater during short seasons than
long seasons. He attributed this to fewer “good hunting days” in a
long season. Further, he felt that this phenomenon would be typical
only among the northern states where freeze-up prior to the closing
date would force the majority of the ducks to move south and
thereby cause poorer hunting during the remainder of the season.
Although Bellrose’s explanation seems logical and may well be true,
Osborn’s daily-bag declined during those seasons (i.e., in the
1930’s) which were shorter and ended earlier; this was probably
a result of declining populations and the migration of blue-winged
teal, wood ducks and some local mallards from the area prior to the
season’s opening date. In data presented by Van den Akker and
Wilson (1951), we similarly observe declining average bags ac¬
companying declining season-lengths.
Osborn and other hunters (Anderson 1948) who either own or
rent their shooting areas are seemingly able to find or make time
to pursue their sport. Beyond a certain point, however, shorter sea¬
sons would undoubtedly lower the average number of days that
these sportsmen could hunt. Atwood’s (1961) demonstration of a
reduction in the number of hunters accompanying a decrease in
season-length leads us to speculate as to which segment of the
population stops hunting— -the novice, the expert, or both. If it is
the novice hunter who quits hunting, the reduction in total harvest
would not be expected to be directly proportional to the reduction
in hunting pressure.
Opening and Closing Dates of the Season
We consider the opening and closing dates of a season to be im¬
portant influences upon the distribution of hunting pressure, the
species composition of the bag, and the number of birds harvested ;
and the opening and closing dates are obviously associated with
92 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
and dependent upon the season’s length. The Federal Migratory
Bird Act of 1913 authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to pre¬
scribe and fix closed-seasons on migratory game with ‘'due regard
to the zones of temperature, breeding habits, and times and line of
migratory flight.” The Migratory Bird Treaty Act of 1918 per¬
mitted open-seasons to be set from September 1 to March 10, but
not to exceed 3i/^ months.
In the 32 years under consideration, Wisconsin’s seasons opened
as early as September 1 during 1907-12 and as late as October 21
in 1935. Closing dates varied from December 31 during 1907-12
to October 31 in 1931 (Fig. 2). Both the opening and closing dates
_ I _ 1 _ I _ I _ I _ I _
JAN. I -
1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1935
Figure 2. Wisconsin waterfowl hunting- seasons and bag limits, 1907-39.
varied considerably during the 1930’s, but the seasons generally ran
from early October to mid-November.
Osborn hunted on 30 out of 32 “opening days” despite consider¬
able variation in their timing. In one year he didn’t hunt until the
7th day of the season; and in the other year, according to the date
in his journal, he hunted one week earlier than the legal opening.
This early hunt may be attributed to an incorrect entry in the
journal.
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith — Waterfowl Regulations 93
During 1907-30, Osborn's last hunt of the season occurred almost
a month earlier than the average legal closing dates. Osborn never
hunted in December, and only 8 times during the last week of No¬
vember, although 24 out of 32 hunting seasons remained open until
November 30 or later. This early cessation of hunting was caused
by Lake Winnebago’s freezing up. From 1931 to 1939, when the
closing dates were much earlier and the seasons shorter, Osborn
hunted on the last day during 6 out of 9 years. Climatic conditions
obviously restricted Osborn’s opportunity to hunt when the sea¬
sons (Fig. 3) extended into late November and December. Atwood
Figure 3. Distribution of hunter-activity by the percentage of
potential hunting days that were actually hunted for three periods
having different season’s length and/or dates of opening and
closing.
94 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
(1961) also considered climatic conditions important. He suggested
that most of the hunting pressure occurred during the first part
of the season in certain northern states, and a more even distribu¬
tion of hunting pressure occurred throughout the season in certain
southern states.
Seasonal Distributions of Waterfowl Harvest and
Hunting Pressure
The seasonal distribution of hunting kill was plotted for the six
most common species appearing in Osborn’s bag (Fig. 4). To elim¬
inate biases resulting from changes in season lengths and numbers
of times hunted within any weekly interval, the average daily kill
per week hunted was expressed as a percentage of the average kill
for all seasons. As a result, we believe that Fig. 4 largely depicts
the periods of species prevalence (i.e., relative abundance and vul¬
nerability) . Bellrose (1944) and Van den Akker and Wilson (1951)
showed that the percentages of certain species of waterfowl com¬
prising the bag are found in different proportions from those found
in the local population. In comparing waterfowl populations and
bags in the Illinois River Valley, Bellrose (1944) found that species
such as the shoveler (Spatula clypeata) , gadwall (Anas strepera),
and green-winged teal were much more vulnerable than the mallard
and black duck fA. rubripes). While mallards and black ducks con¬
sistently comprised 84-94 percent of the Illinois population, they
constituted only 59-75 percent of the bag. Lesser scaup (Ay thy a
affinis) also proved much less vulnerable than canvasback, ruddy
duck (Oxyura jamaicensis) , and ring-necked duck. Van den Akker
and Wilson (1951) said that in the Bear River Refuge, Utah, snow
geese ( Chen hyperborea) favor areas not open to hunting and that
deep-water ducks are less accessible to most hunters ; whereas, the
shovelers are probably more vulnerable and less wary.
Dabbling ducks and coots followed somewhat similar patterns of
harvest on Lake Winnebago, being most frequently shot during the
first part of early seasons. Fig, 4 suggests that, if hunting had been
distributed evenly throughout the season, 73 percent of the blue¬
winged teal and 50 percent of the mallards would have been taken
by Osborn within the period of September 1-15. Perhaps the high
kill of blue-winged teal and mallards in the early years of Osborn’s
hunting reflects two factors: (1) the earlier opening of the shoot¬
ing season, and (2) the larger numbers of locally raised and/or
migrant teal and mallards that were present in those years.
The redhead was the first diver to appear in Osborn’s bag. Even
though it reached a peak of prevalence in the bag during the second
week of September, it could still be taken throughout the entire sea¬
son. The canvasback first appeared in the bag during the last week
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith—Waterfowl Regulations 95
Figure 4. Seasonal distribution of six species of waterfowl bagged
on Lake Winnebago, 1907 and 1909-39.
of September, but it was not until the following week that it was
bagged in any appreciable numbers. Again, if hunting pressure had
been distributed evenly, over half of the redheads (57 percent) and
canvasback (70 percent) would have been bagged by October 1-7
and 16-23, respectively. The canvasback's rather sudden upsurge
in the bag, beginning in the first week of October, apparently gave
rise to Elliot’s (1898:149) assertion regarding Puckaway Lake
that the ‘'Canvas Backs and Red Heads would always make their
96 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
appearance on the 10th of October"’ and '‘no matter what the
weather may have been up to that time, and even if the season had
been unusually cold, these birds did not appear before the 10th.”
DeGraff, et al. (1961) showed that of 31 canvasbacks banded in
New York and killed later in Wisconsin, about 45 percent were shot
during the last week of October.
The last divers to appear in the bag in numbers were scaups and
mergansers. Scaups were shot throughout October and in Novem¬
ber until freeze-up. The mergansers usually made a sudden appear¬
ance in mid-October. Sixty percent of the scaup and 51 percent of
the mergansers were harvested by the last week in October.
During 32 seasons, Osborn averaged 4.6 ducks and 0.6 coot per
day (Table 4). With the exception of the last week of November
the average duck bag remained high throughout the season. Sep¬
tember 8-1 5’s exceptionally high bag might be explained by the
small sample size in terms of hunter-days. The average bag of coots
per hunter-day dropped off after the last week of September, but
coots were still being shot up to and including November 16-23.
Table 4. Number of Hunter-Days and Hunting Success by
7-or 8-Day Periods, 1907, 1909-39
* Includes 22 additional coots for which the dates of kill were unknown.
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith — Waterfowl Regulations 97
Geis and Carney (1961), acknowledging probable sampling biases,
present data for Wisconsin’s 1959 season which show steady de¬
clines in the percentages of ducks killed throughout the season.
Using questionnaire surveys and wing collections respectively, these
authors found that the percentages of ducks shot during the first
week (October 7“13) dropped from 27.6 and 52.4 percent to 12.9
and 2.9 percent during the sixth and seventh or last 2 weeks of
the season. Bellrose (1944) reported that the average daily-kill per
hunter on the Duck Island Preserve, Illinois, in 1914-36 also re¬
mained high throughout the season. Van den Akker and Wilson
(1951) likewise noted this phenomenon on the Bear River Refuge
in Utah and attributed it not to the increased bird population but
rather to an increase in vulnerability when the birds concentrated
on localized areas following freezing weather. However, this sus¬
tained high bag might also be due to veteran hunters who, unlike
many novices, do not stop hunting after the first few ''good” days
of the season. This explanation was suggested in a pheasant study
conducted in Utah by Stokes (1955) .
Geis and Carney (1961) found that Wisconsin hunters who shot
21 or more ducks per season had 43 percent divers in their bags
compared to only 18 percent for those who shot fewer than 10 ducks
per season. This might be attributed to the most successful hunters
being those that : ( 1 ) hunt on lakes, thereby obtaining more diving
ducks; (2) hunt more frequently and thereby shoot more ducks
later in the season when divers comprise a greater percentage of
the bag; and/or (3) hunt in both dabbling and diving duck habitat.
The seasonal distribution of hunter-days (Table 4) and days
hunted (Fig. 3) were influenced by changing dates of the season,
lengths of seasons, and weather conditions. In all three periods hav¬
ing seasons with relatively similar lengths and opening dates (1907,
1909-16; 1917-30; 1931-39) (Fig. 3), hunting activity increased
during mid-October and early-November. The noticeable lack of
shooting from mid-September to mid-October coincided with Os¬
born’s annual "chicken” and "partridge” hunting. Osborn’s switch¬
ing his hunting effort from waterfowl to upland game birds after
the season was underway suggests that hunting pressures might be
somewhat reduced by opening at least one other season (e.g.,
grouse, pheasants) concurrently with the waterfowl season. Jahn
(in litt.), in evaluating the effects of such concurrent season open¬
ings in Wisconsin, concluded that: "Opening hunting seasons con¬
currently reduces hunting pressures on upland-game, but not on
waterfowl.”
Bag Limits
Wisconsin established its first waterfowl bag limit in 1903 by
permitting a bag of 15 ducks during the special spring season ; no
98 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
limits were imposed on the hunters during the fall season. In the
1905 and 1906 fall season, bag limits were 30 ducks or geese; and
from 1907 to ,1910, the limit was 25 ducks and coots, and 10 geese.
Wisconsin’s daily bag limit for ducks and coots in aggregate
dropped from 25 to 15, 12, and 10 during the period 1907-38 (Fig.
2). Although federal regulations permitted daily bags of 25 coots
during the 1918-34 and 1937-39 seasons and 15 in 1935 and 1936,
Wisconsin did not permit the large coot bags until 1939 ; the coots
were included in the “duck” bag limit. In Wisconsin a possession
limit equal to the daily bag limit existed up to 1938 when it was in¬
creased to twice that of the bag limit. This larger possession limit
was permissible through federal regulations since 1930.
By superimposing certain hypothetical daily bag limits upon Os¬
born’s actual hunting kill, we attempted to appraise the effect that
such restrictions would have had upon his total waterfowl harvest
600-
§ 500 H
c/)
<
UJ
(/)
O 400
S
h-
z
ID
300-
J 200
<
O 100
0-
ACTUAL BAG LIMIT
ACTUAL KILL
-THEORETICAL KILL
1910
T
1915
1920
1925
1930
T
1935
Figure 5. Total duck kill for each hunting season and theoretical harvests
when hypothetical bag limits of 10, 4, and 2 birds per day were assumed,
1909-39.
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith— -Waterfowl Regulations 99
(Fig. 5). To the best of our knowledge, Osborn’s group hunted as
a party and thought in terms of a party hsig limit. Thus, in our anal¬
yses we have considered only the influence of decreased bag limits
on the allowable daily take for the entire party.
Because of the 16-bird bag existing from 1911 through 1932, this
period was used to measure the effect of a theoretical reduction in
bag limits upon the reduction in harvest. During this period Os¬
born’s average bag was 4,5 ± 0.4 SE (22) ducks per day — ^only 30
percent of the legal limit. A hypothetical reduction in bag limits to
10 birds had proportionately less effect upon the reduction of duck
kill than did either the 4- or 2-bird limits (Fig. 6). A 33 percent
BAG LIMIT
Figure 6. Effects of theoretical bag limits on the duck harvest
when actual bag limits were 15 birds (1911-32).
reduction in the bag from 15 to 10 birds per day would have reduced
the kill only 8db 4 (22) percent (95 percent level), A 73 percent
bag reduction to 4 birds would have caused a reduction of 35 ±: 7
(22) percent in the actual kill; and an 87 percent reduction to 2
birds per day would have reduced the harvest by 60 ± 5 (22) per¬
cent. This pattern may reflect the difficulty for even an experienced
hunter such as Osborn to procure a large bag on Lake Winnebago;
100 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
or it may reflect the fact that Osborn frequently hunted only half a
day. Bellrose (1944) found an increasingly greater influence on the
daily bag as the bag limit was decreased from 15 to 10 birds per
day. He says that the bag limit effectively restricts the individual
kill of the better hunters at the best Illinois clubs. Van den Akker
and Wilson (1951) conclude that bag limits are effective only in re¬
lation to the ability and honesty of the hunters and the density of
the duck populations. We conjecture that a season bag limit in addi¬
tion to the existing daily limit could, at least in theory, reduce the
total harvest by restricting primarily the more successful hunters.
If a reduction in the bag limit does not prompt an increase in the
number of hunter-days, then during years of high kill — -a reflection
of either bird populations, vulnerability or local concentrations—
smaller bag limits could appreciably reduce the kill. Van den Akker
and Wilson (1951) state that bag limits affect bag averages little
when set above a certain point. In examining records of the Duck
Island Preserve in Illinois, Bellrose (1944) found little difference
in the kill per shooter-day from 1885 when bags were unrestricted
to the early 1930’s with bag limits of 15 birds. Reductions in bag
limits lowered band recovery rates for canvasback throughout the
nation (Geis, 1959) ; they also reduced duck harvests on Lake Erie
in Ohio, and caused the hunters to shoot selectively the larger ducks
such as mallards and pintails (Anas acuta) (Anderson 1948).
Osborn’s journal contained many “truths” that few hunters are
willing to acknowledge on mail questionnaires. His parties appar¬
ently exceeded their legal bag limits on 30 (= 4 percent) out of
667 days hunted during the 32 years. Twelve of the excessive limits
were attained when coots were included as part of the duck bag as
then prescribed by Wisconsin law. These same 12 days, however,
would not have been violations under federal regulations because
there was a federal bag limit on coots that was separate from that
for ducks. On the remaining 18 days in which their bagged ducks
exceeded both state and federal limits, Osborn’s parties shot 774
out of a permissible 505 ducks, or 153 percent of their legal bag.
Osborn not only identified the harvested waterfowl as to species
but frequently into the two categories of “good ducks” and “mer¬
gansers, ruddys, and hens [coots].” He never included the mer¬
gansers within his totals of “ducks killed,” but he does mention
“giving away” and “keeping” both mergansers and coots. Chandler
Osborn (pers. comm.) said that none of the coots and mergansers
were wasted, because if they were not eaten by the Osborn family
they were given to their hired-man who had a large family that
could always use the meat. From 1924 to 1937 A. L. Osborn gave
as gifts to his guests 61 percent of the “good ducks” bagged.
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith — Waterfowl Regulations 101
Other sources indicate that not all species of waterfowl shot end
up as table fare, Hochbaum (1955) observes that in Canada, when
bird populations are high and bag limits relatively low, it is a com¬
mon practice to discard teal and shovelers and replace these with
mallards and canvasbacks. Hawkins (Kiel and Hawkins, 1953) re¬
ported large numbers of unretrieved coots which he assumed to
have been mistakenly shot for ducks. Osborn gave no indication
that any of his birds were wantonly wasted.
Partial and Complete Protection of Certain Species
Wisconsin's regulations have given preferential protection to cer¬
tain species of waterfowl since 1860 when wood ducks were pro¬
tected between December and July. In 1870 the spring shooting of
mallards, teals, and wood ducks was locally prohibited. Except for
1871, these three species were protected by county or state laws up
to 1913 when federal law ended spring shooting. Swans were pro¬
tected in 1897.
From 1915 through 1941, the wood duck was completely pro¬
tected. During 25 of these seasons, 1915-34, Osborn recorded kill¬
ing only 2 wood ducks while during the 7 preceding seasons he shot
21. Thirteen of these 21 wood ducks were shot after September 24,
suggesting that they were potentially available during the years
of protection. On October 1, 1939, after illegally shooting one of
the birds he wrote “[The] Wood duck was an accident and a very
hard shot." From 1932 to 1937 the bufflehead (Bucephala cd-
heola) and ruddy duck were given full protection, but during this
time Osborn bagged 19 of the former and 2 of the latter.
The aggregate bag limits during 1932, 1933, and 1934 were 10,
8, and 5 respectively for canvasback, redhead, ring-necked, scaups,
teals, gadwall and shovelers, with total limits of 15, 12, and 12
ducks, respectively, of any other species. During 1938 and 1939
there were 10-bird limits, of which not more than 3 in aggregate,
of canvasback, redhead, bufflehead and ruddy duck were permitted.
Despite these somewhat confusing regulations, Osborn violated
them only twice during 134 days of hunting in the above five sea¬
sons. One violation occurred when 3 men killed 26 scaups — 2 more
than permitted. On another occasion, Osborn shot 1 redhead and 8
scaups when he was permitted only 8 of those species in aggregate.
In addition to these 2 violations Osborn recorded that 3 of his guests
killed 37 scaup and 14 canvasback — 21 in excess of the aggregate
limit.
102 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
In addition to the seasons of variable bags, the canvasback and
redhead received complete protection during 1936 and 1937. Such
protection, however, did not reduce their kill (Table 5). Geis and
Carney (1961) found Wisconsin’s 1959 bag to consist of 1.0 per¬
cent canvasback and 0.9 percent redhead when only one of each
was permitted in the bag. Our calculations of Wisconsin bag compo¬
sition from the Wisconsin Conservation Department’s annual har¬
vest reports from 1931 to 1939 found the canvasback and redhead
to comprise 4 and 2 percent of the bags respectively even though
the reports for 1936 and 1937 merely indicated “closed season”
Table 5. Harvest of Canvasback and Redhead During Seasons with and
WITHOUT Special Protective Regulations, 1931-39
under the numbers of each species shot. Bellrose (1944) found that
the hunting pressure in Illinois apparently did not lessen on the
canvasback and ruddy duck during 3 years of restricted bags. He
noted further that even when given complete protection, the wood
duck had first-season band returns of 3.4 percent in comparison to
2.3 percent from states that permitted 1 in possession. During the
subsequent year when all states had a 1-wood duck limit, total re¬
turns were only 5.4 percent.
Wisconsin prohibited the shooting of coots during the 1935 and
1936 seasons. During these two seasons Osborn recorded killing 15
and 18 coots respectively.
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith — Waterfowl Regulations 103
I Of the 9,121 waterfowl killed by Osborn and his associates, 269
I (=r 2.9 percent) were in excess of bag limits and 122 (— 1.3 per-
! cent) were protected; or, apparently 391 (;= 4.3 percent) of the
birds killed during the 32 years of records were in violation of
' regulations.
' Van den Akker and Wilson (1951) recognized the inability of the
majority of hunters to identify species, and questioned whether leg¬
islative protection of a species that was infrequently taken in the
bag could materially affect its rate of harvest. Anderson (1948),
nevertheless, reported that certain experienced individuals hunting
on privately owned marshes along Lake Erie could identify ducks
sufficiently well, and would selectively shoot birds by size, species,
and sex during seasons having small bag limits.
We suggest that these endangered species might be better pro¬
tected through regulation-zoning in time and place — but without
any special restrictions on the duck species. In zones where endan¬
gered species constitute an appreciable percentage of the bag, the
season could be closed entirely or adjusted to miss peaks of migra¬
tion. Where these species constitute minor percentages of the bag,
more liberal seasons could be permitted,
Three-Shell Limit
Objections to repeating guns made by Cottam (1935) were that
in the hands of a good shooter they facilitated large kills, while in
the hands of a poor shooter they increased crippling losses. Eather
than prohibit the use of repeating shotguns, federal regulations in
1935 limited the number of shells in a shotgun to three.
Obsorn was apparently aware of this new regulation because on
October 21, 1935, he wrote: ''Jack could shoot only 3 times (under
the law) . He killed two . , , and one got away.’’ In 308 hunter-days
during the 5 years prior to the 3-shell limit, Osborn and his asso¬
ciates reportedly crippled 23 birds, and in 441 hunter-days during
the 5 years following the regulation 29 cripples were allegedly lost.
There was no significant difference between rates of crippling in
the 5 years before and after the regulation. During 24 seasons, Os¬
born recorded just 1 bird lost per 50 bagged. This crippling ratio
is much lower than those found in most reports of crippling losses.
Bellrose (1953) summarized the findings of many research workers
and determined the minimum average crippling loss for these stud¬
ies to be 22.5 percent. Osborn’s exceedingly low crippling rate sug¬
gests that he may have failed to record all lost birds.
104 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Decoys
In a survey of game in the north-central states, Leopold (1931)
indicated that heavy baiting and large numbers of live decoys were
used on overflows, river sloughs, marshland, and cornfields for the
best mixed-species shooting. Bluebill (scaup) shooting was done
primarily on deeper waters where only wooden blocks were used.
In spite of the unrestricted use of live decoys in nearby Illinois
as late as 1932 (Bellrose 1944), Wisconsin limited their use to 25
per person as early as 1905. This state regulation lasted until 1921,
when the number of decoys was increased to 50 per person, but of
this number, no more than 5 could be live. The first federal regula¬
tion on the use of live decoys limited their number to 25 during the
seasons of 1932-34, and in 1935 federal regulations brought an end
to this practice.
Live decoys, or ''squawkers” as Osborn occasionally called them,
were used by him from at least 1911 to 1917. In subsequent years
there were no further remarks found in his journal concerning
their use. The number of decoys was probably small because he
once mentioned that 3 live decoys were put in among the balsawood
decoys. He never indicated that bait was used.
Comparisons of the numbers of dabbling ducks in the bag, ex¬
pressed as percentages, show very significant differences between
the period of live decoy use (1913-17) and two periods of nonuse
(1918-22 and 1935-39) : these percentages are 15, 9, and 10 per¬
cent, respectively. These differences, however, are believed to re¬
flect the date of season opening rather than the use of live decoys.
The 1913-18 period had 4 out of 5 seasons that were 9 days earlier
than the 1918-22 seasons and from 3 to 6 weeks earlier than the
1935-39 seasons. By disregarding the kill during the first 9 days
(September 7-15) of 4 seasons during the 1913-18 period the per¬
centage of dabblers in the bag dropped from 15 to 9 percent. When
this adjusted bag for 1913-18 is used, no significant differences are
found among the three periods. Bellrose (1944) in comparing two
seasons of similar length and dates on the Illinois River valley found
that mallards comprised 84 percent of the bag during the preregu¬
lation year of 1933, and only 64 percent during the postregulation
year of 1941. Because the ban on baiting and live decoys came at the
same time, Bellrose was unable to evaluate each regulation inde¬
pendent of the other factor. Osborn's data suggest that small num¬
bers of live decoys did not increase the kill of dabbling ducks on
Lake Winnebago.
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith— Waterfowl Regulations 105
Conclusions
We regard hunters^ diaries as tending to report the bags of the
more successful members of the hunting community. With this bias
in mind and with awareness that the Osborn diary is probably rep¬
resentative of only the larger-lake conditions of eastern Wisconsin,
we draw the following general conclusions :
1. During the period of this study, hunting pressure by Osborn
was not reduced by reduction in season lengths to 30 days. This
finding may be influenced by the fact that the shorter hunting sea¬
sons occurred in those years when he had retired from business and
may have had more opportunity to go hunting,
2. Opening and closing dates importantly affected the species
composition of Osborn's seasonal bag, in this locality,
3. Concurrent upland-game and waterfowl seasons certainly af¬
fected the distribution of Osborn’s hunting effort.
4. The termination of hunting in the present study by freezing
weather (and not regulations) in 25 out of 32 years was typical of
waterfowl hunting in other parts of the northern states.
5. On the basis of waterfowl harvests at this one site from 1911
through 1932 when bag limits were 15 per day, reductions of bag
limits to 6 would have only a slight effect (less than 25 percent
reduction) on the numbers of waterfowl shot each year. A 50 per¬
cent reduction could not be achieved until the bag limit was reduced
to 2.
6. Closed hunting seasons on endangered species of ducks be¬
tween 1907 and 1939 appeared to have little effect on the harvest
of such species as the canvasback and redhead, but they appeared to
reduce the harvest of wood duck. Special restrictions involving the
identification of species also had little effect.
7. In this relatively open-water locality, the use of live decoys
did not increase the bag of dabbling ducks.
Summary
This study presents a resume of waterfowl regulations and evalu¬
ates their influence upon the harvesting of 8,078 ducks, 11 geese,
and 1,032 coots on Lake Winnebago, Wisconsin, by A. L. Osborn
and his friends from 1907 to 1939. The 86-percent representation of
diving ducks in this bag was also typical of other Wisconsin lakes
but was much higher than state-wide bag averages. The effects of
decreasing waterfowl populations and more stringent hunting reg¬
ulations were evident in the declining trend of average daily bags
from 1909 to 1939. Reductions in season-lengths from 123 to 30
days had no significant effect upon the number of days Osborn spent
hunting. Lake Winnebago’s freezing frequently ended duck shoot-
106 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences^ Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
ing more than a month before the legal closing date. From mid-
September to mid-October, hunting activity was diverted from
waterfowl to upland game birds. The seasonal distributions of
waterfowl species in the bag show that blue-winged teals, mallards,
coots, and redheads were most frequently taken in September; can-
vasbacks, scaups, and mergansers reached their peaks of prevalence
in mid-October and November; and the geese were shot in October.
Weekly averages of the daily-bag remained high from September 1
to November 23, Hypothetical bag limits of 10, 4 and 2 ducks per
day were applied to the data for birds harvested under a 15-bird
limit; these limits reduced the harvests 8, 35 and 60 percent, re¬
spectively. Of the 9,121 waterfowl killed by Osborn and his com¬
panions, 269 (“ 2.9 percent) were in excess of bag limits and
122 (= 1.3 percent) were protected. Regulations did not effec¬
tively prohibit or limit the numbers of canvasback, redhead, buf-
flehead and ruddy duck bagged; but they appeared to be effective
in the case of the wood duck. Reported crippling losses were only 1
bird per 50 bagged; the 3-shell law did not change the crippling
losses for these hunters. The use of live-decoys did not increase the
percentages of dabbling ducks in the bag.
References Cited
American Ornithologists’ Union. 1957. Check-list of North American birds. The
Lord Baltimore Press, Baltimore, Maryland, 691 pp.
Anderson, J. M. 1948. Some effects of current regulations upon duck shooting
along southeastern Lake Erie. Paper presented at 10th Midwest Wildl.
Conf. 3 pp. (mimeo.).
Atwood, E. L. 1961. Relation of season length to hunting kill in the Atlantic
Flyway/preliminary report. U. S. Dept. Int. Fish and Wildl. Serv., Bur.
Sport Fisheries and Wildl., Washington. 8 pp. (mineo.).
Bellrose, F. C., Jr. 1944. Duck populations and kill/An evaluation of some
waterfowl regulations in Illinois. Illinois Nat, Hist. Survey Bull. 23(2):
327-372.
- . 1953. A preliminary evaluation of cripple losses in waterfowl. Trans.
N. Am. Wildl. Conf. 18:337-360.
COTTAM, C. 1935, Waterfowl problems clarified by study of gunning practices,
pp. 329-330. In U.S. Dept. Agr. Yearbook of Agriculture, 1935. U.S. Govt.
Printing Office, Washington.
Cronan, J, M. [I960]. Prestige and memory bias in hunter kill surveys. Rhode
Island Div. Fish and Game, Providence. 7 pp. (mimeo.),
DeGraff, L. W., D. D. Foley, and D. Benson. 1961. Distribution and mortality
of canvasbacks banded in New York. New York Fish and Game J. 8(2) :
69-87.
Elliot, D, G. 1898. The wild fowl of the United States and British possessions
or the swan, geese, ducks, and mergansers of North America. Francis P.
Harper, New York. 316 pp.
Gale, L. R. 1954. The effects of season changes on hunting effort and game
kill. Paper presented at the 8th Ann. Meeting SE Assoc. Game and Fish
Commissioners. 13 pp. (mimeo.).
1964] Bartonek, Hickey and Keith— Waterfowl Regulations 107
Geis, a. D. 1959. Annual and shooting mortality estimates for the canvasback.
J. Wildl. Mgmt. 23(3) :253-261.
- , and S. M. Carney. 1961. Results of duck- wing collection in the Missis¬
sippi flyway. U.S. Dept. Int. Fish and Wildl. Serv., Bur. Sport Fisheries
and Wildl., Spec. Sci. Kept.: Wildl. 54. 120 pp.
Hickey, J. J. 1955. Is there scientific basis for flyway management? Trans. N,
Am. Wildl. Conf. 20:126-150.
Hochbaum, H. a. 1955. Travels and traditions of waterfowl. Univ. of Minne¬
sota Press, Minneapolis. 301 pp.
Hollister, N. 1920. Relative abundance of wild ducks at Delavan, Wisconsin,
Auk 37(3) :367-371.
Hornaday, W. T. 1927. Hornaday’s American natural history. Chas. Scribner’s
Sons, New York. 449 pp.
JAHN, L., and C. Rabat. 1955, Comments regarding zoning Wisconsin for the
waterfowl hunting season. Wisconsin Conserv. Dept., Madison. A paper
presented at the Mississippi Flyway Council. 6 pp. (mimeo.),
Kiel, W. H., Jr., and A. S. Hawkins. 1953. Status of the coot in the Missis¬
sippi flyway, Trans. N. Am. Wildl. Conf, 18:311-322.
Lawyer, G. A. 1919. Federal protection of migratory birds, pp. 303-316. In
U.S. Dept. Agr. Yearbook of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1918.
U.S, Govt. Printing Office, Washington.
Leopold, A, 1929. Report on a game survey of Wisconsin. Unpublished MS
submitted to the Game Restoration Com., Sporting Arms and Ammunitions
Mfg. Inst. [Filed in Library, Dept. Wildl, Mgmt., Univ. Wisconsin, Madi¬
son.] 167 pp, (typewritten).
- . 1931. Report on a game survey of the North Central States. Sporting
Arms and Ammunition Mfg. Inst., Madison, Wisconsin. 299 pp,
- . 1937. The Chase Journal: an early record of Wisconsin wildlife. Trans.
Wisconsin Acad. Sci, 30:69-76,
Mendall, Howard L. 1958. The ring-necked duck in the northeast. Univ. Press,
Orono, Maine. 317 pp.
Nelson, N. F. 1959. A history of waterfowl hunting in Utah. Proc. Ann. Conf.
Western Assoc. State Game and Fish Commissioners 39:233-236.
Palmer, T. S. 1912. Chronology and index of the more important events in
American game protection / 1776-1911, U.S, Dept. Agr. Biol. Surv. Bull.
41. 62 pp.
Scott, Walter E. 1937, Conservation history. Wisconsin Conserv. Bull. 2(3) :
10-15, (4):14-30, (5) :23-30, (6) : 27-37,
SONDRINI, W, J. 1950. Estimating game from licensee reports. Connecticut
State Board of Fisheries and Game P~R Project 7-R, Hartford. 50 pp.
Stokes, A, W. 1955, Patterns of pheasant harvest in Utah. Proc. Utah Acad.
Sci. 32:51-58.
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of Agriculture for the year ended, June 30, 1918. U. S. Govt. Printing
Office, Washington. 520 pp.
Van den Akker, J. B., and V. T. Wilson. 1951. Public hunting on the Bear
River Migratory Bird Refuge, Utah. J, Wildl. Mgmt. 15(4) :367-381,
Wisconsin Conservation Department. 1939. Comparative tabulations 1937 and
1938 / game census returns. Wisconsin Conserv. Bull. 4(6) :27.
— - . 1952. Wisconsin game kill and license sales charts. Game Mgmt, Div.,
Madison. 20 pp, (mimeo,).
■N ;■
YELLOW BASS IN WISCONSIN'
William T. Helm*
The yellow bass (Roccm mississippiemis (Jordan and Eigen-
mann) ) is a recent addition to the fish populations in Wisconsin
waters. It is native to the Mississippi River system^ but not to the
Great Lakes drainage. Recent collections have disclosed its pres¬
ence in various streams and lakes of the Great Lakes drainage.
Forbes and Richardson (1920) reported it to be a southern fish^
extending northward in the Mississippi River Valley as far as St.
Louis, C. Willard Greene (1935) recorded it at two locations on
the Mississippi River in Crawford County, Wisconsin. Oliver Gibbs,
Jr. (Carlander, 1954) reported catching yellow bass in Lake Pepin
during the 1860's. Recent collections (WCD Lake Survey Reports)
in the Mississippi River have shown yellow bass to be common as
far north as LaCrosse and Trempealeau Counties, and to be pre¬
sent as far north as Lake Pepin. Currently, it is known to be in 22
lakes or ponds in six river systems within the state of Wisconsin,
exclusive of the Mississippi River itself. In addition, the yellow bass
was also present in Lake Mason until the entire fish population was
removed in 1955, Lakes and streams from which specimens have
been obtained or from which yellow bass have been reported by
reliable sources are recorded in Figure 1.
Specimens or reliable reports were obtained from lake survey and
rough fish control activities of the Wisconsin Conservation Depart¬
ment, and from two research projects at the University of Wis¬
consin Hydrobiology Laboratory. The reports of the rough fish con¬
trol section were available in a continuous series since 1936, Un¬
fortunately, many fish were not identified with enough reliability to
permit appraisal of their early distribution, Bass, crappies, sunfish,
and white bass apparently constituted catch-all categories. In some
reports yellow bass were excluded because 'They were not very
abundant/'
All available evidence on the introduction or expansion of yellow
bass into Wisconsin waters is circumstantial, but the following ex¬
planation appears most tenable. The Wisconsin Conservation De-
1 Much of this material was presented in a Ph.D. thesis entitled “Some notes on the
ecolog-y of panfish in Lake Wingra with special reference to the yellow bass (Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin-Madison).” Sincere appreciation is expressed to the Wisconsin Con¬
servation Department for providing funds for this research,
* William T. Helm is Assistant Professor of Wildlife Resources, Utah State Uni¬
versity.
109
110 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
partment, similar departments of other states bordering the Missis¬
sippi River, and the Federal Government undertook extensive “fish
rescue’' work in the late 1930’s and early 1940’s. This involved the
salvage of fish stranded in shallow sloughs when the Mississippi
River receded, and the subsequent release of these fish back into the
river itself or the stocking of some of them into various lakes. At¬
tempts to determine which species of fish were introduced into vari¬
ous lakes by this procedure have been almost entirely futile. Trans¬
ferred fish were usually recorded as bass, panfish, etc., without fur¬
ther identification (WCD planting receipts). Some of the collec¬
tions containing fish designated as “panfish” or “bass” were ob¬
tained from areas in the Mississippi River where yellow bass had
been previously reported (Fig. 1). Since southwestern Wisconsin
7- Swan
8- Buffalo
9- Puckaway
10- Winneconne
1 1- Poygan
iZ' Big Butte Des Morts
13* Winnebago
14- Kingston Mill Pond
15- Kaukauna Fishing Pond
16- Fifteen
17- Random
18* Bernice Mill Pond
19* Sheboygan Fishing Pond
ZQ- Long
21- Chilton Fishing Pond
yellow bass collected prior to 1935
sites of fish rescue work during late
I930*s or early 1940*8
yellow bass collected subsequent to 1940
0 probable initial introduction
0 yellow bass stocked in 1956 or 1957
1964]
Helm — Yellow Bass in Wisconsin
111
is on the northern edge of its distribution as reported by Greene,
the yellow bass was probably rather scarce in areas where Wiscon¬
sin salvage crews were working. Carlander lists three stations in
Wisconsin (LaCrosse, Lynxville, and Genoa) at which U.S. Bureau
of Fisheries crews operated during the 1930’s, and one (Cassville)
at which Wisconsin crews worked during 1940. Thus, while yellow
bass could have been captured during salvage operations, probably
only a small percentage of the catches would contain yellow bass,
and it now logically would occur in only a fraction of the lakes
stocked with salvaged fish.
The known distribution of yellow bass further substantiates the
above explanation. If the yellow bass had entered the Madison
chain of lakes from the south via the Rock River, it would have
appeared first in the lowest lake in the chain. Lake Kegonsa (Fig.
to Mississippi R-
112 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
2), At present this species has not been reported in either Lake
Kegonsa or Lake Koshkonong, where in all probability it should
have appeared had the Rock River been the route of introduction.
For the above reasons it is not possible to determine the precise
time and location of introductions of yellow bass into Wisconsin
waters. Based upon present distribution, WCD records, and com¬
ments of WCD personnel, it appears that yellow bass were intro¬
duced at perhaps six points as a result of the stocking of rescued
fish: Lakes Tomah and Delton in the Wisconsin River system; Lake
Wingra in the Rock River system; and Lakes Mason, Buffalo,
and/or Puckaway, and the Fox River at Omro in the Fox River
system.
No appreciable spread of yellow bass seems to have occurred
from the two lakes in the Wisconsin River system. The Fox River
system, however, has been almost completely infiltrated. It is diffi¬
cult to determine if this is a result of extensive movement or
whether it represents many points of introduction within the river
system. Perhaps the most easily interpreted movement has occurred
in the Rock River system in Dane County. The yellow bass was ap¬
parently introduced into Lake Wingra during the 1930’s. Transfer
records of rescued fish state that “bass, bullheads, and sunfish”
were stocked. Records of rough fish removal in 1936 do not mention
yellow bass. Lake Wingra was not seined again until 1944, at which
time the yellow bass was very abundant. Dr. John Black catalogued
the captured fish and estimated the numbers of each species during
the seining in 1944. Prior to his work, little time was expended on
careful identification of species, and yellow bass could easily have
been present.
Yellow bass evidently moved either across the dam or through
the locks from Lake Wingra and downstream to Lake Monona
where it was first reported by a contract fisherman in 1953 (Fig.
2). Since then it has become abundant enough to sustain a limited
sport fishery. At about the same time, yellow bass also appeared in
the rough fish control seines in Lake Waubesa, downstream from
Lake Monona, although it was never mentioned in the seining re¬
ports. Another report indicates that a few were caught by hook and
line during this period. The yellow bass has never become abundant
in Lake Waubesa and has not appeared downstream in Lake
Kegonsa.
Upstream movement from Lake Monona to Lake Mendota was
difficult, since the fish had either to swim up through very fast,
shallow water or pass through a set of locks. One of these routes
was apparently negotiated successfully as early as the spring of 1957
when one yellow bass was captured in a fyke net in Lake Mendota.
1964]
Helm— Yellow Bass in Wisconsin
113
In 1960, 1961, and 1962, numerous yellow bass were captured in
nets on the eastern shore of Lake Mendota.
Several other Wisconsin river systems also contain yellow bass,
either as a result of the stocking of rescued fish or because of the
stocking of children's fishing ponds in 1956 and 1957.
The extensive distribution of yellow bass in the Fox River sys¬
tem, the slow rate of dispersal in the Rock River system and lack
of such movement in the Wisconsin River system appear to be so in¬
consistent that no general statement can be made regarding the
ability of the yellow bass to disperse throughout various types of
river systems.
Food
A knowledge of the food and feeding habits of a fish, such as the
yellow bass, can help delineate its basic ecology. Reports published
in the early 1900's from Mississippi and Illinois were rather brief.
Burnham (1910) stated that the young feed on air and water in¬
sects, Crustacea, insect larvae, and small fish; and that adults con¬
sume air and water insects, crawfish, Crustacea, frogs, mollusca,
small fish, tadpoles, worms, etc. Forbes and Richardson (1920) re¬
ported that the yellow bass is insectivorous and that the adults feed
on aquatic larvae, small crustaceans, and terrestrial insects. The re¬
ports indicated that fish are a minor item in the diet. More recent
reports from Iowa (Kutkuhn, 1955) presented a considerably dif¬
ferent picture. There the young feed on plankton crustaceans and
minute immature insects, while the adults eat fish {70% as fre¬
quency of occurrence) and to a lesser extent plankton, insects, etc.
A number of collecting devices were used by the author to obtain
samples of fish from Lake Wingra between 1953 and 1957. During
the first two years seines, gill nets, angling, and fyke nets were em¬
ployed; later, bottom trawls were added. Passive devices such as
gill nets and fyke nets collected fewer fish per unit of time than
active devices such as seines and trawls.
Identification of recently consumed food organisms can often be
quite precise, but such careful itemization can be extended to in¬
clude the entire contents of the stomach only with great difficulty.
The food categories utilized must be broad enough, therefore, that
classification of small fragments of resistant material is possible. In
this study 26 categories of food organisms were recorded; the 11
most often encountered are listed in Table 1. Each stomach from
the 1953-54 collections was examined individually while the con¬
tents of several stomachs from the 1956 samples were lumped to¬
gether for examination.
114 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Food organisms in six categories (Table 1) were the most im¬
portant during both study periods. Fish remains and scales in the
1953-54 samples were recorded as separate items; in 1956 they
were lumped together as fish remains. Two categories had been
established in 1953-54 because the presence of intact, undigested
scales without any sign of other fish remains indicated that the yel¬
low bass had picked up a scale or scales along with other small food,
and probably had not consumed an entire fish.
Table 1. Frequency of Occurrence (in per cent) of Various Food
Organisims in the Stomachs of Lake Wingra Yellow Bass
Cladocera .
Copepoda . .
Chironomidae
larvae .
pupae .
Chaoborinae. . .
Fish .
Remains only
Scales only . .
Ephemeroptera .
Hydracarina . . .
Corixidae .
Ostracoda .
The possibility always exists in analyses of frequency of occur¬
rence that some organisms may be present in a large percentage of
the stomachs but never in large numbers. Such organisms then
appear to be more important as food items than they actually are.
Data were analysed to eliminate this error, and only food items
present in more than trace amounts were included. The term trace
amounts designates ten or fewer individuals of the very small or¬
ganisms such as ostracods. Results (Table 1) are in general agree¬
ment with the standard frequency values. The food categories of
major importance in both study periods were Cladocera, Copepoda,
Chironomidae (larvae and pupae), Chaoborinae, and fish remains.
Collections of yellow bass from two lakes in east-central Wiscon¬
sin, Random Lake in Sheboygan County and Lake Winnebago in
Winnebago County, and two in southwestern Wisconsin, Gremore
Lake and Horseshoe Lake in Crawford County, were made by the
1964]
Helm— Yellow Bass in Wisconsin
115
Wisconsin Conservation Department during 1956 and 1957 (Table
2). All of these fish were captured in seines. Unfortunately, the
sample of fish from Gremore and Horseshoe Lakes was small, and
the percentage values are probably unreliable. The food items, how¬
ever, are of decided interest, especially since Gremore and Horse¬
shoe Lakes are backwater sloughs of the Mississippi River while
the others are inland lakes.
In general, analysis of the food organisms consumed by the yel¬
low bass collected throughout the state indicates that plankton and
chironomids are of major importance while other littoral or bot¬
tom forms and fish are less important.
Table 2. Frequency of Occurrence (in per cent) of Various Food
Organisms in the Stomachs of Yellow Bass from
Three Wisconsin Lakes
Although the food items of greatest importance did not vary ap-
pieciably, the number of food categories represented was influenced
by the methods used to collect the fish. This influence of the collect¬
ing method is evident if the numbers of food categories found in
the stomachs of fish collected by the various methods are tabulated
(Table 3). A wider variety of foods was found in the stomachs of
fish collected by gill net and seine than in those collected by fyke
net, trawl, and angling. Water depth and proximity to shore were
not common denominators for the differences, nor were passive
and active collecting devices.
Records were kept of the number of categories represented in
the stomachs of small, medium and large fish. No significant differ¬
ences were noted. Data obtained on the number of categories rep¬
resented in fish collected in daylight and darkness also indicated
no difference. Whenever one category was definitely dominant by
116 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
volume in any stomach, this fact was noted. Only representatives
of the first four categories (Table 1) were consistently dominant.
It is not possible to state which of the first four groups was most
frequently dominant in view of the results of the time-of -feeding
study reported under feeding habits, as a predominance of daytime
or nighttime samples could distort the results.
Feeding Habits
Numbers of yellow bass collected from Lake Wingra with seines
during 1954 and the early summer of 1955 varied with time of day.
More fish were captured per seine haul between sunset and sunrise
than during daylight. A study of feeding habits was initiated to de¬
termine whether the difference was correlated with increased feed¬
ing activity during some particular period of the day.
Table 3. Number of Food Categories Eepresented in the Stomachs of
Yellow Bass Collected from Lake Wingra by Various Methods
Yellow bass were collected by seining at approximately hourly
intervals, ranging from late afternoon until after sunrise the next
morning on two occasions during the summer of 1955. One of the
problems encountered was inability to catch sufficient numbers of
fish each time the seine was drawn at a given place. Apparently the
interval of one hour between hauls was too short to permit adequate
numbers of fish to re-enter the seined area. The small samples
caused great variation in the results of stomach analyses. A con¬
ventional shrimp-testing otter trawl was being used at the same
time to collect fish for growth studies and this appeared to be a
suitable substitute. Fish were collected on five occasions during
1956, and all these collections were made with an electrified version
of the otter trawl. The collections were made over a total elapsed
time of 55 hours.
As soon as possible after collection, usually within a few minutes,
the entire stomach and intestine were removed from the fish and
preserved in 70% alcohol. Stomachs were opened in the laboratory
and all the food was removed. The actual volume of material pres¬
ent was estimated as percent of fullness of the stomach. Stomachs
1964]
Helm— Yellow Bass in Wisconsin
117
were rated as being entirely empty, less than one-quarter full, one-
quarter, one-half, or completely full. Numerical values of 0, 0.1,
0.25, 0.5, and 1.0 were assigned to the above ratings. A value given
to each collection of fish was computed by determining the average
degree of fullness for the entire collection.
Data from 316 fish captured during July and August 1955, are
presented (Fig. 3). The July collections indicate a definite period¬
icity in feeding. Rather than feeding throughout the night, these
fish apparently fed shortly after dark and again at daylight. August
samples are not as easily analysed since some of the collections con¬
tained less than 10 fish and therefore have rather wide confidence
limits. There is no well defined trend in the graph of August sam¬
ples, and thus no definite conclusions can be drawn regarding pe¬
riodicity of feeding.
During 1956, collections were made with a trawl at approxi¬
mately 1-hour intervals extending over 8-hour periods on August 6,
8, 13, and 16, and over a 24-hour period on August 19 and 20. Stom¬
ach contents of 704 fish were evaluated as in 1955. The evidence did
not indicate any prime feeding periods during which the majority
of the fish feed.
In addition to estimating the degree of fullness of the stomachs
an examination was made of stomach contents to assess the rela¬
tive importance of different organisms at various times in a 24-
hour period. A striking variation with respect to time of collection
in the kinds of organisms present in greatest abundance was found
(Fig, 4), although, as previously noted, the numbers of food cate-
plankton dominant Aug- 6,8,13,16 values estimated
chironomids dominant Aug- 19,20 values calculated
118 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Comparative Units
0400 0600 0800 1000 1200 1400 1600 1800 2000 2200 2400 0200 0400
1964]
Helm— Yellow Bass in Wisconsin
119
gories represented did not change. Either chironomid larvae or
plankton crustaceans were the dominant organisms in most stom¬
achs. A plankton-chironomid (P/C) ratio was calculated for each
collection of fish. This ratio was determined by assigning a value
to either P or C, whichever was the dominant organism in any one
fish stomach, and adding the P’s and C’s separately for each col¬
lection to obtain a pair of values for that collection. The values as¬
signed were based on the degree of fullness of the stomach attributa¬
ble to the organism concerned : 1 if the stomach were % full ; 2 if it
were % full ; 4 if it were I/2 full, etc. Thus if eight of 14 stomachs
in a collection were full of chironomids with only traces of
plankton ,and two stomachs were % full of plankton, a P/C ratio of
2/16 or 8 C would be obtained. Points on the graph marked with a
vertical line represent very small samples (six fish or fewer). It is
apparent that, with few exceptions, chironomids were dominant in
stomachs collected at night and plankton was most important dur¬
ing daytime.
Growth
Age-group 0 (young-of-the-year) fish were collected in Lake
Wingra during the summers of 1954, 1955, and 1956, and on one
occasion in 1957. Growth rates of these fish compared favorably
(Fig. 5) with fish of the same age from Clear Lake, Iowa (Car-
lander et al., 1952). Iowa data from 1948 and 1950 illustrated good
and poor growth. It is not possible to make any statement regard¬
ing the relative strengths of year-classes in Lake Wingra; each
year of the study the hatch was sufficiently successful that large
numbers were readily seined. Growth remained good through Sep¬
tember, slowing down sometime in October each year of the study
(Figs 5 and 6).
Determination of growth rates of older fish in Lake Wingra was
complicated by a serious mortality of older panfish, including yel¬
low bass, which occurred in July 1954. Collections of yellow bass
taken periodically during the summer of 1954 indicated that after
July very few fish older than age-group III were present, although
nearly all specimens collected in July were older fish.
Examination of scale samples collected during 1954 revealed that
only a small fraction of the yellow bass had laid down an annulus
that year. Collections had been made at such short intervals in 1954
and 1955 that the growth of yellow bass throughout summer could
be plotted, and age-groups could be identified in this fashion (Fig.
6). Growth of fish for 1954 and part of 1955 was easily determined
by this method, but by 1956 and 1957 the length interval between
120 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
age-groups became very small. This twofold complication of lack
of annulus formation and small differences in length between age
groups thus prevents any meaningful presentation of growth data.
Bathymetric Distribution and Movements
Preliminary studies on the distribution of yellow bass in shallow
water indicated that: (1) they were found in areas with few ob¬
structions, i.e. outside of beds of vegetation rather than within;
(2) they were found along nearly all types of shoreline as long as
there was sufficient open water, but were difficult to seine on a
stony bottom; (3) they were found in the area of a swimming
beach, where they were very readily seined; and (4) they were
generally far more abundant in shallow water during darkness
than during daylight.
1964]
Helm — Yellow Bass in Wisconsin
121
1955
Sept 29
Aug- 29-30
Jl
Aug- 18
.jJk<
July 22
July 7
June 2
5 0 70
JU
90
no
y. .1
1
iL
.ii
..■iid .
130
150 I7C
Total Length in Millimeters
Part of the yellow bass population moved into shallow water at
dusk but did not travel laterally to any extent. Seining and removal
of fish from an area at 1-hour intervals during the night produced
moderate numbers of fish the first few hauls, but very few there¬
after. Single collections at various times on different nights showed
that yellow bass remained in the beach area all night. Bottom trawl¬
ing in the center of the lake at approximately 1-hour intervals over
varying periods of time up to 24 hours revealed that yellow bass
were present at all times. Numbers caught during darkness by this
method exceeded those caught during daylight by a three to two
ratio.
122 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Age-group 0 yellow bass displayed a pattern of diurnal move¬
ment. Large numbers were captured with seines in shallow water at
night, but very few were ever captured in the same areas during
daylight. Bottom trawling during daylight produced many of this
age-group, but trawling at night seldom produced any. This move¬
ment from deep water during daylight to shallow water at night
began to change to adult behavior patterns during June of the sec¬
ond year of life at water temperatures of 20° C or more.
Limited information was obtained on the bathymetric distribu¬
tion of yellow bass in Lake Wingra. A 16-foot shrimp-trawl was
rigged to operate as a surface or midwater trawl in addition to its
normal use as a bottom trawl (Massmann, Ladd, and McCutcheon,
1952). When used as a surface or midwater trawl, the size of the
net opening was 3 feet vertically and 10 feet horizontally. Both di¬
mensions were reduced slightly when the net was operated as a bot¬
tom trawl. The surface trawl under tow travelled with the cork
line just beneath the surface of the lake, while the cork line of the
midwater trawl travelled about 3 feet beneath the surface. Lake
Wingra, throughout most of the deep water area, averages about 9
feet in depth; therefore, the multi-level trawling at three depths
effectively sliced the lake into three nearly distinct layers.
Nearly all multi-level trawling was done during daylight hours,
thus any changes in spatial distribution of yellow bass due to
changes in light intensity, etc., have not been explored thoroughly.
Seven trials of this type of trawling were made ; three in 1956, two
in 1957, and two in 1958 (Fig. 7). One trial each in 1956 and 1957
included only surface and midwater hauls. One trial in 1958 was
made during darkness. Yellow bass, with only one exception, were
never caught in large numbers by surface or midwater hauls. The
exception was on a dark, rainy day when light conditions were ap¬
proximately the same as after sundown on a clear or partly cloudy
day. Apparently the bottom layer on the lake was the preferred hab¬
itat during daylight hours when light intensities were high. Some
individuals apparently tend to move up into the middle depths and
even to the surface under low light intensities. This is not a mass
movement, however, since periodic bottom trawling did not reveal
any major decrease in numbers of yellow bass available for capture
during a 24-hour period.
Daylight catches varied greatly in October and November during
the 3 years. Reproduction could account for some increase from
1956 to 1958. More than one-half of the bottom haul in October 1957
was composed of young-of-the-year, indicating good survival of that
year-class, but the tremendous catch of 1958 remains unexplained.
Number of Yellow Bass Caught per 10-Minute Haul
1964]
Helm — Yellow Bass in Wisconsin 123
140-
120-
80 -
- Surface
m
i
— Midwater
— Botto m
— Young - of- Yea r
— Other
Daylight
60 -
40 -
Oct- 17 Oct 19 Nov 2 July 16 Oct 16
1956 1957
Night
512
m
October 24
1958
The large numbers captured in the bottom trawl at night on Octo¬
ber 24, 1958, probably reflected a reaction to decreasing lake tem¬
peratures.
Catches of yellow bass in the bottom trawl, as previously stated,
were larger at night than during daylight by a three to two ratio.
The apparent conflict with the vertical diurnal migration mentioned
above can be logically explained. Behavior of yellow bass in seines
was observed on numerous occasions. In every case the flsh oriented
toward the seine but avoided contact with it. If the lead-line was
raised from the bottom when passing over an obstruction, the yel¬
low bass in that vicinity darted through the hole and escaped. Such
behavior indicates a strong reliance on vision. Light intensities at
the bottom of Lake Wingra during daylight probably are sufficient
to allow some yellow bass to escape the trawl. Trawling at night,
however, could be expected to result in a greater rate of capture.
Apparently the density of fish was not reduced sufficiently by ver¬
tical migration to offset the increased efficiency of the net at night.
Although some adult yellow bass were captured by seine in shal¬
low water at night shortly after the ice melted in spring, daylight
124 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
seining was seldom successful until the water had warmed up to
nearly 15° C. Age-group I hsh, hatched the previous year, were
first captured in seines in the shallows at night when surface water
temperatures ranged from 16 to 20° C, and during daylight when
surface temperatures exceeded 20° C.
Yellow bass of all ages were present, although in reduced num¬
bers, in shallow water in fall when water temperatures were some¬
what below 10° C, but none were captured when temperatures
reached 4° C. Bottom trawling in late October, when water temper¬
atures were less than 10° C, was far more successful than when the
water was warmer. Apparently the fish form fall or cold-water
aggregations in deeper water. This aversion to very shallow areas
during the cold water season was not always apparent, however;
yellow bass were caught by hook and line through the ice in water
less than 4 feet deep on many occasions during the winter.
Summary
Yellow bass had been collected at two locations in the Mississippi
River in Crawford County in southwestern Wisconsin prior to 1935.
By 1958 specimens had been collected or reliably reported from 22
lakes or ponds in six river systems within the State, in addition to
the Mississippi River. Most of the expansion within the State ap¬
pears to be the result of transferring fish from the Mississippi
River, while the remainder is due to the stocking of children’s fish¬
ing ponds. As a result of these stocking activities, the range of the
yellow bass has been extended from the Mississippi drainage into
the Great Lakes drainage.
Early reports on foods of yellow bass indicated a reliance on in¬
vertebrates, while some recent publications report greater utiliza¬
tion of fish. Invertebrates were the principal food item in the stom¬
achs of yellow bass collected from five Wisconsin lakes. It was noted
that method of capture influenced the number of food categories
represented in yellow bass stomachs.
Collections made at various times of the day and night and in dif¬
ferent areas of Lake Wingra indicated that yellow bass captured
away from shore fed continuously, but evidence was inconclusive
concerning those captured in shallow water. A diurnal fluctuation
in kinds of food organisms consumed was evident in fish captured
in a bottom trawl in the center of the lake.
Growth rates of age-group 0 yellow bass compared favorably
with the growth of similar aged fish in an Iowa lake. Older fish
grew so slowly that many of them did not produce an annulus, and
neither annulus enumeration nor length-frequency analysis could
be used to study growth.
1964]
Helm — Yellow Bass in Wisconsin
125
Trawling for fish on the surface, at midwater depths, and on the
bottom revealed that yellow bass were most abundant near bottom.
There was some diurnal movement of adult yellow bass, and an
almost complete movement of age-group 0 fish to shore during
darkness.
References Cited
Bailey, R. M. 1956. A revised list of the fishes of Iowa, with keys for identi¬
fication, in Harlan, J. R., and E. B. Speaker, Iowa fish and fishing. Third
edition. State of Iowa. pp. 1-377.
Burnham, C. W. 1910. Notes on the yellow bass. Trans. Am. Fish. Soc. 39:
103-108.
Carlander, H, B. 1954. A history of fish and fishing in the Upper Mississippi
River. Upper Mississippi River Conservation Committee, pp. 1-96,
Carlander, K. D., W. M. Lewis, C. E. Ruhr, and R. E. Cleary. 1952. Abun¬
dance, growth and condition of yellow bass, Morone interrupta Gill, in
Clear Lake, Iowa, 1941 to 1951. Trans. Am. Fish. Soc. 82:91-103.
Forbes, S. A. and R. E. Richardson. 1920. The fishes of Illinois, Second edi¬
tion. Ill. Nat. Hist. Survey 3:1-357.
Greene, C. W. 1935. The distribution of Wisconsin fishes. State of Wisconsin
Conservation Commission. Madison, pp. 1-235.
Hubbs, C. L. and K. F. Lagler. 1949. Fishes of the Great Lakes Region. Cran-
brook Inst, of Sci., Bull. No. 26. pp. 1-186.
Kutkuhn, J. H. 1955. Food and feeding habits of some fishes in a dredged
Iowa lake. Proc. Iowa Acad. Sci. 62:576-588.
Massmann, W, H., E. C. Ladd, and H. N. McCutcheon. 1952. A surface
trawl for sampling young fishes in tidal rivers. Trans. N. Am. Wildlife
Conf. 17:386-392.
Neess, j. C., W. T. Helm, and C. W. Threinen, 1957. Some vital statistics
in a heavily exploited population of carp. Jour. Wildl. Mgt. 21(3) :279-
292.
Noland, W. E. 1951. The hydrography, fish and turtle population of Lake
Wingra. Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters. 40(2):5-58,
Wisconsin Conservation Department. Contract fishing inspectors reports.
- . Lake survey reports and other investigational memoranda.
- . Original planting receipts, transmittal receipts and annual summaries
of fish transfers and stocking.
— - . Supervising wardens monthly summaries.
/
UWM AND THE PEACE CORPS: PARTNERSHIP
IN INNOVATION
Carol Edler Baumann:^
When the first Peace Corps training project at The University of
Wisconsin-Milwaukee commenced in January of 1963, it ushered in
a new dimension to the international studies of the University
which even now has not reached its full expanse. In two years, The
University of Wisconsin has served as the locale for fourteen proj¬
ects and for the training of over 600 Volunteers for Latin America,
Asia, and Africa.^ During this time UWM has become one of four
permanent year-round Peace Corps Training Centers in the coun¬
try ; it has granted not only fellowships, assistantships, and tuition
scholarships to returning Volunteers, but also up to twelve under¬
graduate credits in relevant disciplines ; finally, it has incorporated
into the international relations field a special sequence of courses
closely geared to Peace Corps service. This, indeed, could well be
only the first step toward a comprehensive and continuing relation¬
ship which might yet develop to embrace Peace Corps studies and
service as an even more integral part of both the undergraduate
and the graduate curriculum.
The Beginning
Following discussions in Washington, D. C., between Provost J.
Martin Klotsche of The University of Wisconsin^Milwaukee and
Peace Corps officials, a Special Committee on International Pro¬
grams^ met at UWM on February 28, 1963, to discuss the possibility
of a Peace Corps training project in Milwaukee, The committee
agreed that UWM involvement in such a project could be an appro¬
priate and beneficial undertaking for the University, that Latin
America presented itself as a geographical area in which the Uni¬
versity was best prepared to develop such a program, and that the
project would be strengthened if, added to UWM resources, the
resources of the total University and other educational institutions
* Dr. Baumann is Assistant Professor of Political Science and Director of the Insti¬
tute of World Affairs, The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee and University Exten¬
sion Division.
^UWM alone has hosted a total of thirteen Peace Corps projects with over 550
Volunteers.
2 Professors Frank M. Himmelmann, Henry W. Hoge, and Donald R. Shea.
127
128 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
in the Milwaukee area could also be utilized. This kind of coopera¬
tive approach has been followed throughout all of the Peace Corps
training programs at the University.
On April 18th, Mr. Lawrence Dennis, Associate Director for
Peace Corps Volunteers, visited Milwaukee and met with a number
of Milwaukee area university and college representatives at The
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. At the meeting. Dr. Fred
Harvey Harrington, then Vice-President, expressed the interest of
The University of Wisconsin as a whole in cooperating with vari¬
ous Wisconsin institutions in developing programs for Peace Corps
training. Although centered on the Milwaukee campus, all Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin Peace Corps training has since borne this marked
characteristic of total University support by faculty and adminis¬
tration alike. The following month, Mr. Joseph F. Kauffman, Direc¬
tor of Peace Corps Training, sent an invitation to Dr. Donald R.
Shea of The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee to attend a Peace
Corps Training Conference in Washington. In early June, Dr. Shea
attended the Washington meeting on behalf of the University, and
conversations there led to a subsequent statement by Mr. Dennis
that it appeared likely that a program for UWM would develop
sometime later that year. To clarify and formalize this somewhat
indefinite commitment was the major remaining task before actual
negotiations on a training contract could begin. That UWM was
ready to move ahead quickly in this direction was made clear to
both the Director of Training and the Associate Director for Peace
Corps Volunteers.
Before mid-July, UWM officials had received a preliminary state¬
ment on a specific Peace Corps project for the development of sav¬
ings and loan operations in Peru. Although the details were yet
to come and a contract would still have to be negotiated, the Uni¬
versity administration was ready to get the project nailed down.
Latin America was regarded as the overseas area in which the
University had the greatest academic competency, and the technical
studies prescribed (savings and loan) would provide the Univer¬
sity with the opportunity to draw on community resources in such
essential areas as banking, business, and labor. By October, contract
negotiations were under way, and the development of a successful
project seemed assured by the endorsement of the administration
and by the enthusiasm of the key faculty people involved both in
Milwaukee and in Madison. The Peru Savings and Loan Project
began as the first UWM Peace Corps Training Program on Janu¬
ary 10, 1963. The next section will examine in more detail what
that and subsequent programs entailed and how they led to the
creation of year-round Peace Corps Training Center on the UWM
campus.
1964] Baumann — UWM and the Peace Corps 129
Training Programs and the Peace Corps Center
Including the initial Peru Savings and Loan Project (January
10-March 23, 1963), The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee un¬
dertook and completed thirteen Peace Corps training programs
through December of 1964, These included projects for seven differ¬
ent countries on three continents with a total of over 550 trainees.
The Volunteers were trained in such disparate skills as Community
Development, Math/Science Teaching, 4-H, Credit Union Develop¬
ment, Rural Cooperatives, School Lunch Programs, Auto Mechan¬
ics, Nursing Education, and English as a Foreign Language— and
the list is not complete.'"^ Of those trainees entering the first eight
projects, approximately 78.3% successfully completed their train¬
ing program and graduated as full-fledged Volunteers.
One of the outstanding characteristics of the training programs
is their diversity — in the areas of knowledge and technical skills
included, in the sources and talents of administrative and training
staff utilized, and in the background of the trainees themselves. In
addition to the technical studies referred to above, the trainees
study in depth the country and region to which they are assigned
and so familiarize themselves with the language and customs of its
people as to almost ‘Teel at home’’ when they finally arrive at their
Peace Corps destination. According to the Peace Corps Training
Division, the aim of Area Studies is to provide the trainees with
both knowledge of and respect for the culture, traditions, and sen¬
sitivities of the nationals with whom they will live and work. The
training program also includes an American Studies, World Affairs,
and Communism component designed to nurture an understanding
of the United States and its heritage as well as some conception of
the foundations and problems of international relations today.
Diversity is also reflected in the backgrounds and disciplines of
the training staff and faculty. In all of the UWM projects to date
full use has been made of the “total” University resources so often
referred to in the early negotiations. In the first seven projects, for
example. The University of Wisconsin in Madison was represented
fifty-two times— second only to UWM in the number of faculty
members included.^ In the same seven projects a total of forty-
seven different institutions were represented, almost half of them
two or more times. Among these were colleges and universities from
all over the country as well as from foreign states. The faculty rep¬
resentation from the University (Madison and Milwaukee) in¬
cluded thirty-two disciplines and departments. This broad, inter¬
disciplinary approach, though dictated by the project format and
® See Appendix A for a complete list of all UWM projects (to date), with relevant
technical studies, dates, number of trainees, and dropouts.
^ UWM was represented 166 times in the first seven projects.
130 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 58
facilitated by a fairly specific goal, was in itself an innovation for
faculties more accustomed to the departmental rather than the in¬
terdepartmental viewpoint.
Finally, the trainees themselves have contributed a cosmopolitan
air to a campus less characterized in its international learnings by
the composition of its student body than by its academic interests
and expanding international curriculum. Again using the first seven
projects for computation purposes, the following figures emerge:
The trainees came from thirty-eight different states, the District
of Columbia, Puerto Rico, Burma, and Germany.^ Sixty-nine per
cent had finished sixteen grades of schooling and had received their
B.A. degrees. Another 4.8 per cent had received M.A. degrees, and
there were three (1.4 per cent) LL.B. degrees. As a group, the
trainees had obtained degrees from ninety-six different schools. The
age variation extended from 18 to 65, but over 54 per cent were
22 to 24, and another 23 per cent fell between the ages of 20 and 26.
Diversity has thus characterized the trainees more in geographical
representation than in educational background or in age.
As for the training programs per se, the general format and the
rudimentary elements of each are similar. The number of trainees
and the number of weeks may vary, although on a national basis
most projects now take approximately ten to twelve weeks and tend
to average seventy-five trainees per project.^’ The program break¬
down in subiects covered and time allocated has also become fairly
standardized. In the more recent twelve-week programs at UWM,
the total of 720 training hours (60-hour weeks of 10 hours per day)
is divided in general as follows : '
Language _ 310 hours
Technical Studies _ 143 hours
Area Studies _ 100 hours
American Studies, World Affairs, and Communism _ 55 hours
Physical Training and Recreation _ 70 hours
Health _ 30 hours
Peace Corps Orientation _ 12 hours
Total _ 720 hours
The predominant position afforded to language, technical studies
and area studies simply reflects the primary emphasis placed upon
the tasks to be done and the linguistic facility so necessary to ac¬
complish them. An understanding of the history and culture, politi-
° New York (26), California (24), Illinois (18), Pennsylvania (14), and Wisconsin
(12), as listed, had the highest number of trainees.
6 American Council on Education, Special RejJort on Federal Programs (Volume 1,
No. 8 — August, 1963), p. 2.
Outside of a slightly greater emphasis on language, technical, and area studies, the
ITWM program compares closely with the general pattern for Peace Corps programs
throughout the county. See Ihid., pp. 2-3.
1964] Baumann — UWM and the Peace Corps 131
cal and economic systems, and the needs and aspirations of the peo¬
ple living in the area is also considered essential to the job at hand.
Hence, area studies are correspondingly emphasized.
In Milwaukee, there have been three major developments in the
content of the training programs during the initial two-year period.
First, in the area of technical studies, there was a noticeable switch
during and after the eighth project from a primarily lecture ap¬
proach toward technical studies to an emphasis on practical, “in-
the-field'’ training. Field practitioners involved in similar or closely
related work, whether it was nursing, public health, or community
development, were heavily utilized in the technical training seg¬
ment of the program. Moreover, the trainees themselves were taken
on relevant field trips where they not only gained practical experi¬
ence in the work ahead of them, but also had the opportunity to
apply the knowledge they had accumulated in the more formal
phases of their training. According to Center personnel, this also
afforded them both relief and release from the pressures of intensi¬
fied training by allowing them to “get their hands dirty.”
In addition to this new emphasis on field training, the more re¬
cent projects at UWM have included a sizable segment of “com¬
munications theory” within the technical studies field. Since the
Brazil RCA project (spring, 1964), communications theory has
constituted approximately fifteen hours of the total technical
studies time allocation. Recognizing the language problem as of key
significance in a cross-cultural situation, the communications sec¬
tion was obviously designed to supplement language training by
alerting the trainees to the ambiguous nature of full and clear
communications. The UWM program is not unique in including
this, but it does emphasize the fact that total communication is
more than language; that it not only requires facility with the
language itself but also must take cognizance of such factors as
source credibility, nonverbal communication, the impact of com¬
munication on group change, and the possibilities and limitations
of the mass meda in communications.
A second development, related more to organization and adminis¬
tration than to content, and yet affecting the later, was the gradual
combination of the American Studies, World Affairs, and Commun¬
ism sections of the training program.^ In the first four projects all
three were treated as separate segments with little, if any, rela¬
tionship between them. They were co-ordinated by different profes¬
sors and were scheduled separately, again, with little relation to one
another. By the time of the fifth and sixth projects (Ecuador 6 and
Brazil 6) , however. World Affairs and Communism had been com-
® See Syllabi of all UWM Peace Corps Training- Projects, The University of Wiscon-
sin-Milwaukee.
132 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
bined as an integral unit. American Studies remained a separate
entity, but both units (American Studies as one and World Affairs
and Communism as the other) were coordinated by the same per¬
son. In the seventh project (India 5a) all three were combined as
the ASWAC (American Studies, World Affairs, Communism) sec¬
tion of the training program, and this format has since been fol¬
lowed. In the combined approach, an attempt has been made to re¬
late the various political, economic, and social aspects of American
society and its institutions both to the world scene and to the ideo¬
logical and practical accoutrements of international Communism.
Although closer integration could probably still be effected, the
three topics have emerged as a more cohesive and meaningful unit.
The third change in the UWM projects resulted from the matura¬
tion of the entire Peace Corps program. With the advent of return¬
ing Peace Corps Volunteers, the opportunity arose to utilize their
experience and personal insights in the training of future Volun¬
teers. In addition to their value as adjuncts of the Peace Corps
Center,^ the returning Volunteers became invaluable participants
in the orientation segments of the training program. Peace Corps
Orientation is the only portion of a training program which is ad¬
ministered by Peace Corps, Washington, and carried out by Peace
Corps personnel. Since the India 5a project (Sept.-Dee., 1963) in
Milwaukee, returned PCVs have been utilized for at least six hours
of the twelve-hour orientation sections. From their own personal
experiences, they have been able to prepare the trainees for the
actual living conditions they will face and the concrete situations
with which they will have to deal. This has provided the trainees
with a much more realistic picture of Peace Corps service and has
thus given a more practical bent to their total training.
As salutary as all of these developments have been for specific
segments of the projects, the total training program at UWM has
probably benefited most from the creation of a permanent year-
round Training Center. The first official proposal indicating the
University's interest in the establishment of such a center was
made by President Harrington of The University of Wisconsin to
Mr. Sargent Shriver, Director of the Peace Corps, when he indi¬
cated that the University was prepared to make a long-term com¬
mitment to train Peace Corps Volunteers on a year-round basis for
any country and in any specialty for which it had available re¬
sources. The University was convinced, however, that the most
efficient and effective way to undertake such training programs
would be under a long-term contract arrangement so that it could
build Peace Corps training into the regular teaching loads of key
» See below, p. 135.
1964]
Baumann — UWM and the Peace Corps
133
faculty members. President Harrington therefore proposed^^ that
negotiations begin on a contract to set up such a Training Center
on the Milwaukee campus. The resources of the entire University
would be available to staff the training programs, and some specific
projects might still be based in Madison.
Negotiations followed. The rationale for a year-round center was
evident not only to the University, but to the Peace Corps as well.
Of all the various criticisms of Peace Corps programs which had
been made during its first two years of operation, the most persist¬
ent, especially among universities, was the lack of lead-time for
specific projects and the consequent necessity for ‘'crash programs.''
This problem, it was suggested, could be at least ameliorated by
setting up programs on a continuing basis^^ and thereby developing
a permanent and experienced staff and faculty.
In assessing the year-round program in New Mexico in 1963,
Rogers B. Finch, Chief of the Peace Corps Division of University
Relations, wrote that such a program makes it possible for the uni¬
verity to commit appropriate facilities and staff to a project in ad¬
vance and to make more efficient use of scarce foreign area and
language specialists. He also indicated the Peace Corps self-interest
in this when he pointed to the fact that a year-round program en¬
sures a steady flow of trained Volunteers.
Following a series of meetings and correspondence on the matter,
a year contract was signed between The University of Wisconsin-
Milwaukee and the Peace Corps for the period of August, 1963, to
August, 1964. This in itself established UWM as a Peace Corps
Training Center although both staff and facilities were at a bare
minimum. The primary objectives before the Center were thus
twofold: first, the search for additional personnel and expanded
facilities and, second, the utilization of a permanent staff and ad¬
ministrative organization to better facilitate the preparation and
implementation of future projects. By the end of the year an apart¬
ment building on the Kenwood campus had been purchased for
housing trainees, and by the following summer an expanded staff
was in full-scale and continuous operation.
The Center's organization has been functionally determined by
its principal tasks: Training, Selection, and Returned Volunteer
Counseling and Support, all serviced by a central administrative
10 March 20, 1963.
11 Roy P. Fairfield, “The Peace Corps and the University,” in The Journal of Higher
Education (Volume XXXV, No. 4— April, 1964), p. 197.
1^ Rogers B. Finch, “The Peace Corps and Higher Education — Two Years of Partner¬
ship,” in Higher Education (Volume XIX, No. 8 — June, 1963), p. 5.
1® The staff then consisted of Dr. Shea as Director, one administrative assistant, and
a secretary.
1* In terms of both budget and staff, the Peace Corps Center has become one of the
larger operations on the UWM campus.
134 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
structure. Dr. Shea continued as Director but added an adminis¬
trative assistant for overall Center activities. For training pur¬
poses, a separate project director plus his own secretary is now
assigned to each project. Thus, even if two projects are running
simultaneously, each automatically has its own director and secre¬
tarial support. Moreover, a permanent training director was ap¬
pointed in January, ,1964, to provide continuity from one training
project to another, at least for the Latin American area. The crea¬
tion of this latter position along with the Center itself has added
that built-in “infrastructure’^ so essential to the efficient organiza¬
tion and running of new and different projects, otherwise largely
serviced by turn-over personnel.
In the area of selection, the UWM Center currently has on its
staff a full-time Field Assessment Officer for all projects, an assist¬
ant FAO, the assistance of the Director of Psychological and Coun¬
seling Services, and a half-time secretary, in addition to the psy¬
chologists assigned to each project. Although selection procedures
are centrally directed from Peace Corps, Washington, and the
Washington Selection Officer makes the final selections, the deci¬
sions themselves correlate closely with the midterm and final evalu¬
ations of the Selection Board. The three regularly attending mem¬
bers of the board for any program are the Project Director, the
Field Assessment Officer and the Selection Officer, although others
periodically attend.^^
Selection, however, is based not only on the midterm and final
evaluations by the Selection Board, but also on the day-to-day as¬
sessments by those most intimately connected with the trainees dur¬
ing their training period. Training itself is utilized as part of the
selection process, and prospective Volunteers are “selected out” at
any phase either before or during the training period. Before train¬
ing, selection operates on both a “selection in” and a “selection
out” procedure; that is, selection in takes place when the prospec¬
tive Volunteers fill out the application forms, take the required
examinations, and refuse or accept assignments offered. Selection
out, on the other hand, takes place through the investigation of ap¬
plicants, the evaluation of applications made and tests taken, and
the ultimate rejection of original applicants accepted.
In a special report on the Peace Corps, published in 1963, the
American Council on Education estimated that in order to send
one qualified volunteer overseas, the Peace Corps has needed as
many as eight applicants. Considering eligibility only, the report
continued, “. . . approximately one out of four applicants are ac¬
cepted for training. But not all of those invited accept, and the
^For example, the psychologists on the project, a P. C. Program Development
Officer, Field Representative, or Deputy Field Representative, if in the area.
1964] Baumann — JJWM and the Peace Corps 135
proportion of refusals, while decreasing, has been as high as 50
per cent/’^^ Once an assignment has been offered and accepted,
however, selection does not end. If anything, it then begins in earn¬
est. Training, itself, supposedly gives the final insight into an appli¬
cant's suitability for Peace Corps service, and about 20% of the
trainees entering a training program are ultimately “selected out”
for one reason or another during the training period. This pro¬
cedure has resulted in the relatively high quality and low attrition
rate of Peace Corps Volunteers on the job. The University of Wis-
consin-Milwaukee has generally accepted the rigors of a strenuous
training program as a necessary prelude to successful service over¬
seas.
Returning to the administration of the Center itself, for its day-
to-day operations, there is a full-time administrative assistant, one
full-time project assistant, and two part-time personnel. A small
number of returned PCVs are also employed for assistance in train¬
ing, orientation, and recruitment. In July, 1964, a fourth Center
function was expanded through the appointment of a Director of
Psychological and Counseling Services. In addition to assistance in
evaluation for selection purposes, coordination of Peace Corps re¬
cruitment, and development of Center-Community Relations, the
Director assumed responsibility for the counseling of all returning
PCVs who requested it as well as for the coordination of Volunteer
support at UWM through assistantships, scholarships, and other
stipends. This function developed as a result of the growth of the
Center, the increasing number of returning Volunteers, and the
utilization of UWM as the one Peace Corps Training Center with
responsibility for counseling activities on a national basis.
The establishment of the year-round Center at UWM has made
its impact in several areas, but nowhere as emphatically as in the
way it has allowed that degree of advance planning which has fa¬
cilitated the recruiting of the most appropriate and qualified faculty
and personnel for the projects to be done. Most planning is now
based on the assumption that at least one project will be carried out
per semester and that the programming will be geared as closely as
possible to the university calendar. Other additional projects will
periodically be taken on, however, as well as summer programs.
In addition, UWM as a whole has experienced many of the same
reactions as other institutions involved in Peace Corps training.
The concrete advantages and disadvantages of such training have
been elaborated upon in numerous articles^"^ and are not unique to
UWM. For example, “Institutions which have conducted Peace
American Council on Education, op. cit., p. 10.
See especially Roy P. Fairfield, “The Peace Corps and the University,” in op. cit.
136 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Corps training projects have found the experience to be not only
highly demanding of staff and facilities, but also exciting and re¬
warding, The opportunity to teach international relations, area
studies, country studies, language, American studies, health, tech¬
nical studies, and Communist tactics and techniques to a group of
highly motivated trainees who will shortly be putting to use what
they have learned has proved to be a new and exciting educational
experience for faculty members who have participated in these
programs/’^®
Of even greater relevance, however, to a training center where
new projects are constantly underway and where more and more
faculty become involved in them in one way or another is the re¬
mark that ''The Peace Corps training program requires an inter¬
disciplinary effort far exceeding that called for by even the wildest
'general educationists,’ ” for it brings together on a single team so
many varied and different specialists from numerous disciplines
and parts of the campus. These faculty members have . . gained
new respect for the rich resources of expertise in their school- —
riches that are too frequently overlooked in the day-to-day con¬
centration upon particular areas of specialization. Undoubtedly,
some have found this 'cross-fertilization’ somewhat sinful; most
have found it exciting and productive.”^^
In Milwaukee, moreover, the very creation of an on-going opera¬
tion has had a psychological effect on the thinking of UWM faculty
and the community at large. Whereas earlier projects were con¬
ducted on crash basis with faculty participation based on a com¬
bination of incentives, including experimentation, idealism, and
monetary remuneration, the program has now become firmly estab¬
lished and thereby somehow "respectable.” There is also a growing
recognition of the possibilities of a Peace Corps-University part¬
nership which would encompass not only an incorporation of Peace
Corps training techniques and topics into the regular curriculum,
but also the joint devlopment of the training projects themselves
and of new research proposals,^^
Training as Education
In addition to the generally admitted advantages and disadvant¬
ages of Peace Corps training from the university viewpoint, per¬
haps the greatest significance of the Peace Corps programs at The
^ Rogers B. Finch, “The Peace Corps and Higher Education — Two Years of Partner¬
ship,” in op. cit., p. 4.
Robert W. Iversen, “The Peace Corps — A New Learning Situation,” in The Modern
Language Journal (Volume XLVII, No. 7 — November, 1963), p. 302.
20 The Peace Corps itself expressed its confidence in the quality of training at the
UWM Center and in its long-range potential by a renewal of the initial commitment
with a million dollar contract in April, 1964.
1964]
Baumann — VWM and the Peace Corps
137
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee will be their long-term effect
on the courses and curriculum of that institution. Only a modest
first step was taken in September, 1964, when a general revision of
the interdisciplinary Major in International Relations included as
one option of specialization the study of underdeveloped areas as
of special relevance for Peace Corps aspirants. Events in June and
July of that year foreshadowed an even closer relationship between
the Peace Corps and UWM with far-reaching implications for
course content, the curriculum, and the standard four-year time
sequences.^^
Of related, but more immediate concern, however, was the ques¬
tion of how Peace Corps training compared and contrasted with
regular college classes and whether, in fact, training could validly
be considered as education at all. There were some who obviously
did not think so. Emphasizing the problems of unequal motivation,
background, and potential, one writer argued, “Even when a uni¬
versity creates a diversified program to take these several varia¬
tions into account, it is so intensified as to preclude maximum ab¬
sorption of the lectures and the reading. Surely learning requires
some seasoning time,'’^- Because the question related not only to
educational theory, but also to the practical problem of accredita¬
tion for returning Peace Corps Volunteers, it deserved further con¬
sideration.
In autumn, 1963, a brief study was made by the author in the
general area of Peace Corps Training in World Affairs-^ — a com¬
parative analysis of World Affairs studies in two Peace Corps
Training Projects (Panama/Colombia — Spring, 1963, and India:
Andhra Pradesh — Summer, 1963) and in two UWM International
Relations semester courses (Political Science 375 — Fall, 1962, and
Spring, 1963). The study was designed to determine the relative
equivalents between Peace Corps training in World Affairs and
University courses in International Relations in terms of total hours
taught, subjects included and readings assigned, and attainments
(by examination) reached. It was hoped that the analysis would
provide an objective, though limited, basis both for an evaluation
of Peace Corps academic training (i.e,, area studies, language, and
perhaps technical studies, in addition to ASWAC) according to
University standards and for the possible future accreditation of
returning Peace Corps Volunteers with UWM credits.
At the time of writing-, these plans were yet in the formative stages, but there were
clear indications of novel developments in this direction. See below, pp. 145-148.
^ Roy P. Fairfield, “The Peace Corps and the University,” in op. cit., pp. 199-200.
An opposite viewpoint is expressed by Robert W. Iverson, “The Peace Corps : A New
Learning Situation,” in op. cit., p. 304.
Unpublished report by Dr. Carol Edler Baumann. Pall, 1963.
138 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Although the World Affairs sections of the Peace Corps projects
differed from their International Relations course counterparts in
time allotment, subject range and focus, and instructional technique,
certain “constants’" were provided to facilitate comparison:
1. The conceptual framework and pedagogical approach (from
general to particular, from theoretical abstractions to prac¬
tical problems) were the same.
2. The text assigned for the India: Andhra Pradesh Peace
Corps project was also used as one of the International Re¬
lations course textbooks,
3. The instructor who taught the International Relations
courses also coordinated the Peace Corps sections and lec¬
tured for some of them.
4. The examinations for both were basically the same (essay
and identification) and were graded according to identical
standards.
After an examination of the comparative “contact time” in the
Peace Corps World Affairs studies and in the International Rela¬
tions semester courses, the following conclusion was reached:
‘‘The hours allocated to World Affairs in Peace Corps training comprise
approximately 70% of the time included in an average university 3 credit
semester course. In a straight transfer from time to credits, therefore,
(assuming a comparable level of instruction and substance) a Peace Corps
World Affairs Section, by itself, would be equal to at least 2 credits.
A similar analysis was then made of the course contents as evi¬
denced in lecture topics and text assignments. The following conclu¬
sions emerged :
“The content of the World Affairs Section varied from the semester
courses in International Relations in both range and depth. More topics
were included in the International Relations courses but certain subjects
were examined more fully in the Peace Corps projects. In terms of the
total substance of the two, the Peace Corps training was more highly
concentrated in the sense that a greater quantity of material was cov¬
ered by lecture and by reading in a shorter period of time. Translating
this into credits, the World Affairs Sections would again equal at least
2 credits, or more accurately, approximately 2.5 credits.”^
Finally, some detailed attention was given to the course examina¬
tion results as one indication of “learning.” Obviously, longer range
retention of the subject matter could not be tested; however, reten¬
tion over an extended period of time is not usually tested in the
2W&M., p. 6.
p. 6.
1964]
Baumann — UWM and the Peace Corps
139
United States even in the case of the undergraduate college student.
It is only at the Master’s degree or Ph.D. level that comprehensive
examinations embracing course work offered over a period of years
are given. Hence, the contention that , learning requires some
seasoning time” may or may not be the case, objectively speaking,
but it is no more relevant to Peace Corps training than to regular
academic courses in terms of long-range retention.
With regard to examination results on the immediate subject
matter, however, some controlled testing pointed to roughly parallel
attainments in the Peace Corps sections and in the regular Inter¬
national Relations classes. The examinations for Peace Corps and
those for the University were basically the same in format and in
type of questions, though they necessarily differed in content. In
both cases they were composed by the same person and graded
according to precisely the same standards.
A tabulation of examination grades and relevant percentages
follows
World Affairs Section, Panama/Colombia
Total number of examinations taken . 1 . 48
World Affairs Section, India; Andhra Pradesh
Total number of examinations taken . 38
^Ibid., pp. 4-5.
140 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
International Relations, I Semester, 1962-63
International Relations, II Semester, 1962-63
Total number of examinations taken
24
A.
B.
C.
D
F.
Grades
Number
Percentage
OF Total
3
7
11
3
0
12.5%
29.2%
45.8%
12.5%
0.0%
The greatest variations in grades between the Peace Corps
trainees in World Affairs and the International Relations students
arose in the A and F categories; the percentage of A’s in Peace
Corps training was smaller than that in the International Relations
courses, and the percentage of F’s was greater. In assessing the
significance of this deviation, however, it is essential to recognize
that whereas a majority of these particular Peace Corps trainees
had had little or no college or university experience, the Interna¬
tional Relations students were all of junior or senior standing at
The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. The Junior-Senior grade
curve is generally skewed toward the higher grades, while the
Freshman-Sophomore curve is more consistently bell-shaped. The
former would thus reflect the actual grades of the International
Relations students and the latter more closely approximate the
grades of the Peace Corps trainees who, as a group, were more
comparable, academically speaking, to Freshmen-Sophomores than
to Juniors-Seniors. The differentiation in grades, then, could be
more accurately attributed to differences in academic background
than to relative academic attainments.
When the above was then applied to the purposes of the analysis
(an evaluation of Peace Corps training according to University
standards and for the possible accreditation of returning PCVs
141
1964] Baumann — UWM and the Peace Corps
with UWM credits), the following assessments on attainment were
made:
“According to the results of the examinations given, the trainees them¬
selves adequately absorbed and retained the subject matter presented to
them despite the pressures of concentrated training techniques. Although
they achieved fewer high grades than the International Relations students,
the latter were of junior or senior standing and most of them had been
exposed to related material. In class discussions, moreover, the trainees
displayed a higher learning motivation than their student counterparts
as well as a keener interest in fully understanding both the substance and
the significance of the topics examined.”^
From these assessments of time, content, and attainment the
conclusion developed that the academic level of the training was
parallel to that of university classes in comparable subjects
in terms of both contents provided and attainments reached.
Thus, for purposes of university accreditation for Peace Corps
training, it appeared both academically sound and logically consist¬
ent with the service-minded traditions of the University, to recom¬
mend: “1. For a separate World Affairs Section of from 25-30
hours, 2 undergraduate credits could be given. 2. For World Affairs
combined with Communism in a section allocated 40-45 hours, 3
undergraduate credits could be given. 3. For the newly combined
American Studies, World Affairs and Communism Section of from
60-80 hours, 4 or 5 credits would not be excessive. An even more
modest accreditation was ultimately requested of the pertinent col¬
leges at UWM and granted by their faculties.^^
If an argument can thus be made for accreditation in the rela¬
tively small ASWAC portion of the training program, it can equally
be made for the language segment which is the largest single com¬
ponent of a training project. At UWM it comprises about 26 to 27
hours per week or 43% to 45% of the total training time. This is in
addition to meal-time discussions with “informants”®^ and free¬
time conversations among the trainees themselves. At least one-
third of the language training time is spent in the language labora¬
tory where intensive utilization is made of repetitive instructional
methods through taped drills and other exercises. Native inform¬
ants are also used for individual drilling. Although no new tech¬
niques as such are utilized in the UWM language training program,
the well-established methods of oral drill are applied more inten¬
sively; in fact, there are few examples of language training
throughout the country where oral techniques are utilized as much
as in Peace Corps projects.
^Ihid., p. 7.
p. 7.
2® See below, pp. 142-143.
Natives of the country or area for which the trainees are being- trained.
142 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
In terms of comparative language attainments, however, no com¬
parable tests can actually be made because of the different emphases
in training for Peace Corps and in teaching regular college classes.
In the usual college introductory language course, for example,
there are five hours per week — four consist of traditional grammar
and vocabulary and one consists of oral drill. In Peace Corps train¬
ing the emphasis is purely on oral facility and the largest proportion
of the training is geared to the purpose of developing a basic oral
communication in a foreign language. Hence, in the Spanish and
Portuguese programs at UWM, the trainees are so well trained
in the oral components of the language that they achieve as good
as or better grades than the teaching majors in the department
in the MCA Oral Proficiency Test.^^ These factors have led the
language departments most concerned to recommend the granting
of at least eight credits for Peace Corps language training.
Accreditation for returning Peace Corps Volunteers did not pre¬
sent a major problem for UWM. The request itself was a modest
one : twelve undergraduate elective credits to be given for successful
completion of both training and overseas service; eight of these
would be regarded as language equivalents and four in recognition
of training in Area Studies and ASWAC. Those faculty members
involved in the Peace Corps training programs were generally con¬
vinced of the merits of such action, and others were either favorably
inclined or apathetic. Few were opposed.^^ In fact, it was recognized
that accreditation would affect only a small percentage of the Vol¬
unteers, many of whom already had degrees previous to their train¬
ing experience and others who simply were not interested in pur¬
suing further college studies.
On April 7, 1964, the faculty of the College of Letters and Science
of The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee authorized . . grant¬
ing a maximum of twelve undergraduate elective credits for Peace
Corps training and service. Eight of these credits would normally
be given in recognition of language training and four credits for
training in area studies, international relations, communism, and
American institutions.”^^ (Similar motions had already been passed
as endorsements of the idea by the Committee of Advisors for the
Major in International Relations, by the Departments of Political
Science and History, and by others.) Following upon this action
by the College of Letters and Science, the School of Education and
31 These oral tests are designed for language teachers, and their norms are based on
grades achieved by teachers attending the summer teaching institute of the NDEA.
32 Some opposition was based on the argument that such accreditation for Peace
Corps training and service would act as “the thin edge of the wedge” in similar re¬
quests for other less deserving and less academically respectable types of training
and/or service.
S3 Minutes of the meeting of the College of Letters and Science, UWM, April 7, 1964.
1964]
Baumann — JJWM and the Peace Corps
143
the Division of Commerce of UWM adopted similar motions. Thus,
by mid-May of 1964, The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee in all
its major divisions had accredited Peace Corps training and service
with twelve elective undergraduate credits. Graduate accreditation
.was to be determined on an individual basis by the departments
concerned.^^
The UWM involvement with the returning Volunteers extended
beyond the granting of college credits for training, however. Their
overseas experience and the unique contributions they could make
to campus life was also recognized by the provision of several
tuition scholarships and a number of graduate teaching assistant-
ships and fellowships. For the academic year 1964-65 the fellow¬
ships and assistantships which were available included : fifteen full
undergraduate and graduate tuition scholarships, two teaching
assistantships in the Peace Corps Training Center, teaching assist¬
antships in the College of Letters and Science, internships in the
School of Social Work, one fellowship in the Department of Urban
Affairs, ten research and teaching assistantships in the School of
Education, and one research assistantship in the Institute of
World Affairs,^^
As of mid- July, 1964, approximately fifty applications and num¬
erous inquiries concerning graduate work had been made to The
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee by returning Peace Corps Vol¬
unteers. In the School of Education alone, twenty-nine applications
were made, of which twenty-seven were eligible for admittance. Of
these, eight teaching assistantships, eight full-tuition scholarships,
and three .waivers of out-of-state tuition were awarded ; two awards
were declined. Three teaching assistantships were awarded in
Social Work and one in Urban Affairs. The departments of Politi¬
cal Science, Psychology, and Botany each awarded one waiver of
tuition, and the Institute of World Affairs appointed a returned
Peace Corps Volunteer as an undergraduate project assistant. The
Peace Corps Center also appointed one full-time and one part-time
PCV as undergraduate assistants.
The Expanding Partnership
As indicated in the preceding sections, The University of Wis¬
consin-Milwaukee has developed a close and expanding relationship
with the Peace Corps in their two years of association. In training,
UWM has become a year-round training center with projects con-
Both the School of Education and the School of Social Work at UWM will consider
Peace Corps training and service in appropriate specialities as the equivalent of re¬
quired field service for graduate credits.
® Dr. Fred Harvey Harrington, “Opportunities for Returning Peace Corps Volunteers
at The University of Wisconsin.” January 31, 1964,
144 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
ducted on a continuing and regularized basis. This has facilitated
advanced planning and coordination for the projects themselves
and has provided sufficient lead time for obtaining the best qualified
lecturers, coordinators, and other specialists. In its policies toward
returning Peace Corps Volunteers, the University has shown both
an interest in their academic aspirations and a recognition of their
unique experience by granting accreditation for completed Peace
Corps training and service as well as by providing various assist-
antships and tuition scholarships for the continuation of academic
studies.
This initial relationship from the viewpoint of UWM has been
based largely on a concept of public service and less on the con¬
crete advantages of self-interest. The long-range benefits to uni¬
versities of Peace Corps training both in terms of faculty expansion
and diversification and in terms of university-wide awareness of
and involvement in international studies and programming are
generally admitted,^^ but less easily defined in concrete ways. Of
growing concern, however, has been the interest at UWM and else¬
where to develop the Peace Corps partnership concept in the areas
of curriculum content and sequence, instructional techniques, and
research activities. These developments would be in addition to the
continuation of specific training projects and service for returning
PCVs.
This widening of the horizons has been based partly on the rec¬
ognition that on a national scale the Peace Corps has now become
an accepted element of American foreign policy and a major instru¬
ment of American service abroad. It has yet to become fully inte¬
grated into the full flow of the American academic mainstream,
however, as an interim career for which the universities must as¬
sume some responsibility. That responsibility is threefold : first, to
prepare eligible and interested students for a period of Peace Corps
service abroad ; secondly, to utilize Peace Corps training and experi¬
ence itself as part of a sequence of courses which will both provide
an academic degree and prepare the interested student for a longer-
range career of international public or private service ; and, thirdly,
to help to reintegrate the returning Volunteer into American
society and to provide him with an opportunity to continue and ex¬
tend his education should he so choose.
The first and third of these tasks have been generally recognized
and partially assumed by American colleges and universities. As
previously indicated. The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee alone
has mounted thirteen projects in which over 550 Volunteers have
been trained. These separate Peace Corps projects have been con¬
ceived of, however, as supplemental to and not part of the regular
s«Roy P. Fairfield, “The Peace Corps and the University,” in op. cit., pp, 190-192.
1964] Baumann — UWM and the Peace Corps 145
academic curriculum of the University. Moreover, until the sum-
mer of 1964 there seemed to be little concerted attempt to inter¬
twine Peace Corps training any more integrally into the curriculum
except for the options provided in the International Relations
Major.^'^
There had, of course, been various discussions and suggestions on
how to improve Peace Corps training in general, and many of them,
both directly and tangentally, impinged upon the question of how
Peace Corps training could, if at all, be more intimately joined
with regular academic course sequences. In early April, ,1964, The
University of Wisconsin and the Peace Corps co-sponsored with The
Johnson Foundation a 'Think session” to critically evaluate the
philosophy, content, and effectiveness of past training programs.
This conference, held at Wingspread outside of Racine, Wisconsin,
included members of the academic community from numerous uni¬
versities, Peace Corps personnel, and representatives of other allied
areas who, because of their experience or interest, might be able to
contribute to it.
The Wingspread "think session” in terms of both participants
and subject matter was clearly geared to training problems, espe¬
cially as they related to University-Peace Corps relations and new
approaches to their development. Out of the conference came sev¬
eral suggestions— -many based on the recognition that training is
probably the key to the ultimate success or failure of the Peace
Corps and that such training must not only be based on University
service but also provide some concrete benefits to the University
in the areas of research and instruction. A subsequent conference
in Oklahoma pointed up many of the same views.
Although at Wingspread many of the conference participants
were agreed on the desirability of establishing some academic se¬
quence of courses designed to prepare students for future Peace
Corps service, there was little consensus as to its format or con¬
tent. Some favored a two-year Junior-Senior program; others, a
more comprehensive and total approach encompassing not only
training, but also recruiting, volunteer support, overseas faculty
and administrative participation, and joint research proposals.
UWM leaned strongly toward the latter view.
Since April, along with The University of Hawaii, The Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin-Milwaukee has been in the process of negotiating
just such a "total” partnership, A meeting between Director Shri-
ver of the Peace Corps, President Harrington of The University
of Wisconsin, and President Hamilton of The University of Hawaii
See above, p. 137.
146 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
in July, 1964, culminated in an inf ormal agreement which attempted
to relate the Peace Corps effort more effectively to the entire Uni¬
versity function, including instruction and research as well as
service. Although the details of the agreement have not yet been
worked out, it anticipates new educational sequences for interna¬
tional service, new curricular degree work at both the B.A. and the
M.A. level, and joint research programs.
In their joint news release, the Peace Corps Director and the two
university presidents agreed that . . the full range of university
resources should be applied to educate young men and women for
the peace corps and for participation in other international activ¬
ities.”^^ Despite the lack of specific details, it was clear that the
arrangement would contemplate new undergraduate and graduate
curricula geared not only to Peace Corps training, but to general
international service. Such a course of study would be of value
to any student considering international service — whether with the
United States Government, international organizations, business
concerns, labor unions, religious bodies, or other organizations with
foreign interests. Such a service-oriented concept would of neces¬
sity move the University toward practical or vocational education
to a degree not previously contemplated in any of its foreign or
domestic programs.
In addition to curricula development, the partnership would in¬
volve summer study-service internships in domestic social problems
and applied research by University faculty both in Peace Corps
related subjects and in the general problem areas of international
service. Negotiations were also undertaken to develop a program
of Peace Corps visiting professorships which would be designed to
utilize the overseas experience of top Peace Corps administrators
for University teaching and research programs. For the Peace
Corps, the advantages were obviously tied to the steady stream
of well-trained Volunteers which might be expected to flow from
an on-going program built in to the regular curriculum of an ex¬
panding university. For UWM, the advantages were likewise clear :
the opportunity, through the Peace Corps experiment, to develop
an entirely novel curriculum geared to international service and,
through such an on-going curriculum and the research oppor¬
tunities tied to it, to involve the faculty ever more intimately in the
international programs of the University, Financial support for
the program was expected to come from the Peace Corps, the uni¬
versities concerned, and private foundations.
^ The Milwaukee Journal September 26, 1964.
Peace Corps Projects at UWM
(January, 1963-Deceniber, 1964)
147
1964]
Baumann — UWM and the Peace Corps
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148 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The possibilities of new course content and sequences especially
geared to Peace Corps training and service have only recently
advanced to the threshold of serious consideration. The same may
be said of University participation in the planning stages as well
as in the training sequences of Peace Corps projects. Finally, the
opportunities for joint Peace Corps-University research projects
appear most fruitful and deserving of further and more detailed
exploration. It is specifically in these areas of project planning,
curriculum development, and cooperative research that the UWM-
Peace Corps relationship may ultimately become a true partnership
in innovation.
CHARACTERISTICS AND GENESIS OF SOME ORGANIC
SOIL HORIZONS AS DETERMINED BY MORPHOLOGICAL
STUDIES AND CHEMICAL ANALYSES'
John E. Langton and Gerhard B. Lee*
Cultivated organic soils in southeastern Wisconsin commonly ex¬
hibit granular, dark-colored, well-decomposed (muck) surface hori¬
zons. Similar horizons have also been observed in uncultivated soils
in which the water table has been lowered by some means. In either
case it appears that aeration of the sedge peat parent material is
a necessary prerequisite to the formation of such layers.
Of particular interest in many organic soils are the granular
muck layers found below the present water table. In some cases
these are surface layers which have been inundated by the failure
of a drainage system or the construction of dikes. In other cases
these horizons are buried beneath less decomposed, oftentimes
very fibrous peat, presumably of more recent origin.
Morphologically the buried muck layers appear to be similar to
contemporary muck surface horizons. It appears therefore that
these are relict horizons formed in an aerobic environment during
an earlier period when they constituted the surface layer of the
peat deposit.
The purpose of the present investigation has been to compare the
characteristics of contemporary surface horizons, of muck texture,
with morphologically similar buried horizons, as an aid to the
identification and classification of such layers, and in order to
elucidate their genesis more fully.
Review of Literature
Soil consisting primarily of organic material is commonly re¬
ferred to as peat or muck, depending upon its degree of decomposi¬
tion (Soil Survey Staff, 1951). Peat is defined as relatively raw
1 Contribution from the Department of Soils and the Soil Survey Division, Wisconsin
Geological and Natural History Survey, University of Wisconsin-Madison. Supported in
part by the Research Committee of the Graduate School from funds supplied by the
Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation. The authors also wish to acknowledge their
use of laboratory facilities made available in part by funds supplied by the National
Science Foundation. Paper read at the 94th annual meeting of the Wisconsin Academy
of Science, Arts, and Letters. Published with the approval of the Director, Wisconsin
Agricultural Experiment Station and the Director of the Wisconsin Geological and
Natural History Survey.
* Mr. Langton is a Research Assistant, Soil Survey Division, Wisconsin Geological
and Natural History Survey. Mr. Lee is Associate Professor of Soils, University of
Wisconsin-Madison.
149
150 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
plant material with easily identifiable plant parts while muck is de¬
scribed as decomposed plant material in which the identification of
plant remains is difficult or impossible by ordinary means.
Soils formed from organic materials are often referred to as
peats or mucks depending on their color, degree of decomposition,
or in some cases, local custom. Among soil scientists these soils have
also been called Organic Soils, Organosols, or Bog Soils. Recently
(Soil Survey Staff, 1960) they have been called Histosols (hist, Gk.,
histos, tissue; sol, L. solum, soil). Histosols are defined as being at
least 12 inches (30 cm.) thick and consisting of at least 30 per cent
organic matter if the mineral component is clay and at least 20 per
cent organic matter if the mineral component is sand.
Soil scientists in Holland, Pons (1960), Van Heuveln, Jongerius
and Pons (1960), and Jongerius and Pons (1962), describe peat
formation as a geogenetic process in which the parent materials of
organic soils are being accumulated. They contrast this process with
the pedologic processes of “ripening” (soil formation) which are
initiated by drainage and aeration of a peat deposit. Ripening in¬
volves both physical disintegration of plant parts and their bio¬
chemical decomposition (moulding) . The latter, according to these
investigators causes the formation of a “distinct” surface horizon
as peat and other material is repeatedly ingested and excreted by
soil fauna. Abundant nutrients, low acidity, adequate moisture, and
aerobic conditions are believed to encourage faunal activity and
accelerate the moulding process. Two kinds of moulded horizons
have been recognized.
One of these, the “moder” horizon, is described as consisting
mostly of fecal excrement from soil fauna such as mites, (Collen-
bala), Diptera and white pot worms (Enchytralidae) . Moder for¬
mation is most common in oligotrophic peats containing very little
clay, having a pH of 5 or higher, and a carbon-nitrogen ratio
greater than 17. It does not, however, involve the intimate binding
of organic particles necessary to form inseparable humus-mineral
complexes as in the case in mull formation, Jongerius (1957) recog¬
nized two kinds of moder, namely a small variety 25-60 u in diame¬
ter (Collenbala, Diptera), and large moder 150-600 u in diameter
(Enchytralidae). Large and small moder, together with fragments
of plant tissue and organic colloids sometimes form large, loosely
aggregated granules called “mull-like moder” by the Dutch workers.
The second moulded horizon is “mull”, described as consisting
mainly of earthworm excrement approximately 2 mm. in diameter
(Enchytrae, and possibly Julidae). Mull formation occurs most
commonly under aerobic conditions in eutrophic or mesotrophic
peats which contain some clay and are near neutral in reaction.
Mull has a carbon-nitrogen ratio of less than 17. The size and shape
1964]
Langton and Lee — Organic Soil Horizons
151
of mull aggregates may be altered by a change in environment, for
example, continued aerobic conditions cause mull aggregates to
coalesce into composites, while prolonged anaerobic conditions may
cause mull aggregates to disperse into small granules.
Materials and Methods
Location of Samples
Samples of present-day surface horizons from cultivated organic
soils were obtained from the University Marsh at Madison, and
from the northern part of the Horicon Marsh in Dodge County.
Buried horizons were sampled in the Eldorado Marsh, Fond du Lac
County, and the Cherokee Marsh, north of Madison. The sample
from Eldorado Marsh was buried by approximately 8 inches of peat.
The Cherokee Marsh sample was obtained at a depth of 38 to
48 inches.
Morphology
Soil horizons were described according to methods given in the
Soil Survey Manual (Soil Survey Staff, 1951). Color designations
are according to the Munsell Color System.^ Depth to ground water
was measured at the time of sampling.
Thin sections were prepared by the method described by Langton
and Lee,^ using Carbonwax 6000, a polyethylene glycol compound
as the impregnating compound. Both a wide-held, low-power stereo¬
scopic microscope, and a petrographic microscope were used to
study the micro-fabric of the various horizons. Photomicrographs
were made with a 35 mm, camera connected to the microscope by a
Micro-Ibso (Lietz Inc.) attachment.
Chemical Analysis
Soil pH was measured with a Beckman Model G pH meter, using
standard electrodes, on held-moist samples that had been saturated
and then allowed to equilibrate for 20 minutes. Ash content was
determined by igniting a small sample (1.5 g,), in a muffle furnace
at 525° C for a period of six hours. Prior to ignition, samples were
dried and ground to pass a 20 mesh sieve, then oven-dried again
at 110° C. Total organic and ammonium nitrogen was determined
by the Kjeldahl method, organic carbon was determined by the pro¬
cedure of Walkley and Black. Both methods are described by Jack-
2 Munsell Color Co., Inc., Baltimore 18, Md.
® Langton, J. E. and Lee, G. B. 1964. Preparation of thin sections from moist organic
soil materials. Manuscript.
152 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
son (1958). Soluble organic matter was determined according to
the procedure described by Dawson,^ using a saturated solution of
sodium pyrophosphate.
Results and Discussion
Macromorphology
Macromorphological characteristics are summarized in Table 1.
All samples were of muck texture and were black in color. Two of
them (Horicon and Eldorado), were reddish in hue (5 YR) as com¬
pared to the more yellow (10 YR) hues of the other 2 samples. The
reason for this difference or its importance, if any, is not known
at the present time. All horizons exhibited granular or subangular
blocky structure; where blocks were present they were weak and
could easily be broken into granules. The Eldorado Marsh sample,
in particular, exhibited strong, primary granularity.
Micromorphology
Primary constituents from both surface samples included a few,
finely disintegrated brown fragments of plant tissue, a few black
fragments consisting of humified plant tissue, opaque mineral parti¬
cles and/or charcoal, and brown amorphous material. Secondary
(faunal) aggregates in the University Marsh sample (See Fig. 1)
included small (20-80 u dia.), and large (150-600 u) moder aggre¬
gates, and dark brown mull (0.5-1. 5 mm.) .
The Horicon Marsh sample showed a similar but even higher
population of secondary aggregates. An estimated 35 per cent (by
volume) of this horizon consisted of moder.
Primary constituents in the buried horizons were similar to those
of the surface layers, consisting of a few, finely disintegrated,
brown fragments of plant tissue, some black fragments, and brown
amorphous material. Secondary aggregates in the Eldorado sample
consisted mainly of moder and mull-like moder, the latter being
especially well-rounded (See Fig. 2). The Cherokee sample con¬
tained proportionately more mull and less moder (See Fig. 3).
Chemical Characteristics
Data shown in Table 2 indicate that all horizons were remark¬
ably similar in most chemical characteristics. All of them were
slightly acid; pH values fell within the range observed in mucky
surface horizons of other organic soils in southern Wisconsin.
^Dawson, J. E. 1960. Personal communication.
Table 1. Macromorphological Characteristics of Surface (Cultivated) and Subsurfaces (Buried) Muck Horizons
1964]
Langton and Lee — Organic Soil Horizons
153
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154 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Figure 1. Small and larger moder
horizon of University Marsh soil
and a single mull aggregate in surface
Figure 2. Mull-like moder aggregates in subsurface (buried) horizon of Eldo¬
rado Marsh soil (XlOO).
1964] Langton and Lee — Organic Soil Horizons 155
Figure 3. Mull and a few moder aggregates in subsurface (buried) horizon
of Cherokee Marsh soil (XlOO).
Organic carbon values for the four samples are equal to approxi¬
mately 65 to 75 per cent of the carbon content in common sedge
peats. Carbon loss due to the metabolic activities of soil fauna has
been used to estimate the extent of moulding and humification
(Waksman and Starky, 1931), Assuming uniform botanical compo¬
sition and no carbonates, carbon content should show an inverse
relationship to degree of humification. On this basis the four hozi-
zons appear to be decomposed to a similar degree.
In Holland, the nitrogen content of moder and mull has been de¬
termined to be approximately 2.4 to 3.0 per cent and 4.0 per cent
respectively (Van Heuveln, Jongerius and Pons, 1960), Nitrogen
content in the samples studied ranged from 2.46 to 3.03 per cent
supporting micromorphological evidence that these soils contain
considerable moder. Carbon-nitrogen ratios of all samples were
less than 17 which is typical of Dutch soils that contain mull.
Considerable ash was found in all samples. Ash/nitrogen ratios
were also high, indicating a high degree of mineralization, additions
of clastic sediments,, or both. Wilde and Hull (1937) found that
certain wood, moss and sedge peats had ash/nitrogen rations of 2.7,
3.4, and 1.6 respectively.
156 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Solubility in sodium pyrophosphate (Na4P207) is a measure of
biochemical decomposition. Relatively undecomposed peat ordinar¬
ily contains less than % per cent organic material soluble in satu¬
rated Na4P207 while muck contains % per cent or more. All of the
samples studied were within the muck range.
Summary and Conclusions
Morphological and chemical characteristics of surface (culti¬
vated) and certain subsurface (buried) muck horizons have been
investigated in the field and laboratory. Field and macromorpholog-
ical studies have shown these horizons to be similar, suggesting that
the buried horizons were relict surface soils. Evidence obtained by
micromorphological studies and chemical analyses lend support to
this hypothesis.
Recent studies in Holland have shown that granular, dark-colored
surface horizons form mainly by faunal activity following drainage
and aeration of a peat deposit. Moder is produced by arthropods
such as mites while mull is formed by earthworms. Mull formation
occurs only under aerobic conditions in certain eutrophic or meso-
trophic peats. Results of the present investigation indicate that
granular muck horizons in southeastern Wisconsin are formed in
a similar manner following drainage by natural or artificial means.
The occurrence of buried muck layers, of the type formed at the
surface under aerobic conditions, suggests a change in hydrologic
conditions subsequent to their formation. Renewed peat formation
may have occurred because of fiooding by beaver dams, or the
clogging of natural drainageways. However, the widespread occur¬
rence of buried surface horizons might also be indicative of climatic
changes during the development of the soil or peat deposits in
which they are formed.
References Cited
1. Jackson, M. L. 1958. Soil Chemical Analysis, Prentice-Hall, Englewood
Cliffs, N. J.
2. JONGERIUS, A. 1957. Morfologishe onderzoekingen over de bodestructuur.
Bodenkundige Studies No. 2. Wageningen, Netherlands.
3. JoNGERius, A. and L. J. Pons. 1962, Einige mikromorphologische bemer-
kungen fiber den vererdungsvorgang im niedeilandischen moor, Zeitschuft
Fur Planzenernahrung Dungung Bodenkunde 97:243-255.
4. Pons, L. J. 1960. Soil genesis and classification of reclaimed peat soils in
connection with initial soil formation. Trans. 7th Intern. Congr. Soil Sci.
4:205-211.
1964]
Langton and Lee — Organic Soil Horizons
157
5. U.S.D.A. Soil Survey Staff. 1951. Soil Survey Manual. Handbook No. 18.
U. S. Govt. Printing Office, Washington, D. C.
6. - . 1960. Soil Classification, A Comprehensive System. 7th Approxi¬
mation. U. S. Govt. Printing Office, Washington, D. C,
7. Van Heuveln, B., A. Jongerius, and L. J. Pons. 1960. Soil formation in
organic soils, Trans. 7th Intern. Congr. Soil Sci. 4:195-204.
8. Waksman, S. a. and R. L. Starkey. 1931. The Soil and The Microbe. John
Wiley and Sons Inc., New York.
9. Wilde, S. A. and H. H. Hull. 1937. Use and function of peat in forest nurs¬
eries. J. Am. Soc. Agron. 29:299-313,
A SENSITIVE FLUORESCENT INDICATOR FOR IDENTIFYING
AND DETERMINING THE CONCENTRATION OF THE
ALUMINUM ION IN MINERALS AND SOILS
John G. Surak, Robert A, Starshak and Daniel T. Haworth^
Since the chemical and physical properties of a soil characterize
the way in which a soil can be used, elemental analysis is resorted
to in order to determine a few of these properties. It is also known
that the clay fraction controls most of the important properties of
a soil. These clay minerals are principally secondary, hydrated
crystalline ferro-aluminum silicates,^’
The ‘‘aluminon” (ammonium salt of aurin tricarboxyllic acid)
method for aluminum determination as standardized by Smith et
aP has been a popular method used in soil chemical analysis. Inter¬
ferences by cations and anions are extensive with the aluminum-
aluminon complex. Jackson® lists these interferences and gives the
precautionary procedures which should be followed to minimize or
to eliminate the effects of these diverse ions.
FeigP lists several reagents which yield reactions with the alum¬
inum ion. All of these reagents, 8-hydroxyquinoline and its deriva¬
tives ; dithiozones ; dithiocarbamate ; thiourea ; EDTA ; morin ; aliza¬
rine and others, have a common feature, namely, that they all are
chelating agents. Our investigation for another complexing agent
which would react in a characteristic manner with the aluminum
ion, led us to study the properties of PAN [l-(2-pyridylazo)-2-
naphthol],
PAN as an analytical reagent has had a rather brief history.
It was first used by Liu^ as a chelating agent for the heavy metals,
Cheng and Bray^ published the characteristics of PAN and several
of its complexes, Flaschka et aP investigated the use of PAN as an
indicator in EDTA titrations. PAN is a brilliant orange compound
whose melting point is 126-7° C. It is insoluble in water but is read¬
ily soluble in organic solvents, such as : alcohols, ketones, benzene,
and carbon tetrachloride. The metallo-complexes formed by PAN
show solubilities similar to that of PAN. Betteridge et aP reported
that the pKa of PAN is 12.3, indicating the PAN is a weak acid.
* All three authors are members of the Department of Chemistry, Marquette Univer¬
sity. This paper was read at the 94th Annual Meeting of the Wisconsin Academy.
Appreciation is expressed to the National Science Foundation for financial assistance.
159
160 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
PAN belongs to the category of aryl azo dyes, the structures of
the complexes formed by divalent and trivalent metal ions with
PAN show the tridentate character of this reagent as a chelating
agent, figure 1. The color of the metallo-PAN chelates is generally
red; however, the color may vary from yellow-orange to pink de¬
pending upon the solvent used to dissolve the chelate precipitate,
Table 1. The aluminum-PAN mixtures exhibit several properties
not shared by the other metallo-PAN chelates. First, as previously
noted by Cheng and Bray^, no reaction is detectable between PAN
and the aluminum ion in an aqueous solution. Secondly, a reddish
solution results when aluminum and PAN are brought together in
an ethanol or an acetone solution. This solution exhibits the prop¬
erty of fluorescence when exposed to ultraviolet radiation. None of
the other metallo-PAN complexes reported, thus far, exhibits a sim¬
ilar property.
Holzbecher^ reported a large number of aromatic compounds
which formed fluorescent complexes exclusively with the aluminum
ion. He observed that each of these reagents had a phenolic hy¬
droxyl group either ortho or para to its aluminum complexing
group. As seen in figure 1, PAN possesses a phenolic hydroxyl
group ortho to its complexing group which is the azo group in the
structure. No other element in the qualitative Group III elements,
other than aluminum, has exhibited this property of fluorescence
with PAN. This property of fluorescence of the aluminum-PAN
complex in ethanol when irradiated with ultra-violet radiation was
the basis of our investigation of using this phenomenon for the de¬
termination of the aluminum ion.
Since aluminum in clays and in mineral colloids occurs primarily
as the secondary hydrated ferro-aluminum silicate, any of the stand¬
ard analytical methods for the separation of the aluminum ion
from the other ions associated with it in the complex may be used.
The precipitate of aluminum hydroxide must be freed of iron and
chromium (III) hydroxides, because iron and chromium (III) ions
form chelates with PAN which tend to quench the fluorescence of
the aluminum-PAN-complex. The purified aluminum hydroxide is
dissolved in 3 M HNO3 and the resulting solution is evaporated just
to dryness. The hydrated aluminum nitrate is permitted
to cool. A qualitative estimation of the concentration of
aluminum ion present is conducted by dissolving one of the repli¬
cate runs in 2 ml. of 95% ethanol. To this solution, 2 drops of 0.1%
(W/V) ethanolic solution of PAN is added. This alcoholic solution
of Al-PAN complex is checked for fluorescence with an ultraviolet
source such as 15T8-BLB black light fluorescent tube. With experi¬
ence one can estimate the AP+ ion concentration to as low as
1964] Surak, Starshak and Haworth — Fluorescent Indicator 161
zz§zzzz:
<<n <<<$
uui2ZNCj<
162 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
PAN
M ll-PAN
Figure 1.
1964] Surak, Starshak and Haworth— Fluorescent Indicator 163
10“^ M. For quantitative determinations, the desiccated aluminum
nitrate unknown should be volumetrically diluted with 95% ethanol.
An aliquot containing about 10“^ M of AP+ ion is pipeted into a
50 ml, volumetric flask. One ml. of a 5 x 10“^ M ethanolic solution
of PAN is added and this combination is volumetrically diluted to
50 ml. with 95% ethanol. The fluorescence is compared in a photo-
fluorometer against standard solutions made by volumetrically di¬
luting one ml. of 5 x 10“^ M of ethanolic PAN and increments of 1
to 4 ml. of 10“® M A1(N03)3 • 9 H2O to 50 ml. with 95% ethanol.
The procedure was used to obtain a calibration curve in the range
of 3 X 10“2 to 12 X 10“^ mg. of aluminum per 50 ml. of solution us¬
ing a Coleman Photofluorometer (Model 12-B with filters No. 12-
222 and 14-212). The A1:PAN ratio does not need to be constant in
the standard solution because only the complex fluoresces and not
the excess PAN. Standard techniques for fluorescent analysis are
followed. These fluorescent techniques should be of sufficient sensi¬
tivity to determine aluminum accumulation levels in leaf tissue,
seedlings, etc. Excellent results were obtained in the detection of
10-6 grams of Al+^ per ml and acceptable results with 27 x 10“^
grams of Al+^ per ml.
164 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
References
1. Betteridge, D., et al. Metal Complexing Properties of 4- (2-Pyridylazo) -
l-Naphthol. Analytical Chemistry 35, p. 729-33 (1963).
2. Cheng, K. L. and R. H. Bray, l-(2-Pyridylazo)”2-naphthol As a Possible
Analytical Reagent. Analytical Chemistry 27 p. 728-5 (1955),
3. Feigl, F. Chemistry of Specific, Selective and Sensitive Reactions, 1954.
4. Flaschka, H. and H. Abdine. Complexometric Microtitration Using PAN
as an Indicator. Chemist Analyst, 45, p. 2-3 (1956).
5. Holzbecher, Z., et al. Asymetric Bicyclic Complex Compounds. Chemicke
Listy 45 p. 656-9 (1952).
6. Jackson, M, L. 1958. Soil Chemical Analysis. Prentice Hall, Inc. Engle¬
wood Cliffs, N. J,
7. Kellog, C. E. Modern Soil Science. American Scientist 36 p. 517-535 (Oct.
1948).
8. Liu, J. Ph.D. Thesis, 1951, University of Illinois.
9. Puri, A. N. 1949, Soils: Their Physics and Chemistry.
10. Yearbook Committee — Soils: The Yearbook of Agriculture 1957 — U.S.D.A.,
U. S. Government Printing Office.
POTHOLES AND ASSOCIATED GRAVEL
OF DEVILS LAKE STATE PARK
Robert F. Black*'
The hundreds of hikers who annually visit the top of the East
Bluff of Devils Lake have a unique opportunity to see a geologic
situation that is exceedingly fascinating in its connotations. For
almost a century the scientific literature has recorded the existence
of potholes and associated rounded, polished, siliceous gravel on the
higher part of the bluff at its very rim near the Devil’s Doorway and
“Shortcut Trail” to the south camp ground (Chamberlin, 1874)
(hg. 1). (NE l^, SE l^, Sec. 24, TUN, R6E and NW l^, SW
Sec. 19, T1,1N, R7E) . (The polished siliceous gravel is not to be con¬
fused with fresh glacial gravel of many igneous and sedimentary
rocks that workers have used on parts of the trail and have brought
at different times to the rim to make concrete.) The potholes are
carved in bedding plane surfaces of the Baraboo quartzite in situ
and in loose blocks of the quartzite that rest irregularly on the bev¬
eled upland surface. Polished chert-rich gravel is associated with
some potholes and has been found in them (Salisbury, 1895, p. 657) .
More than a dozen well developed potholes are known (fig. 2) . They
range from single circular polished depressions a few inches in di¬
ameter and only 1 or 2 inches deep to aggregates of potholes whose
individual components may be as much as 3 feet across and equally
deep. Water-polished surfaces up to several square yards may be
seen along the rim. Striking potholes 6 to 8 inches in diameter and
twice as deep resemble artificially drilled holes as their sides are so
parallel and smooth (fig. 3) . Potholes above the sod are concentrated
in an area 50 yds, along the bluff and 30 yds. northward from the
rim and also in a narrow zone (fig. 4) for 75 ft. vertically below
the rim along the Shortcut Trail ; others are scattered in the woods
to the north of the Shortcut Trail (fig. 2). Buried potholes and
gravel may be more widespread (Salisbury, 1895, p. 655).
Down through the years most writers have attributed the forma¬
tion of the potholes and associated gravels that are unlike any in
the glacial deposits in the valley below to preglacial streams (Creta¬
ceous to Tertiary) that flowed across a continuous upland surface
* The author is Professor of Geolog-y, University of Wisconsin-Madison. This study
was supported in part by National Science Foundation Grant GP-2820 and in part by
the Research Committee of the Graduate School from funds supplied by the Wisconsin
Alumni Research Foundation,
165
166 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Figure 1. Generalized topographic map of East Bluff, Devils Lake State Park.
Modified from U. S. Geological Survey Baraboo Quadrangle. Trails in part
diagrammatic.
at and above the level of the rim (Salisbury, 1895; Alden, 1918, p.
99-102; Trowbridge, 1917, p. 352; Thwaites and Twenhofel, 1921,
p. 296; Thwaites, 1958, p. 149; Andrews, 1958; and Thwaites, 1960,
p. 38), No one seriously has considered them to be glacial, yet to
the writer such an origin seems at least as plausible. It is hoped
that this note will attract attention to these common features and
their odd surroundings. Optimistically they will intrigue others
into looking for additional evidence on their past history.
1964] Black — Potholes of Devils Lake State Park 167
The writer in examining the locality at different times during
the last several years has been struck particularly by the presence
of rounded, water-polished boulders of chert and quartzite (fig. 5)
2 feet and more in diameter associated with the gravels and haphaz¬
ardly lying among angular quartzite blocks without water-polished
surfaces (several are shown by ^'s in fig. 2), by the presence of
potholes in loose boulders that unquestionably have been moved
Figure 2. Sketch of pothole area, East Bluff, Devils Lake State Park.
168 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Figure 3. Small upland-type pothole in loose block. Part of side and base are
missing.
since the potholes were formed (fig. 3), by the considerable vertical
range of potholes on the upland — some being several feet above the
apparent bed of the postulated ancient stream, by the lack of coin¬
cidence of the flow of water with the slope of the ridge (fig. 2), and
by the wide distribution of potholes on the upland but the narrow¬
ness and limited discharge of the small cascade that must have
plunged over the side of the bluff along the route of the Shortcut
Trail. The large chert and quartzite boulders seem identical in com¬
position, surface polish, percussion fractures, and rounding to the
small gravel in the vicinity. A continuous size range from
sand to 2 foot boulders may be seen but has never been
recorded in the literature. The cascade that descended the bluff at
1964]
Black— -Potholes of Devils Lake State Park
169
the Shortcut Trail is too small to correlate with the broad area of
potholes on the upland unless they were cut at different times by a
migrating stream whose course was not controlled by the bedrock
beneath. Alternatively evidence of greater discharge off the upland
elsewhere is not now available. The vertical range of isolated pot¬
holes on the upland suggests rather deep water, but it is difficult
to explain how many potholes could get started where they are now
found. In short the potholes and rounded and angular boulders of the
upland are not in a normal stream channel (fig. 2) although the pot¬
holes on the south-facing slope are.
In February, 1964, while searching the woods north and east of
the pothole locality (fig. 1), a block of quartzite 3 by 3.5 by 4 yds.
(fig. 6) was seen tilted over another smaller block of quartzite. The
large block weighs about 85 tons. It rises conspicuously above the
general level of the rounded summit of the upland and is immedi¬
ately uphill from an area of large joint blocks of quartzite bed¬
rock that have moved down slope enough to create a jumbled chaos
or block-stream. (The erratic is reached by following the fire road
south and east from the north shore (fig. ,1) or by going west and
Figure 4. Cascade-type pothole along the Shortcut Trail.
170 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Figure 5. Rounded, polished quartzite boulder with percussion fractures among
loose angular, unpolished quartzite boulders on the rim of East Bluff. View
east. Highest block of quartzite in background has a pothole on top.
north on the service road at the potholes to that fire road and then
east about 120 yds.) (fig. 2) . Many smaller angular blocks are scat¬
tered over the upland. Hundreds of millions of years ago marine
erosion of the Baraboo Range beveled the dipping strata (Thwaites,
1960, p. 37-38). However, such processes could not leave behind
an isolated fresh, very angular block of quartzite to rise above the
general level nor mix the rounded boulders with the angular blocks.
No apparent outcrop exists above the block that is large enough
to produce it. It does not seem feasible to pluck it out of the smooth
upland and move it by gravity to its resting place. The block has
sharper corners and less weathering effects than quartzite exposed
on the west-facing bluff of Devils Lake. A convenient steep slope
with just such large angular blocks lies immediately below, but how
is an 85-ton block to be moved upslope? Man surely is not to blame.
No conceivable force other than glacial seems possible to explain
1964] Black — -Potholes of Devils Lake State Park 171
its existence. However, all previous researchers except Weidman
(1904, p. 102), whose evidence has been discredited (Trowbridge,
1917, p, 357), have stated unequivocably that the location is out¬
side the limits reached by any glacial ice.
This leaves us on the horns of a dilemma. Obviously we either
lack sufficient information to explain the phenomena or previous
interpretations of existing evidence are incorrect. As the smaller
gravel associated with the potholes is considered the type section of
the East Bluff member of the Windrow Formation (Andrews,
1958) which in turn is correlated widely in the upper Mississippi
Valley with deposits of Cretaceous or Tertiary age (Austin, 1963;
Frye, William, and Glass, 1964) , it behooves us to look more closely
at the criteria that have been used for explaining and dating them.
Many of our concepts of the evolution of the land surface in the
upper Mississippi Valley are at stake.
It is readily apparent to the observer that the small stream that
cascaded down the south face of the East Bluff did not exist on a
peneplained surface. Even with 200 feet of relief on the postulated
peneplain (Trowbridge, 1917, p. 352) boulders over 2 feet in diame¬
ter seem unduly large and such cascades should not exist. Moreover,
Figure 6. Quartzite erratic northeast of pothole area. For location see figure 1.
172 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
the haphazard mixing of rounded and angular boulders is not
normal to a stream valley. Was the stream on the upland the same
one that produced the cascade on the bluff ? They have been so cor¬
related, but this is an assumption that is difficult to prove. If true,
the stream hardly flowed on a peneplained surface. Moreover, how
do we relate the potholes in loose blocks on the upland to those in
the bedrock in situ? It is difficult to have beautiful holes drilled so
symmetrically into a loose block that rises several feet above the
bed of the stream. Why isn’t the block moved during cutting? From
where were the coarse stones obtained for cutting? It would be
easier to have the blocks in situ during cutting and subsequently
moved. This must have occurred to many blocks in which the sides
or bottoms of potholes are missing (fig. 3), and the void is now
partly occupied by a sharp unpolished corner of another block;
others are turned on their sides with no rock adjacent to the void.
Some of the loose blocks with potholes are on the very edge of the
bluff. In figure 5 the most distant block to the right of the
trail has just such a pothole. They are on the highest surfaces and
surely were not cut there by any normal stream flowing on a pene¬
plain, nor have they been moved downslope by gravity to their
resting place. Moreover, it seems difficult to explain the potholes as
having been produced by streams of considerable velocity running
off a higher surface held up by Paleozoic rocks now removed
(Thwaites, 1960, p. 38) or by an ancestral Wisconsin River (Irv¬
ing, 1877, p. 508) without calling for subsequent movement of the
blocks and the mixing of rounded and angular boulders. What
moved them?
Because the potholes are above and outside the marked terminal
moraine of Late Wisconsin (Cary) ice that existed perhaps 13,000
to 16,000 years ago and are in the classical Driftless Area of south¬
west Wisconsin, any thought that glaciers were involved has been
in the past unthinkable. Hence, it was only logical to attempt to
reconstruct substitute situations. These have not been entirely suc¬
cessful. Glaciation of much, if not all, the Driftless Area is called
for by Black (1960) on the basis of a variety of evidence that can¬
not be detailed here. It includes many definite erratics, deposits
stratigraphically up out of place, boulder trains, absence of old
loess and residuum, reconstruction of ice surfaces, etc. Can glacial
action, which directly and indirectly could easily account for the
phenomena we see, be substantiated locally? At least is it
unreasonable ?
The Cary ice left thick coarse deposits up to about 1600 ft. in
elevation in the vicinity of the radio tower (WWCF) about 3.5
miles east-northeast of the potholes, a prominent moraine up to
1450 ft. about 1.5 miles east-northeast, and the well-developed
1964] Black — Potholes of Devils Lake State Park 173
terminal moraine , whose upper surface approaches 1100 ft. in the
valley directly below the potholes. The potholes on the rim are about
1450-1460 ft. in elevation; the large quartzite block northeast is
about 1420 ft. (Note, these elevations are derived by altimeter and
from the new quadrangle maps, Baraboo and North Freedom, which
replace the older Baraboo and Denzer quadrangle maps used by
many earlier workers) .
In continental glaciers or ice sheets that surmount the topog¬
raphy, debris is carried typically in the basal units of the ice and
is moved up in the terminal areas through complex flow that can¬
not be discussed here. Nonetheless, the uppermost ice is invariably
free of debris acquired from its base until such time as down-
wasting removes the clean ice down to the level reached by the
debris. Many situations are known where a particular ridge may be
crossed by an ice sheet without the basal ice reaching the top of
that ridge. The debris at the terminus of a glacier then never re¬
flects the uppermost level attained by clean ice. Hence, it seems
entirely reasonable, though not proved, for clean ice to have stood
on the uplands when the potholes were formed and prior to the main
building of the prominent moraines nearby. If true, such ice would
have access only to the residual materials on that surface. These
need be only the highly siliceous material capable of surviving long
weathering and the local quartzite. However, drilling reveals at
least 8 feet of pebbly, sandy clay beneath the angular blocks of
Baraboo quartzite that cover the surface of the upland. The pebbles
are identical to those at the potholes in the type section of the
Windrow formation and the clays are expandable type — not kaolin
that characterizes the Windrow formation elsewhere.
Siliceous terrace gravels in many places in the Driftless area are
subdivided into two groups (Thwaites, 1928) and the younger cor¬
related with moraine in central Wisconsin that is now considered
about 30,000 years old (Black, 1962) and certainly not older than
the Wisconsin glacial stage (Hole, 1943). However, the actual
material is composed of siliceous metamorphic rocks of Precamb-
rain age and chert residuum with fossils from the Paleozoic dolo¬
mites (Andrews, 1958). They have been thought to have been con¬
centrated initially during the Cretaceous or Tertiary — as far back
as the last 135 million years of geologic time. It seems clear that
many particles are multigenetic or have been worked and reworked
at different times. The big question is when were they last
reworked ?
As it seems possible to have ice over the area, it remains to deter¬
mine when. This cannot now be done. The absence of loess in the
joints in the chaos by the large quartzite block (fig. 6) implies
movement in post-Cary times. The unstable perched blocks in the
174 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
block field also imply youthfulness. Igneous rocks outcropping west
of DeviFs Lake are fractured but not chemically altered as they
would be if exposed to weathering for many millions of years. They
indicate very recent exposure to weathering, possibly by glaciation
which is not older than late Wisconsin. The well- jointed quartzite
along the bluffs of Devils Lake lends itself to movement by frost
action so great antiquity or absence of glaciation cannot neces¬
sarily be ascribed to such nearby features as DeviFs Doorway and
Balance Rock (fig. 1) (Salisbury and Atwood, 1900, p. 65). Fea¬
tures of similar size are known to have been produced in well-
jointed igneous rocks since the Cary glaciation elsewhere (e.g.,
DeviFs Chair, St. Croix River, Martin, 1932, pi. 28). Moreover, an¬
cestral Devils Lake reached the level of the divide between the north
branch of Messenger Creek (on the west side of Devils Lake) and
Skillett Creek at about 1150 feet (Trowbridge, 1917, p. 366). This
is about the elevation of Elephant Rock and the base of many verti¬
cal cliffs. Frost action along the shore likely was intensified at that
time and would help produce some cliff features. If the clean Cary
ice .were not present, the Rockian ice of about 30,000 years ago
surely must have been for it went well beyond the Cary limit every¬
where else in the state.
Were ice to stand over East Bluff and downwaste, the highest
part would be exposed first. Crevasses would open first probably
along the axis of the ridge allowing meltwaters to plunge to the
bottom. Thin slow-moving ice should not have removed all the resi¬
duum or pebbly, sandy clay on the quartzite, and the remainder
would then be subjected to water working. The deposits of clay
with chert and other siliceous materials could again be reworked
in part by the ice and in part by the glacial waters. The odd distri¬
bution horizontally and vertically of potholes on the upland could be
explained readily by such waters flowing off the ice into the crevas¬
ses at various times and places. So too could the movement of blocks
after pothole drilling was completed, the mixing of rounded and
angular blocks, and the irregular distribution of angular blocks of
Baraboo quartzite on the upland, on top of the pebbly sandy clay.
Thus, in summary, the large quartzite block is interpreted as a
glacial erratic that has been moved some yards upslope by clean
ice that merely reworked and mixed old residuum or an ancient
glacial deposit with rounded boulders and angular quartzite blocks
on the upland of East Bluff. A late Wisconsin age is assigned tenta¬
tively to the glaciation mainly because of the absence of loess in
the vicinity. Further it is believed possible that pothole drilling
occurred by glacial waters reworking that pebbly, sandy clay whose
initial concentration according to lithologies and possible other
affinities in the upper Mississippi Valley may have been in Tertiary
1964] Black — Potholes of Devils Lake State Park 175
or Cretaceous times. The coarseness of the rounded boulders and
the wide range horizontally and vertically of the potholes belie the
existence of a peneplain across which a meandering stream flowed.
The mixing of angular quartzite fragments of many sizes with the
well-rounded and polished gravel and boulders must have taken
place after the rounding of much of the gravel. This is considered
possible only by glaciation. Certainly the East Bluff of Devils Lake
is not a good type section for the Windrow Gravel.
References Cited
Alden, William C. 1918. The Quaternary geolog-y of southeastern Wisconsin.
U. S. Geol. Survey Prof. Paper 106, 356 p.
Andrews, George W. 1958. Windrow formation of upper Mississippi Valley
region. Jour. Geol. vol. 66, p. 597-624.
Austin, G. S. 1963. Geology of clay deposits. Red Wing area, Goodhue and
Wabasha counties, Minnesota. Minn. Geol. Survey, Rpt. of Investigations
2, 23 p.
Black, Robert F. 1960, ‘‘Driftless area’’ of Wisconsin was glaciated. Geol. Soc.
Amer. Bull. vol. 71, p. 1827.
- . 1962. Pleistocene chronology of Wisconsin. Geol. Soc. Amer. Spec.
Paper 68, p. 137.
Chamberlin, T. C. 1874, On the fluctuation of level of the quartzites of Sauk
and Columbia counties. Wis. Acad. Sci. Trans., vol. 2, p. 133-138.
Frye, John C., H. B. Willman, and H. D. Glass. 1964. Cretaceous deposits
and the Illinoian glacial boundary in western Illinois. Ill. Geol. Survey
Circ. 364, 28 p.
Hole, Francis D. 1943. Correlation of the glacial border drift of north central
Wisconsin. Amer. Jour. Sci., vol. 241, p. 498-516,
Irving, R, D. 1877. Geology of central Wisconsin. Geology of Wisconsin, vol. 2.
p. 408-642.
Martin, Lawrence. 1932. The physical geography of Wisconsin. Wis. Geol.
Survey Bull. 36, 609 p.
Salisbury, R. D. 1895. Pre-glacial gravels on the quartzite range near Bara-
boo, Wisconsin. Jour. Geol., vol. 3, p. 655-667.
Salisbury, R. D. and W. W. Atwood. 1900. The geography of the region about
Devil’s Lake and Dalles of the Wisconsin. Wis. Geo. Survey Bull. 5, 151 p.
Thwaites, F. T. 1928, Pre-Wisconsin terraces of the driftless area of Wis¬
consin. Geol. Soc. Amer. Bull. vol. 39, p. 621-641.
- . 1958. Land forms of the Baraboo district, Wisconsin. Wis. Acad. Sci.
Trans, vol. 47, p. 137-159,
- . 1960. Evidences of dissected erosion surfaces in the driftless area. Wis. -
Acad. Sci. Trans., vol. 49, p. 17-49.
Thwaites, F, T. and W. H. Twenhofel. 1921. Windrow formation: an upland
gravel formation of the driftless and adjacent areas of the upper Missis¬
sippi Valley. Geol. Soc. Amer. Bull., vol. 32, p. 293-314,
Trowbridge, Arthur C. 1917. The history of Devils Lake, Wisconsin. Jour.
Geol., vol. 25, p. 344-372.
Weidman, S. 1904. The Baraboo iron-bearing district of Wisconsin. Wis. Geol.
Survey Bull. 13, 190 p,
NOTES ON WISCONSIN PARASITIC FUNGI. XXX
H. C. Greene
Department of Botany, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Unless indicated otherwise the collections mentioned in this ser¬
ies of notes were made in 1963, in which case the yeah date is in
most instances omitted. Certain records are based on infections
noted on phanerogamic specimens in the University of Wisconsin
Herbarium. Where it has not been feasible to obtain a separate
fungus specimen the record is followed by the designation (U. W.
Phan.) .
General Observations
Mycosphaerella sp., which corresponds quite closely to the de¬
scription of Sphaerella (Mycosphaerella) vivipari Wint. occurring
on Polygonum viviparum L., has been found on living leaves of
Polygonum virginianum L. collected near Leland, Sauk Co., August
24. The very conspicuous orbicular spots are reddish-gray, subzon-
ate, mostly about 2-3 cm. diam., only one or two per leaf. The peri-
thecia are hypophyllous, rather closely gregarious, blackish, sub-
globose, approx. 90-110 p diam. ; asci are short-pedicellate, cylin-
dric to narrowly subclavate, about 42-45 x 8-9 p; ascospores are
hyaline, subfusoid, straight, with median septum, about 12-13 x
4-4.5 /X. In Sphaerella vivipari the asci are said to be 35 x 8-9 y,
the ascospores 12-14 x 3-4 p.
Mycosphaerella sp. is hypophyllous on conspicuous spots on the
leaves of Polygonum coccineum Muhl. var pratincola (Greene)
Stanf. collected at Madison, August 16. The spots are orbicular,
about .5-2 cm. diam., dull purplish below, reddish and sometimes
subzonate above. The perithecia are black, gregarious, subglobose,
approx. 115-135 /x diam., the asci subclavate to cylindric, those ap¬
pearing best matured running about 62-65 x 7. 5-8. 5 /x, the hyaline
ascospores rather broadly subfusoid with one cell somewhat wider
than the other, about 11-12.5 x 3. 8-4. 5 /x. Possibly parasitic. The
leaves of this plant are attractive to certain chewing insects and are
usually well riddled toward the end of the summer, as happened to
these, so that it is difficult to determine how this might influence the
development of fungi on them. This fungus does not seem referable
177
178 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
to any of the several species of Mycosphaerella described as occur¬
ring on Polygonum and Rumex.
Shrubs of Ribes missouriense Nutt, sometimes show a striking
development of ascomycetous fungi on white, bleached areas on the
bark of twigs of the previous year’s growth. Didymosphaeria sp.
occurred in profusion on the twigs of such a shrub observed near
Cross Plains, Dane Co., July 18. The plant seemed vigorous and
not very adversely affected, so the overall degree of parasitism ap¬
peared to be slight. Various cane blights of cultivated currants and
gooseberries have been reported, but that just described does not
seem to be among them.
Dibotryon morbosum (Schw.) Theiss. & Syd., the black knot
of cherry, occurs commonly on Prunus virginiana L. in the Wis¬
consin area, but has been thought to develop only rarely on Prunus
serotina Ehrh. P. virginana is shrubby and at most only a small
tree, whereas P. serotina becomes a large tree, with its first
branches many feet from the ground, so that the only specimens
normally observable for the presence of black-knot are quite young
and, as indicated, only exceptionally are infected. Recently at a lo¬
cation in Sauk Co., following a severe windstorm, the writer exam¬
ined several large trees of Prunus serotina which had been uprooted
and all were liberally festooned with black-knot cankers, so it seems
likely that Dibotryon is not so very rare on black cherry after all.
Rhytisma ilicis-canadensis Schw., collected on leaves of Ilex
verticillata (L.) Gray near Leland, Sauk Co., July 27, has the fruit¬
ing structures filled with vast numbers of hyaline rod-shaped micro-
conidia, approx. 3-5 x 1-1.3 ix, presumably a condition preliminary
to the development of the perfect stage.
PSEUDOPEZIZA, as it occurs on Galium in Wisconsin, has hitherto
been represented only by specimens on leaves. At Madison in Oc¬
tober 1962, however, a specimen was collected which was confined
to the stems of Galium obtusum Bigel. It was immature and showed
no developed apothecia, so it was overwintered out-of-doors until
May 1963 when it was placed in a moist chamber for several days.
At the end of this time a number of the apothecia showed a fully
repand condition and mature asci were present, indicating a means
of overwintering, with infection of the new growth in spring or
early summer. Following J. J. Davis, this has been referred to in
the Wisconsin lists as Pseudopeziza autumnalis (Fckl.) Sacc., but
the name Pseudopeziza repanda (Fr.) Karst, seems currently to be
that accepted by most authors. It has been reported on several spe¬
cies of Galium in Wisconsin. H. H. litis has recently examined our
specimens critically as to host determination, in accordance with
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXX 179
present taxonomic treatment, and finds the host species to be as
follows : Galium labradoricum Wieg., G. ohtusum Bigel. and G. trifi-
dum L. An earlier host determination of G. tinctorium L. is incor¬
rect and must be deleted.
Muhlenhergia sylvatica Torr., collected in the Madison School
Forest near Verona, Dane Co., September 25, 1962, bears on the
culms of the lower portions of still living plants a very interesting,
but still undetermined, Ascomycete which is perhaps dothidiaceous.
The fructifications are black, narrowly linear, innate but strongly
erumpent, and with at least a suggestion of a clypeate condition.
Upon being placed in mounting fluid rounded clusters of aparaphy-
sate asci which are still basally attached to one another are readily
separated from their dark-walled, thick-celled housing. The clavate
asci are approx. 65-75 x 10-12.5 /x, the hyaline, fusoid ascospores
20-25 X 6-7.5 /x. This fungus appears to have developed parasiti-
cally. It fails to fit into any of the available keys for the Dothideae,
so perhaps belongs elsewhere.
PucciNiA KUHNIAE Schw. 0, I occurred in profusion on a plant of
Kuhnia eupatorioides L. in the University of Wisconsin Arboretum
at Madison, July 2. This uredinoid aecial stage seems to be rarely
developed, or at any rate rarely collected, as there are no previous
collections of it among numerous Wisconsin specimens in our her¬
barium, nor are there specimens on Kuhnia from any source. Our
only other collection of the aecial stage is on Brickellia lemmoni
Gray from Arizona.
Uromyces LESPEDEZAE-PROCUMBENTis (Schw.) Curt, was reported
by J. J. Davis as occurring on Lespedeza violacea (L.) Pers. in Wis¬
consin, and there are two specimens, both collected July 25, 1904
at Waupaca, labeled as being on L. violacea. Recent examination
of these specimens shows, however, that they cannot be L. violacea.
The leaves appear to be those of Lepedeza capitata Michx., so L,
violacea must be deleted as a Wisconsin host for U. lespedezae-
procumhentis.
Phyllosticta rosae Desm. is the name which has been applied
by various workers to specimens on rose from Wisconsin, and from
various other sources, in the University of Wisconsin Cryptogamic
Herbarium. The original description is vague and incomplete and
one can only suppose that there is at best an element of guesswork
in the naming. There does, however, seem to be an entity involved.
The reddish-brown spots are orbicular and sharply defined. The
pycnidia are epiphyllous and more or less concentrically-zonately
arranged on the spots. The conidia are hyaline and fusoid, approx.
7-8 X 2-2.5 II. The fungus is only marginally sphaeropsidaceous,
since the fruiting structure approaches an acervulus.
180 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Phyllosticta phaseolina Sacc., as it appears in presumably
authentic specimens^ is characterized by rather thick-walled, black,
gregarious pycnidia and by cylindric conidia approx. 6^7 x 2. 5-3. 5
/X, What is considered to be this species has been collected on Apios
tuherosa Moench. in Wisconsin on several occasions, but in a col¬
lection made July 12 near Leland, Sauk Co., the seemingly mature
pycnidia are flesh-colored on orbicular brownish spots and a small
percentage of the conidia, which are in the size range of P. phaseo¬
lina, have a median septum, suggesting Ascochyta, many species of
which have thin-walled flesh-colored pycnidia. In its effect on the
host and in its general microscopic characters this fungus is very
similar to an undetermined species of Ascochyta on the closely re¬
lated Amphicarpa hracteata (L.) Fern., collected at the same sta¬
tion in 1962 and reported in my Notes 29.
Phyllosticta lappae Sacc. was tentatively reported by J. J.
Davis as occurring on Arctium minus Bernh, in Wisconsin, with
the comment that the specimens might be referable to Phyllosticta
decidua Ell. & Kell. In a specimen collected September 14 at Gov.
Dodge State Park, Iowa Co., the pycnidia are on well-developed
orbicular brown spots about .5-1.5 cm. diam. Most of the pycnidia
have conidia about 6-7 x 3 /x, as described, but some contain fusoid
conidia about ,10-11 x 3-3.5 /x. If two organisms are present the
spots would not indicate it, as they are very uniform.
Phyllosticta spp. indet. occur on 1) Onoclea sensibilis L. col¬
lected near Verona, Dane Co., July 3. The lesions are suborbicular,
reddish-brown with ashen centers, approx, 1 cm. diam. The py¬
cnidia are pallid brownish, very inconspicuous, gregarious, subglo-
bose, about 75-85 /x diam., the conidia hyaline, subfusoid, 8-11 x
2. 5-3.2 /x. 2) Anemone virginiana L. collected at Gov. Dodge State
Park, Iowa Co., September 14. The spots are small, dull ashen with
purplish borders, Pycnidia epiphyllous, black, suglogose, about 140-
160 fx dam., the conidia hyaline with a faint greenish tinge, slender-
cylindric, biguttulate, straight or slightly curved, approx. 6-8 x
1.3— 1.7 /X. 3) Rhus glabra L. collected near Albany, Green Co., Oc¬
tober 6, 1962. The pycnidia are scattered to gregarious on some¬
what elevated sordid areas of indeterminate size. They are erump-
ent, black, subglobose, approx. 250-300 ^ diam., with numerous
hyaline microconidia 3,5-4 x .6-7 ,/x. Leaves overwintered out-of-
doors at Madison showed no further development after several days
in a moist chamber, 4) Scrophularia marilandica L. collected near
Leland, Sauk Co., August 24. The spots are oval, tan, purple-
bordered, diaphanous, about .5-1 cm. diam. Pycnidia are subglo¬
bose, thin-walled and pallid flesh-colored, about 125-150 ^ diam.,
the conidia hyaline, rod-shaped or subellipsoid, straight or slightly
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXX 181
curved, mostly biguttulate, (3-) 3.5-5 x 1.5-2, 3 fx. In another speci¬
men on the same host, collected at the same time in the same gen¬
eral area, many of the conidia are even smaller and bacterium-like,
with only a few of the size specified above. 5) Aureolaria pedicu-
laria (L.) Raf., collected August 8, near Dodgeville, Iowa Co.Py-
cnidia are black, flattened, prominently ostiolate, about 150 /x diam.,
the conidia hyaline, 5-6 x 1.5-1. 8 [x. On the pods and possibly para¬
sitic. Quite similar to other collections made on pods of the related
Aureolaria grandiflora (Benth.) Pennell and Castilleja sessiliflora
Pursh and reported on earlier in these notes. 6) Eupatorium ru-
gosum Houtt. collected near Pine Bluff, Dane Co., July 20. The spots
are tiny, angled, translucent, the pycnidia somewhat flattened, sooty
grayish in color, only one or two per spot, about 100-115 /x diam.,
the conidia hyaline, broadly ellipsoid, 2. 8-3. 8 x 1.8-2. 2 /x.
Phoma sp. occurs profusely on stems of Helianthus grosseser-
ratus Mart, collected at Madison, Dane Co., October 10. The effect
on the host appears devastating. The stems are black and rubbery,
tending to lop over. The pycnidia are densely clustered around the
stems in pustular areas about 2-3 inches in length. There had been
no killing frost in the vicinity at this date, but the plants were
stunted, had fully died back, and no good seed had been set. The
pycnidia are subepidermal, rather deeply imbedded in the host tis¬
sue, globose, rather thin-walled, approx. 100-125 /x diam., while the
conidia are of the micro- type, hyaline, straight or slightly curved,
5-7 X 1-1.3 /X.
Neottiospora arenaria Syd. parasitizes various species of
Car ex in Wisconsin and it, or a species very similar to it, has been
collected in the fall on leaves of several grasses, including Calamo-
vilfa longifolia (Hook.) Hack., Aristida purpurascens Poir. and
Sporoholus vaginifiorus (Torr.) Wood. var. inaequalis Fern. All
these leaves were dead when collected, so it seems probable that the
fungus developed saprophytically.
Ascochyta sp. on Polygonum hydropiper L., collected September
5 near Connors Lake in the Flambeau State Forest, Sawyer Co., is
similar in size of conidia to Ascochyta polygonicola Kab. & Bub.
reported from Wisconsin on Polygonum arifolium L., but differs in
having pycnidia of larger diameter, up to 200 /x. On P, hydropiper
the lesions are dull purplish with reddish centers, somewhat oblong
in shape and about 1-2 cm. long by .6-.8 cm. wide, extending mostly
from one margin to the leaf midrib. The pycnidia are mostly
epiphyllous, scattered to gregarious, dull yellowish-brown, and sub-
globose. The conidia are quite variable in size, the smaller mostly
continuous, but the larger uniseptate, cylindric or subcylindric,
obtuse, straight or slightly curved, mostly biguttulate, 9.5-14 x
2.8-4 /X.
182 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Ascochyta sp. occurs on a leaf of Mitella diphylla L, collected
June 6 near Leland, Sauk Co. The lesion is circular, sordid brown¬
ish, about 8 mm. diam. with a yellowish halo. The pycnidia are
amphigenous, loosely gregarious, pallid brownish, thin-walled, sub-
globose, approx. 110-125 p. diam. The conidia are hyaline, guttulate,
mostly uniseptate, subcylindric, straight or slightly curved, about
6-10 X 2.5 p. It seems possible that this is a more fully developed
state of a fungus J. J. Davis assigned to Phyllosticta mitellae Peck,
which I discussed in my Notes 26 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett.
49: 89. 1960). I have not found any other report of Ascochyta on
Mitella.
Ascochyta on Leonurus cardiaca L. in Wisconsin has been re¬
ferred to Ascochyta nepetae J. J. Davis which was described as
having conidia 10-14 x 3 /x. A specimen on Leonurus collected near
Leland, Sauk Co., July 27, has conidia up to 17.5 x 5 /x, and mostly
more than 3.5 p wide, which lends some doubt to the determination
and perhaps indicates a separate entity.
Stagonospora sp. on Cinna latifolia (Trev.) Griseb. collected
near Connors Lake, Flambeau State Forest, Sawyer Co., September
5, has large, thin-walled, almost colorless pycnidia and conidia, the
latter mostly 16-20 x 2. 6-3. 2 p, 1-2 septate, subcylindric or sub-
fusoid. Many of the pycnidia contain, however, only hyaline, rod¬
shaped microspores. This does not compare well with Stagonospora
intermixta (Cke.) Sacc., previously reported on C. latifolia in Wis¬
consin, which has 7-septate spores, about 30-50 x 3 /x, or sometimes
longer, but seems closer to Stagonospora arenaria Sacc., which,
according to Sprague, has spores 3- (1-4) septate, 25-60 x 2.5-5 p,
often 30-45 x 3.5-4.3 p.
Stagonospora sp. occurs in small amount on leaves of Kuhnia
eupatorioides L. collected near Black Earth, Dane Co., August 17,
1962. The spots are sordid brownish, immarginate, orbicular, sub-
zonate, approx. 2 cm. diam. Pycnidia are epiphyllous, pallid brown¬
ish, subglobose, approx. 140-165 p diam., the conidia subhyaline,
cylindric to subfusoid, ends obtuse, straight to slightly curved or
sinuous, 1-3, mostly 2-3 septate. I have found no report of Stagono¬
spora on Kuhnia or any closely related plant.
Septoria pachyspora Ell. & Holw., occurring on Zanthoxylum
americanum Mill., was described as having spores 35-60 x 3 /x, 4-6
septate, and, in most specimens, they are about this size. In a collec¬
tion made at Gov. Dodge State Park, Iowa Co., in September, how¬
ever, many of the spores are much thicker, up to Ip, and up to 9-
septate, Stagonospora-YWe, but not longer than described.
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXX 183
Septoria saniculae Ell. & Ev. was described on occurring on
leaves of Sanicula marilandica L. collected by J. J. Davis at Racine,
Wis. in November 1887. Davis later (Trans. Wis. Acad, Sci. Arts
Lett. 9: 176. 1893) equated this with Septoria cryptotaeniae Ell. &
Rau, stating that “Septoria saniculae E. & E. should doubtless be
placed here, the host plant having been erroneously determined.”
S. saniculae is described as having spores spiculiform, slightly
curved, about 20 x 1 fi, or less, while S. cryptotaeniae is said to
differ primarily in larger spots, larger pycnidia, and in spores
20-30 X l%-li/2 u- Sydow’s My cotheca germanica No. 2206 is la¬
beled Septoria saniculae Ell. & Ev. on leaves of Sanicula europaea
L. and it has spots and spores in the size range described for S.
cryptotaeniae. In the Wisconsin Cryptogamic Herbarium there is
no Wisconsin specimen labeled Septoria saniculae, nor do any of the
specimens now marked as S. cryptotaeniae appear to be the collec¬
tion on which S. saniculae was based. Septoria sp. has recently been
found on Sanicula marilandica collected at Gullickson’s Glen near
Disco, Jackson Co. This specimen has spores about 20-22 x 1 /x,, but
the few pycnidia noted are on extensive, indeterminate, dark brown
areas of the sort usually associated on this host with Stagonospora
thaspii (possibly also present) . Thus, there is a Septoria on Sani¬
cula marilandica, and furthermore it has spores very similar to
those mentioned in the original description of Septoria saniculae,
Septoria (?) sp. occurs in scanty development on small, reddish,
oblong lesions on leaves of Maianthemum canadense Deaf, collected
August 1 near Sauk City, Sauk Co. The small, light-colored
pycnidia, which verge on acervuli, are not over 50 /x diam. The
conidia are hyaline, uniseptate, about 17-20 x 2-2.5 /x. Plainly not
S, maianthemi West, which has spores 50-70 x 3 nor yet an unde¬
termined Septoria on this host which I reported in my Notes 13
(Amer. Midi. Nat. 41 : 743, 1949) .
Septoria sp, occurs on leaves of Aralia nudicaulis L. overwin¬
tered out-of-doors at Madison and brought in for study in May
1963. When collected October 2, 1962 near Pine Bluff, Dane Co., the
leaves were bleached except for patchy green areas (the “green
island” phenomenon) on which numerous gregarious, black, largely
immature pycnidia were present, A few contained some rather
poorly developed scolescospores. On the overwintered leaves most,
but not all, the pycnidia have numerous spores. The subglobose
pycnidia are about 125-150 /x diam., the spores hyaline, acicular,
continuous, straight or slightly sinuous, 35—70 x .6—1.6 /x. Some
spores are a bit shorter, but it seems questionable whether they are
fully mature. Septoria macrostoma Clements has been reported as
occurring on Aralia nudicaulis in Colorado. This is No. 55 in Clem-
184 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
ent’s “Cryptogamae Formationum Coloradensium”, issued in 1906,
and apparently is represented only by the type specimen in the Na¬
tional Fungus Collections. According to Dr. C. R. Benjamin, who
kindly loaned the specimen, publication was effected through dis¬
tribution of the exsiccati, but it appears that in the case of Septoria
macrostoma the Latin indication of host appearing on the label is
insufficient to be considered an adequate description, and therefore
the name is not valid. Examination of the Clement’s specimen in¬
dicates that most of the pycnidia are sterile, but one mount was
finally obtained which showed some spores. These were hyaline,
acicular, more or less curved, approx. 50-90 x 1-1.5 u. The pycnidia
are quite similar to those of the Wisconsin specimen and it seems
likely that a single entity is involved. Some years ago a specimen
doubtfully assigned to Septoria was collected on Aralia hispida
Vent, in Juneau Co. (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 46: 144.
1957). This had pycnidia 115-125 /x and spores 55-75 x 1.5 fi sim¬
ilar in size range to the specimens on A. nudicaulis, but the over¬
all aspect is quite different and it seems improbable that it is the
same. Septoria araliae Ell. & Ev., described on Aralia californica
Wats., has spores 18-27 x 1.2-1. 5 /x and pycnidia only 70-75 /x diam.
It would seem that any description of the fungus on A. nudicaulis
should be deferred until better characterized material of the current
season can be obtained, as overwintering in a wire cage may per¬
haps tend to cause deviations from the normal.
Septoria sp. developed on leaves of Aster lateriflorus (L.) Britt,
collected October 10, 1962 at Tower Hill State Park, Iowa Co., and
overwintered out-of-doors at Madison until May 1963. As collected,
the pycnidia contained no spores, were subglobose, black, approx.
140-165 fji diam., and were closely gregarious on small, angled,
brownish spots on otherwise still green leaves. After overwintering
the pycnidia were found to contain numerous acicular, hyaline
spores, straight or slightly curved, appearing continuous, about
35-50 X 1-1.5 /X. Septoria atropurpurea Peck and S solidaginicola
Peck have been reported on Aster lateriflorus in Wisconsin, but this
fungus seems closer to S. astericola Ell. & Ev. so far as spore di¬
mensions are concerned, although not in the large and conspicuous
pycnidia.
Gloeosporium robergei Desm. (Monostichella robergei (Desm.)
Hoehn.) is fairly common on both Ostrya virginiana (Mill.) K.
Koch and Carpinus caroliniana Walt, in Wisconsin. In my Notes 20
(Trans. Wis, Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 43: 170. 1954) I discussed a
microconidial form on Ostrya noted by both J. J. Davis and me, in
its possible relationship to G. robergei and to G. cai^pinicolum Ell.
& Dearn., reaching the conclusion that, while it might be connected
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXX 185
with G. rohergei, it could scarcely be identical with G. carpinicolum.
A very similar and perhaps identical microconidial fungus was col¬
lected on Carpinus caroliniana, September 15, 1962, in the Leopold
Memorial Tract, Sect. 1, Town of Honey Creek, Sauk Co. The num¬
erous small, flesh-colored epiphyllous acervuli are scattered to
gregarious on conspicuous, brownish, orbicular blotches approx. 1
cm. diam. In section the acervuli appear to be subcuticular, about
80-110 iJi diam. by about 15-20 /x in elevation. The slender condio-
phores are quite closely ranked and the numerous, hyaline, rod¬
shaped conidia are approx. 4-6 x 1.7-2. 2 /x. This would appear to be¬
long in Cylindrosporella Hoehn, as delineated by von Arx in his re¬
vision of Gloeosporium.
COLLETOTRICHUM sp., which may be parasitic, occurs on a sub-
orbicular lesion about 2 cm. diam. on a leaf of Jeffersonia diphylla
(L.) Pers. collected in the University of Wisconsin Arboretum at
Madison, September 25, 1962. The lesion is tan with a narrow dark
brown border, the whole surrounded by a yellowish halo. The num¬
erous acervuli are gregarious and epiphyllous. The rather rigid,
straight setae are clear deep brown, 1-2 septate, slightly paler near
the subobtuse tip, approx. 40-100 x 4-6 fx, the hyaline conidia fusi¬
form or subfalcate, 17-20 x 3.5-4 jx.
Sphaceloma (?) sp. on Stipa spartea Trin. has been collected
in the Madison area on two occasions, in 1959 and recently August
10, 1963. The first collection was sent to Jenkins and Bitancourt
who failed to find good fruiting, but the second appears better de¬
veloped and worthy of mention. The lesions are very small, on the
order of 1 mm. x .3 mm., somewhat ellipsoid, often confluent in
groups along the adaxial surface of the narrow, strongly ribbed
leaf, with narrow dark border and ashen center on which the
fungus is produced, and which consists of pulvinate agglomerations
of dematiaceous, pseudoparenchymatous mycelium, which may or
may not be basally connected with one another. In section the
fungus appears intraepidermal, or perhaps even more deeply seated,
and the cells are elongate and quite closely packed. Some measure¬
ments of individual mycelial aggregates are: 55 /x wide by 20 /x
high, 65 X 25 /x, 35 x 25 /x and 75 x 25 /x. Hyaline, ellipsoid conidia,
about 5.5-6.5 x 2.6-3 /x, are scantily produced, but none have been
seen attached. The lesions are very sharply defined on the otherwise
healthy green leaves and there seems to be no doubt of the active
parasitism of the fungus.
Mollisia dehnii (Rabh.) Karst, is a devastating parasite of
Potentilla norvegica L. var. hirsuta (Michx.) Lehm. with the very
numerous repand apothecia frequently almost completely covering
the stems and principal veins of the host plants. In a heavy devel-
186 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
opment of this, noted at Madison, August 12, 1962, most of the
apothecia were in turn overgrown by a so far undetermined, sub¬
hyaline moniliaceous fungus which may well have been parasitic,
as the overgrowth was closely confined to individual apothecia and
did not overrun them as a group. The very numerous, globose, hya¬
line conidia have each a definite apiculum, marking the point of at¬
tachment, and are approx. 6-7.5 jx diam. The mycelium is irregu¬
larly dichotomously branched, hyaline distally, but tending to be
grayish or subfuscous below. The overall effect is macroscopically
reminiscent of the fructifications produced by lime-bearing slime-
molds, such as Physarum cinereum Pers. I have found no reports
of any parasite on Mollisia.
Botrytis spp., possibly parasitic, occur on 1) leaves of Ranun¬
culus recurvatus Poir. on large, marginal, broadly wedge-shaped,
sordid grayish subzonate lesions, collected at Gov. Dodge State
Park, Iowa Co., July 10; 2) large, marginal, orbicular to wedge-
shaped brown lesions on leaves of Caltha palustris L., collected on
Glidden Scenic Drive near Valmy, Door Co., June 29. The lesions
have a more or less sharply defined darker border, are from approx.
1-5 cm. diam. and occur on otherwise normal green leaves; 3) a
large (3.5 cm. diam.) orbicular, markedly zonate brown lesion with
narrow darker border on a leaf of Menispeimium canadense L., col¬
lected at Madison, July 25, 1962, and very sharply defined. All these
lesions are similar to others noted on diverse hosts in Wisconsin
through the years, but whether the same species of Botrytis is in¬
volved is still uncertain.
Botrytis sp. developed consistently from lenticular black sclero-
tial structures on stems of Vida villosa Roth collected October 11,
1962 near Gibraltar Rock County Park, Columbia Co., and held out-
of-doors over winter at Madison. The stems were brought indoors
in May 1963 and held in a moist chamber for three days, when
examination showed strong growth of the Botrytis. The conidio-
phores arise from the sclerotia in compact tufts which become di¬
vergent and spreading upwards. They are dark brown, granulose,
quite straight, septate, 16-18 diam. and 700-1200 /a or more in
length, branching dichotomously, more or less elaborately, near the
apex where sterigmata are produced on the slightly inflated tips of
the ultimate branchlets. The conidia are grayish-hyaline, broadly
obovate, 13-15 x 15-17.5 /x, with a noticeable basal protrusion at
the point of attachment to the sterigma. This is evidently not iden¬
tical with Botrytis viciae Greene (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett.
48: ,114. 1958), described as occurring on leaves of Vida villosa,
which has larger conidia and conidiophores which are more delicate
and less intricately branched. Because of the lateness of the season
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXX 187
there was no positive indication of parasitic development on the ah
ready dead stems, but parasitism seems probable in view of the
confined and restricted growth of the fungus from the sclerotia.
Cryptostroma corticate (Ell & Ev.) Greg. & Wall. fComspor-
ium corticate Ell. & Ev) occurs in the bark of hard maple pulp
sticks when they are stored prior to usage by paper mills. A speci¬
men has recently been received which developed in the storage yard
of a mill at Tomahawk, Lincoln Co., in 1962. The black, powdery
spores are produced in great numbers and are said to cause allergic
reactions in paper mill workers who inhale them. Gregory and Wal¬
ler state (Trans. Brit. Mycol. Soc. 34: 579-597. 1951) that in Eng¬
land this fungus actively parasitizes Acer pseudoplatanus L. and
they further state there are indications it may be parasitic on Acer
saccharum Marsh, (hard maple) in Wisconsin, and on hickory and
basswood as well.
Ramularia heraclei (Oud.) Sacc. is very common on Heracleum
lanatum Michx. in Wisconsin, In late August numerous small, sooty,
semi-translucent, subglobose pycnidia about 75-100 ju, diam., con¬
taining large numbers of hyaline microconidia, approx. 4-5 x .8 jx,
were observed on old Ramularia spots in a specimen collected near
Leland, Sauk Co. Some of this material was held over winter with¬
out any further development,
Septocylindrium sp, is epiphyllous on strikingly sharp lesions
on Aster sagittifolius Willd. collected July 18 near Cross Plains,
Dane Co. The spots are rounded or somewhat angled, with wide,
dark purple margins and ashen centers, and are mostly about 2-4
mm. diam., sometimes numerous on any one leaf. The catenulate
conidia are hyaline, narrow-cylindric, (1 6-) 22-88 (-48) x 2.2-2. 8 /a,
1-3 septate, produced from short, hyaline conidiophores, approx.
10-14 X 3-4 /X, some of which are compactly geniculate with num¬
erous scars. The conidiophores may occur a few clustered together,
or individually, and the fruiting is quite diffuse. As in other speci¬
mens of this nature the conidia quickly fall away and the material
in hand is scarcely suitable for formal descriptive purposes.
Cercospora leptandrae J. J. Davis, occurring in Wisconsin on
V eronicastrum virginicum (L.) Farw. normally has conidia 20-75
X 5-8 /X, many of them subcylindric. However, in a specimen on this
host collected at Madison, August 16, most of the conidia are nar¬
rowly obclavate and are quite similar to those of Cercospora tor-
tipes Davis which occurs on Veronica scutellata L., but the conidio¬
phores are not fascicled as in the latter species, so perhaps the re¬
cent collection represents a bridging form between typical C. lep¬
tandrae and C. tortipes.
188 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Leaves of Scirpus cyperinus (L.) Kunth. var. pelius Fern col¬
lected August 20 at Dickey Creek, Black Kiver State Forest, Jack-
son Co,, bear numerous, black, seriate pycnidia (or acervuli ?) in
inconspicuous rows. These structures are deeply immersed below
the leaf surface, not more than 30-50 diam., and quite imperfectly
developed above. Hyaline microconidia, about 3-3.6 x 1 ju,, are
borne on closely ranked very slender conidiophores which line the
entire inner surface. Associated with the microconidia, but not seen
within the fruiting structures, are a few hyaline scolecospores.
Aster umhellatus Mill, collected in the Flambeau State Forest
near Oxbow, Sawyer Co., September 4, bears small, elevated acer¬
vuli on rounded yellowish to brownish areas on the upper surface
of the otherwise still green leaves. The acervuli are about 40-60 /i
diam, at the base and had produced hyaline, allantoid microconidia
about 5-6 X 1.2-1. 5 /x. Some of the acervuli show considerable sclero-
tization basally, and they are associated with what appear to be im¬
mature perithecia which are deeply sunken in the host tissue, in
contrast to the more or less superficial acervuli.
Additional Hosts
The following hosts have not been previously recorded as bearing
the fungi mentioned in Wisconsin.
Peronospora dicentrae Syd, ex Gaum, on Dicentra canadensis
(Goldie) Walp, Menominee Co., near Neopit, May 26. Coll. J. A.
Curtis.
Erysiphe polygoni DC. on Aconitum noveboracense Gray. Sauk
Co., near Sauk City, August 1.
PODOSPHAERA OXYACANTHAE (DC.) DeBary on Amelanchier
laevis Wieg. Iowa Co., Sect. 17, Ridgeway Twp., June 17. Infected
trees showed spectacular witches’ brooms, resulting apparently
from the combined effect of the powdery mildew and an infection
of the conidial stage of Apiosporina collinsii (Schw.) Hoehn. There
was no evidence of insect action in this connection. When these
same trees were observed again in late August they appeared to
have died. This seems to be the first record of Podosphaera on a
species of Amelanchier in Wisconsin.
Uncinula salicis (DC.) Wint, on Salix adenophylla Hook,
(cult,). Dane Co., Univ. Wis. Arboretum at Madison, October 10.
Undetermined powdery mildews in the conidial stage only have
been observed on the following hosts not previously listed as bear¬
ing these fungi in Wisconsin: 1) Alnus vulgaris Hill Dane Co.,
Madison, November 15; 2) Viola tricolor L. Dane Co., near Cross
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXX 189
Plains, June 24; 3) Echinacea angustifolia 'DC. Dane Co., Madison
(Univ. Wis. Arboretum), September 6, 1962.
Gnomonia ulmea (Schw.) Thum. on Ulmus carpinifolia Gled-
itsch, U. parvifolia Jacy. and U. pumila L. Columbia Co., near Ar¬
lington, August 14. These trees were all in a plantation established
by the state with a view toward developing climate-hardy elms
which will also be resistant to Dutch Elm disease.
Melampsora medusae Thum. II, III on Populus simoni Carr,
(cult). Dane Co., Madison, October 12.
Melampsorella caryophyllacearum Schroet. II, III on Myo-
soton (Stellaria) aquaticum (L.) Moench. Sauk Co., near Leland,
May 21, The telia are mostly germinated,
Cerotelium dicentrae (Trel.) Mains & Anders. I on Dicentra
canadensis (Goldie) Walp. Menominee Co., near Neopit, May 26.
Coll, J, A, Curtis.
PUCCINIA RECONDITA Rob. ex Desm. I on Isopyrum biternatum
(Raf.) T. & G. Sauk Co., near Leland, May 7. II on Schizachne pur-
purascens (Torr.) Swallen. Sawyer Co., near Oxbow, Flambeau
State Forest, September 4. Assigned here because of the small
urediospores which indeed barely fall within the lower size range
of this species.
PucciNiA DioiCAE P. Magn. II, III on Carex arcta Boot. Lincoln
Co., near Tomahawk, September 17, 1951, Coll. F. C. Seymour
(13274) . (U. W. Phan.) . On C. canescens L. Oneida Co., near Wood¬
ruff, July 5, 1958. Coll. H. H. litis (11390). On C. prairea Dewey.
Dane Co., Madison, October 10. On C. umhellata, Schkuhr. Lincoln
Co., Tomahawk, May 27, 1950. Coll. F. C. Seymour (11182). (U. W.
Phan.) .
Sphacelotheca reiliana (Kuhn) Clint, on Sorghum sudanense
(Piper) Stapf. Columbia Co., near Arlington, September 5, 1962.
Coll. E. W. Hanson.
USTILAGO MACROSPORA Desm. on Elymus canadensis L. Green Co.,
near Monti cello, July 6.
CiNTRACTiA CARICIS (Pers.) Magn, on Carex aquatilis Wahlenb.
var. altior (Rydb.) Fern. Vilas Co,, Lac Vieux Desert, July 16,
1961, Coll. H. H, litis.
Phyllosticta populina Sacc. on Populus deltoides Marsh. Sauk
Co., near Leland, September 26. Referred to this species with some
doubt. This is said to be associated with the common Septoria
musiva of Populus, but half a dozen mounts have failed to reveal
any Septoria, although at the time of collection in the field it was
supposed that the spots had been caused by Septoria. The large
black pycnidia are up to 200 ix diam., in a few cases even more, the
190 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
hyaline conidia about 4-6 x 2-3 /x, ellipsoid or subfusoid. Davis orig¬
inally reported this fungus on Populus deltoides from Wisconsin,
but later redetermined the host as P. nigra L. var. italica DuRoi,
which it does appear to be.
Phyllosticta livida Ell. & Ev. on Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J.
Hill. Dane Co., Madison, October 10.
Phyllosticta amaranthi Ell. & Kell, on Amaranthus retro-^
flexus L. Dane Co., Madison, August 16,
Phyllosticta dearnessh Sacc. on Ruhus puhescens Raf. Sawyer
Co., near Oxbow, Flambeau State Forest, September 4.
Ascochyta AQUiLEGiAE (Rabh.) Hoehn. on sp. (cult.)
Dane Co., near Mt. Horeb, July 21. The host is the tall garden plant
sometimes called Delphinium “ cultorum’\
Ascochyta compositarum J. J. Davis on Aster macrophyllus L.
Jackson Co., Gullickson’s Glen near Disco, August 21. The Ascochyta
pycnidia are associated with much more numerous, immature,
black, perithecium-like bodies which are apparently identical with
the structures discussed in my Notes 27 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci.
Arts Lett. 50: 144. 1961). On A. prenanthoides Muhl, Sauk Co.,
near Leland, September 26. On A. sagittifolius Willd. Sauk Co.,
near Leland, August 24. On Solidago fiexicaulis L. Sauk Co., near
Leland, September 26. On Rudheckia laciniata L. Sauk Co., near
Leland, September 26. On Tithonia rotundifolia Blake var. ‘‘grandi-
fiora’' (cult.). Dane Co., near Cross Plains, September 16. This is
the first instance of a Wisconsin collection of this fungus on a non¬
native host, but the infection is characteristic, both in type of lesion
and in the fungus itself.
Darluca filum (Biv.) Cast, on Coleosporium delicatulum Hedge.
& Long II on Solidago graminifolia (L.) Salisb. Dane Co., Madison,
August 27, 1962.
Stagonospora baptisiae (Ell. & Ev.) J. J. Davis on Baptisia
tinctoria (L.) R. Br. Dane Co., Madison, Univ. Wis. Arboretum,
August 3.
Septoria passerinii Sacc. Microsporous on Elymus villosus Muhl.
Sauk Co., near Leland, July 12. This the stage to which the name
Septoria microspora Ell. has been applied and is similar to Wiscon¬
sin collections on other species of Elymus.
Septoria punctoidea Karst, on Car ex adusta Boott. Jackson Co.,
near Millston, July 19, 1958. Coll. T. G. Hartley. (U, W. Phan.)
Septoria caricinella Sacc. & Roum. on Carex foenea Willd.
Pierce Co., near River Falls, May 31, 1960. Coll. H. H. litis (16818).
On C. merritt-fernaldii Mack. Oconto Co., near Mountain, June 25,
1958. Coll. H. Gale.
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXX 191
Septoria caricis Pass, on Carex pedunculata Muhl. Manitowoc
Co., near St. Nazianz, May 19, 1961. Coll. H. H. litis (17295).
Septoria nematospora J. J. Davis on Carex deweyana Schwein.
Door Co., Peninsula State Park, June 16, 1957. Coll. H. R. Bennett.
Also noted on specimens of this host from Adams, Ashland and
Florence counties.
Septoria psilostega Ell. & Mart, on Galium hrevipes Fern. &
Wieg. (host det. H. H. litis). Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest
south of Connors Lake, October 13. Coll. F. G. Goff.
Hainesia lythri (Desm.) Hoehn. on Hamamelis virginiana L.
Sauk Co., near Leland, August 24. On Rubus puhescens Raf. Sawyer
Co., near Oxbow, Flambeau State Forest, September 4. The Sclero-
tiopsis stage is also present in this specimen.
COLLETOTRICHUM MADISONENSIS H. C. Greene on Carex emoryi
Dewey. Columbia Co., near Wyocena, July 18, 1961. This occurs
with Septoria caricis Pass, in a specimen so labeled.
COLLETOTRICHUM MAL VARUM (A, Br. & Casp.) Southw. On
Ahutilon theophrasti Medic. Columbia Co., near Arlington, August
14.
OVULARIA PUSILLA (Ung.) Sacc. & D. Sacc. on Festuca elatior L.
Jefferson Co., near Lake Mills, August 31. On Bromus ciliatus L.,
Sawyer Co., near Oxbow, Flambeau State Forest, September 4.
Ramularia asteris (Phil. & Plowr.) Bub. on Aster prenan-
thoides Muhl. Sauk Co., near Leland, July 12.
Cercoseptoria vermiformis (Davis) Davis on Corylus cornuta
Marsh. Sawyer Co., near Oxbow, Flambeau State Forest, Septem¬
ber 4. Associated with, and evidently reaching the peak of develop¬
ment after most of the large Cercoseptoria spores have fallen away,
is a microspore stage characterized by small, pulvinate, flesh-colored
masses (acervuli?) of hyaline, continuous, rod-shaped conidia
about 5.5-9 x .7-1 /x. These bodies are gregarious on the same large,
orbicular, brownish lesions on which the Cercoseptoria was pro¬
duced and, it seems, may possibly be the precursors of a perfect
stage,
Cercospora caricis Oud. on Carex albursina Sheld. Green Co.,
Abraham^s Woods near Albany, August 27. On C. bromoides
Schkuhr. Sauk Co., near Leland, May 21. On C. gravida Bailey. St.
Croix Co., near Hudson, June 28, 1959. Coll. J. Patman.
Cercospora circumscissa Sacc, on Prunus americana Marsh.
Iowa Co., Gov. Dodge State Park, August 15, 1962. A report by J.
J. Davis of this species on Prunus pennsylvanica L, f. appears to be
in error, as the host is Prunus serotina Ehrh. and the fungus Cerco-
spora graphioides EIL
192 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Cercospora elaeochroma Sacc. on Asclepias sullivantii Englem.
Jefferson Co., Faville Prairie Preserve near Lake Mills, July 23.
Cercospora arcti-ambrosiae Halst. on Ambrosia trifida L. Iowa
Co., Gov. Dodge State Park, July 10.
Tuberculina persicina (Ditm.) Sacc. on Puccinia polygoni-
amphihii Pers. I on Geranium maculatum L. Dane Co., near Verona,
June 4.
Additional Species
The fungi mentioned here have not been previously reported as
occurring in the state of Wisconsin.
Gnomoniella GNOMON (Tode) W.o\ise on Corylus Marsh.
Sawyer Co., near Oxbow, Flambeau State Forest, September 4. On
C. americana. Sauk Co., near Leland, September 26. Both specimens
are immature, but the fungus is so characteristic as to leave no
reasonable doubt as to identity. The perithecia are fully separate
from one another, not in a pseudostroma as in Mamiana ( Gnomoni¬
ella) coryli (Batsch ex Fr.) Ces. & DeNot.
Puccinia sporoboli Arth. var. robusta Cumm. & Greene (Brit-
tonia 13 : 272. 1961) is the name applied to the variety which occurs
on Calamovilfa in Wisconsin and elsewhere. This differs from the
species proper on Sporoholus in having much broader teliospores
(19-) 22-29 (-35) /x vs. (14-) 17-21 (-23) /x, in having urediospores
with (3-) 5-6 germ pores vs. 3 or 4, and somewhat larger aecio-
spores. This has been confused in the past with Puccinia amphigena
Diet, with which it sometimes occurs in mixtures on Calamovilfa
(Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 47 : 124. 1958). The only known
Wisconsin aecial host of P, sporoboli var. robusta is Smilacina stel-
lata, as has been established by J. W. Baxter (PI. Dis. Rep. 46(10) :
706. 1962). As stated by Cummins and Greene “There is no evi¬
dence that P. amphigena has aecial hosts other than species of
Smilax.”
Rhizoctonia crocorum DC. ex Fr. (violet root rot) on Medicago
sativa L. Green Co., 5 mi. E. of Argyl, October 16, 1962. Coll. E. W.
Hanson, who estimates that 10-15% of the plants in a 19 acre field
had been killed.
Phyllosticta ulmi-rubrae sp, nov.
Maculis conspicuis, fusco-purpureis, orbicularibus, ca. .5-2 cm.
diam., saepe confluentibus, pycnidiis hypophyllis, carneis, subglobo-
sis, sparsis vel gregariis laxe, interdum subzonatis, amplitudinibus
variis, ca. 100-180 /x diam. ; conidiis hyalinis, bacilliformibus, saepe
biguttulatis, ca. 4-6 x 1.3-1. 8 /x.
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXX 193
Spots conspicuous, dark purplish, orbicular, approx. .5-2 cm.
diam., often confluent; pycnidia hypophyllous, flesh-colored, sub-
globose, scattered to loosely gregarious, occasionally subzonately
arranged, variable in size, approx. 100-180 /x diam. ; conidia hyaline,
bacilliform, often biguttulate, approx. 4-6 x 1.3-1. 8 /x.
On living leaves of TJlmus rubra Muhl. Tower Hill State Park,
Iowa County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., October 10, 1962.
The leaves were on shoots which were growing vigorously de¬
spite the lateness of the season.
A Phyllosticta which is very similar, and may be identical, was
collected on the same host in Dane Co. in 1959 and was discussed
briefly in my Notes 26 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 49: 88.
1960). Phyllosticta ulmicola Sacc., of which P. melaleuca Ell. & Ev.
may be a synonym, is reported as occurring on elm in Wisconsin
but should, judging from specimens examined, probably be re¬
ferred to Coniothyrium and certainly bears no resemblance to P.
ulmi-ruhrae,
Phyllosticta pruni-virginianae sp. nov.
Maculis conspicuis, orbicularibus, purpureo-brunneis, zonatis,
ca. .5-1,5 cm. diam., saepe confiuentibus ; pycnidiis epiphyllis,
zonate dispositis, subglobosis vel fere globosis, pallido-brunneis,
erumpentibus, (75-) 100-160 (-190) /x diam.; conidiis hyalinis, el-
lipsoideis, late ellipsoideis, brevo-cylindraceis, vel rare subfusoideis,
5-7 X (2-)2.5-2.7(-3) /x.
Spots conspicuous, obicular, purplish-brown, markedly zonate,
approx. ,5-1.5 cm. diam., often confluent; pycnidia epiphyllous,
tending to be zonately arranged, subglobose to almost globose, pallid
brownish, erumpent, (75™) 100-160 (-190) /x diam. ; conidia hyaline,
ellipsoid, broadly ellipsoid, short-cylindric, or rarely subfusoid, 5-7
X (2-)2.5-2,7(-3) /X.
On living leaves of Prunus virginiana L. Sect. 11, Town of Honey
Creek near Leland, Sauk County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., August 24,
1963.
This fungus was first noted at Madison in 1959 and was men¬
tioned in my Notes 26 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 49: 90.
1960). Other specimens have been collected at Wildcat Mt. State
Park, Vernon Co., September 13, 1960, and at Bohemian Valley
near Middle Ridge, LaCrosse Co., August 21, 1963. The spots are
not, or are only slightly confluent in the type specimen, but are
notably so in the Madison and Bohemian Valley collections, so this
feature is included in the description.
194 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Phoma herbarum West, on Rumex crispus L. Jackson Co., Gul-
lickson's Glen near Disco, August 21. The fungus appeared para¬
sitic on elongate pallid lesions on the still green stem of the host.
Assignment to this “catch-alF’ species must be somewhat tentative,
but the specimen corresponds fairly closely to presumably authentic
examples, such as Kabat & Bubak’s Fungi imperfecti exsiccati No.
404. In view of the considerable diversity of the forms listed under
this species, it seems desirable to present here a brief descriptive
note of the Wisconsin specimen: Pycnidia yellowish-brown, some¬
what flattened, with a large ostiole about 30-35 /x diam. sharply de¬
limited by a ring of blackish cells, the overall pycnidial diameter
approx. (180-) 200-215 (-235) /x; conidia very numerous, hyaline,
mostly biguttulate, short-cylindric, ellipsoid or subfusoid, straight
or slightly curved, (5-) 5.5-7 (-8) x (2-) 2. 5-2. 8 (-3.2) }x.
Ascochyta caryae sp. nov.
Maculis variis, orbicularibus vel angulatis, ca. .3-1.2 cm. diam.,
centris pallido-brunneis, marginibus fuscis; pycnidiis inconspicuis,
immersis, sparsis vel gregariis, flavido-brunneis, subglobosis, ca.
95-140 /X diam. ; conidiis hyalinis, uniseptatis, non constrictis, cyl-
indraceis vel late cylindraceis, vel subfusoideis nonnumquam, rectis
vel curvis leniter, (6.5-) 7-8.5 (-10) x (2.8-) 3-4 (-4.5) /x.
Spots variable, orbicular to angled, approx. .3-1.2 cm. diam.,
centers light brownish, margins fuscous; pycnidia inconspicuous
and immersed, scattered to gregarious, yellowish-brown, subglobose,
approx. 95-140 /x diam. ; conidia hyaline, uniseptate, not constricted
at the septum, cylindric to broadly cylindric, or occasionally sub¬
fusoid, straight or slightly curved, (6.5-) 7-8.5 (-10) x (2.8-) 3-4
(-4.5) /X.
On living leaves of Cary a ovata (Mill.) K. Koch. Madison School
Forest near Verona, Dane County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., July 3, 1963.
Five widely scattered infected trees were observed and it seems
likely that an intensive search would have turned up more. There
seem to be no reports of any Ascochyta on Carya. Ascochyta jug-
landis Boltsh. on the closely related walnut has pycnidia about 80 fi
diam. and conidia 10-13 x 4-5 /x, often slightly constricted at the
septum.
In 1952, at Madison, a well-defined Ascochyta was collected on
Verbena urticifolia L. and was characterized in some detail (Trans.
Wis. Acad, Sci. Arts Lett. 42: 70. 1953), although formal descrip¬
tion was deferred. Since that time additional specimens on the same
host have been collected in 1961, 1962 and 1963 at Gov. Dodge State
Park, Iowa Co., and on the property of the Wisconsin Society for
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXX 195
Ornithology near Leland, Sauk Co. In 1963, at the latter station, the
fungus was also found on Verbena hastata. Since there seems to be
no further doubt as to the constancy of this organism, with its con¬
spicuous and well-characterized lesions, it is here described :
Ascochyta cuneomaculata sp. nov.
Maculis magnis, conspicuis, cuneatis, purpureo- vel obscuro-
brunneis, primum in apicibus vel marginibus ; pycnidiis sparsis vel
gregariis, epiphyllis, inconspicuis, pallido-brunneis, subglobosis, ca.
125-185 jjL diam. ; conidiis hyalinis, uniseptatis, cylindraceis vel sub-
fusoideis, ca. 7-10 (-13) x 3-4.5 /x.
Lesions large, conspicuous, wedge-shaped, purplish-brown, be¬
coming sordid brownish, mostly distal or at least marginal in ori¬
gin; pycnidia scattered to gregarious, epiphyllous, inconspicuous,
pallid brownish, subglobose, approx. 125-185 /x diam. ; conidia hya¬
line, uniseptate, cylindric to subfusoid, about 7-10 (-13) x 3-4.5 /x.
On living leaves of Verbena urticifolia L. University of Wiscon¬
sin Arboretum, Madison, Dane County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., July 2,
1952.
Since the lesions eventually involve and kill back the entire leaf,
the fungus is obviously a strong parasite.
As mentioned in the note cited above, it seems probable that A.
cuneomaculata has a Melanopsamma perfect stage, but this has yet
to be conclusively demonstrated.
Ascochyta kuhniae sp. nov.
Maculis conspicuis, circulis, marginibus late purpureis, centris
albidis vel pallido-brunneis, translucidis, parvis, plerumque 2-4
mm. diam., interdum confluentibus ; pycnidiis unicis vel nonnullis
gregariis in maculis, pallido-brunneis, subglobosis, ca. 120-135 /x
diam. ; conidiis hyalinis, uniseptatis, variis, cylindraceis vel sub-
fusoideis, rectis vel curvis modice, interdum ad septis constrictis
leviter, (7-) 10-12 (-13.5) x 2.7-3.5 /x.
Spots conspicuous and sharply defined, rounded, with wide pur¬
plish margins and whitish to pallid brownish translucent centers,
mostly about 2-4 mm. diam., sometimes confluent; pycnidia one, or
several clustered closely on the spot, light brownish, subglobose,
about 120-135 /x diam.; conidia hyaline, uniseptate, variable in
shape from cylindric to subfusoid, straight or somewhat curved, oc¬
casionally slightly constricted at the septum, (7-) 10-12 (-13.5) x
2.7-3.5 /X.
On living leaves of Kuhnia eupatorioides L. Sect. 6, Middleton
Township, near Cross Plains, Dane County, Wisconsin, U.S.A,,
June 24, 1963.
196 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The best developed pycnidia are marked by having the ostiole
sharply delimited by a ring of thicker, darker cells about it. When
infection occurs near the leaf margin marked curvature of the leaf
is often produced at that point.
This is not identical with an undetermined Ascochyta on the same
host reported on in my Notes 18 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett.
42: 71. 1953). Although the conidial size is approximately that
specified by J. J. Davis for the var. parva of his Ascochyta composi-
tarum, the small, sharply defined spots are very different from those
so characteristic of an A. compositarum infection.
Leptothyrium astericolum (Ell. & Ev.) comb. nov.
Phyllosticta astericola Ell. & Ev. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila.
1893, p. 157
The pycnidia of this fungus are definitely not those typical of a
species of Phyllosticta as they are imperfectly developed and of the
type characteristic of the Leptostromataceae. J. J. Davis (Trans.
Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 26: 253. 1931) recognized that this or¬
ganism is not a species of Phyllosticta, but failed to take action in
the matter. Common on Aster umhellatus Mill, in Wisconsin. Lepto¬
thyrium astericolum seems distinct from L. similisporum (Ell. &
Davis) Davis which usually occurs on species of Solidago, but which
has also been found on Aster macrophyllus L. in Wisconsin. L.
astericolum has shorter, much narrower, and more fusoid conidia.
Fusarium tricinctum (Cda.) Sacc. emend. Synd. & Hansen on
Sorghum vulgare Pers. Waushara Co., Hancock, Summer 1962.
Coll. E. W. Hanson. Identification confirmed by W. C. Snyder. This
fungus causes a head blight of the developing sorghum.
NOTES ON WISCONSIN PARASITIC FUNGI. XXXI
H. C. Greene
Department of Botany, University of Wisconsin, Madison
This series of notes is, unless stated otherwise, based on collec¬
tions of fungi made during the season of 1964.
General Observations
Mycosphaerella sp. occurs on the bracts subtending the perigy-
nia in the inflorescence of Carex stricta Lam. collected June 16 near
Leland, Sauk Co. The perithecia are seriate, black, small, about
50 p diam., the asci saccate, about 25 x 12 p, the hyaline, uniseptate
ascospores subfusoid, approx. 10 x 3 p. Possibly parasitic.
Mycosphaerella sp. appears parasitic on leaves of Apios tube-
rosa Moench. collected August 18 at Nelson Dewey State Park near
Cassville, Grant Co. The large, suborbicular, arid, brownish to gray¬
ish spots are conspicuously mottled, the mottling being due to nar¬
row brown lines which form intricate patterns on the spots, which
may involve most of a leaflet and be up to 4 cm. diam. The perithe¬
cia are hypophyllous, scattered to gregarious, subglobose, black-
thick-walled, subepidermal, approx. ,115-130 p, diam. The asci are
subcylindric, about 38-42 x 6-7.5 p, the ascospores narrowly fusoid,
hyaline, obliquely arranged, approx. 10-11 x 2.5~2.7 p. A few of the
spots bear some empty pycnidia which are suggestive of Phyllos-
ticta phaseolina Sacc., but in the absence of conidia this is
uncertain.
Leptosphaeria sp., which may be parasitic, occurs on Scirpus
atrovirens Muhl. collected near Connors Lake in the Flambeau State
Forest, Sawyer Co., September 5, 1963. The perithecia are gregar¬
ious on dead leaf tips and on elongate brownish areas in the still
green portions of the leaves. They are black, globose, thick-walled,
about 150-160 p diam. The asci are cylindric or curved-cylindric,
short-pedicellate, (70-) 75-82 x 15-16 p, the ascospores pallid oliva¬
ceous, subfusoid, 4-septate, often constricted at the septa, 38-42 x
5. 5-6. 5 p,
Calicium (Pers.) de Not. is based upon a lichen and the fungus
parasitic on Polystictm pergamenus Fr., reported as Calicium
197
198 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
tigillare (B. & Br.) Sacc. in these notes (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci.
Arts Lett. 41: 125. 1952), is properly designated as Mycocalicium
polyporaeum (Nyl.) Vaino.
Puccinia angustata Peck II, III occurred in a very limited in¬
fection on a small group of plants of Scirpus cyperinus (L.) Kunth.
f. andrewsii (Fern.) Carp, observed near Albany, Green Co., Au¬
gust 8. These few plants in turn were surrounded by many plants
of Scirpus cyperinus, all very heavily infected with the same rust,
suggestive of a decided difference in susceptibility between the form
and the species proper.
Puccinia asparagi DC. I was collected on Asparagus officinalis
L. near Cross Plains, Dane Co., June 15. Uredia and telia are of
course common on asparagus, but this appears to be the first collec¬
tion of aecia recorded in Wisconsin.
Puccinia recondita Rob. ex Desm. occasionally stimulates the
production of spectacular globoid to pulvinate aecial galls on the
slender stems of the vine. Clematis virginiana L. At a location near
Leland, Sauk Co., June 26, many thousands of these bright orange
galls were observed, ranging in diameter from 5 mm. to 2 cm. for
globoid galls, and up to 2 cm. thick by 4.5 cm. long for the pulvinate.
Frequently three or four, or more, galls were crowded into the
space of a few inches on a stem. Except for the very limited area
of contact with the gall there is no noticeable hypertrophy of the
stem.
Puccinia plumbaria Peck III has been found on the semi-ever¬
green summer leaves of Phlox divaricata L. near Leland, Sauk Co.,
June 26. The systemic aecial stage is very conspicuous, being pro¬
duced in early May on the leaves of the vernal flowering stems, but
the telia are elusive and had been sought for several years without
success.
Puccinia andropogonis Schw. I occurs closely associated ,with
Septoria pentstemonis Ell. & Ev. on leaves of Pentstemon digitalis
Nutt, collected at Madison, June 18, 1963. Some of the rust sori are
free of the Septoria, but the reverse is not true in any of the leaves
in the specimen.
Exobasidium vaccinii (Fckl.) Wor., on Ericaceae, produces
quite varied effects on its host plants. Hundreds of infected plants
of huckleberry, Gaylussacia baccata (Wang.) C. Koch, observed
near Leland, Sauk Co., in June, were about equally divided between
large, erect, mainly healthy looking specimens with the Exobasid¬
ium infection localized as conspicuous ‘‘bladders’' on one or a few
leaves per plant, and much stunted, chlorotic, usually many¬
stemmed plants where the fungus appeared systemic, as the lower
1964] Greene — -Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXXI 199
surfaces of many or most of the leaves were completely covered by
the parasite. However, the hypertrophy characteristic of more
localized infections was lacking. Perhaps plants initially lightly in¬
fected may become more heavily so over the course of several years.
Phyllosticta anemonicola Sacc, & Syd. (so cited in Ellis &
Everhart's “North American Phyllostictas", although P, anemonis
Ell. & Kell, appears to be the earlier name) seems to be based on an
end-of-the-season overwintering stage of Didymaria didyma (Ung.)
Schroet., discussed by me in my Notes 26 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci.
Arts Lett. 49 : 96. 1960) . This is very commonly developed on Ane¬
mone canadensis L. in Wisconsin and is the basis of J, J. Davis'
report of P. anemonicola on this host. Ellis and Everhart report
the conidia of P. anemonicola to be 5-7 x 1.25 /x, but in my experi¬
ence it is sterile and indeed an examination of the Davis specimen
shows no conidia, so far as observed. The writer has, on two occa¬
sions, in mid-season, collected a well-developed, characteristic Phyl¬
losticta on Anemone cylindrica Gray at Madison. This was tenta¬
tively, and I now believe, erroneously assigned to P. anemonicola.
It occurs on definite arid spots on the living leaves and is quite
different in appearance from the indistinct spots and closely clust¬
ered overwintering bodies of Didymaria. The conidia are about the
length specified by Ellis and Everhart, but are somewhat wider.
In August 1964, near Leland, Sauk Co., a similar well-defined Phyl¬
losticta was collected on Anemone canadensis, where the thin- walled
pycnidia are loosely gregarious on rounded, sharply delimited gray¬
ish spots, with the conidia being mostly about 5-6 x 2.5-3 fx. More
material for study would be desirable.
Descriptive notes on some so far undetermined Phyllostictae ap¬
pear below, following mention of the names of the host plants on
which they occurred :
1) On Glyceria grandis Wats., near Leland, Sauk Co., June ,16.
The spots are small, oval, and ashen with narrow dark brown
" border, the pycnidia about 115-135 /x diam., subglobose, pallid
brownish, and thin-walled, the conidia hyaline, short-cylindric, ap¬
prox. 4-6 X 2-2.5 /x; 2) On Carex blanda Dewey, near Leland, Sauk
Co., May 21, 1963. The lesions are narrowly elongate, with brown¬
ish border and ashen center, the pycnidia light brown, subglobose,
about 110-130 /X diam., the conidia hyaline, ellipsoid or short-
cylindric, occasionally subfusoid, 4.5-6 x 1.5-2 /x. Phyllosticta cari-
cis (Fckl.) Sacc. was reported by Davis as occurring on several
species of Carex in Wisconsin, but there are no verifying specimens
in our herbarium, and if there were their identification would be
uncertain as the original description is inadequate, with no meas¬
urements given; 3) On Trillium flexipes Raf. in association with
200 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Gloeosporium hrunneomaculatum Greene, near Leland, Sauk Co.,
June 16. The Phyllosticta is on pallid, translucent, oval spots about
.5 cm. diam., of the same size and shape as the much more numerous
and darker Gloeosporium lesions. The pycnidia are gregarious,
pallid brownish, very thin-walled and collapsed, probably globose
when fresh, approx. 110-135 }x diam., the conidia hyaline, short-
cylindric, broadly ellipsoid, or subfusoid, about 4-5.5 x 2-2.5 /x. This
is plainly not Phyllosticta trillii Ell. & Ev., described as having
conidia 10-14 /x long; 4) On Salix cordata Muhl, (or perhaps a
hybrid of this with Salix interior Rowlee) , near Leland, Sauk Co.,
August 12. This may be referable to Phyllosticta eminens Greene
(Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 49 : 104. 1960), as it corresponds
well in spore size, but the material is less well-developed than the
type; 5) On Rosa sp., near Pine Bluff, Dane Co., August 27. The
spots are dull brown with indistinct greenish mottling, immarginate
or with margin not well marked, the whole usually surrounded by
a yellow halo, rounded to wedge-shaped, approx. 3 mm. to ,1 cm.
diam., the pycnidia few, scattered, very inconspicuous and discern¬
ible only by transmitted light, pallid brownish, thin-walled, sub-
globose, approx. 140-190 /x diam., the conidia hyaline, subellipsoid
to cylindric, mostly biguttulate, 7-11 x 2.6-3 (-3.5) /x. Definitely
not Phyllosticta rosae Desm. which verges on a acervular form; 6)
On Desmodium illinoense Gray, Madison, October 9, 1963. Spots
small, angular, sordid — perhaps old Ramularia spots — the pycnidia
black, closely crowded, globose, small, about 50 /x diam., the hyaline
conidia approx. 2. 5-3. 5 x 1.3-1. 5 /x. Perhaps the precursor of a per¬
fect stage; 7) On Lysimachia nummularia L., near Leland, Sauk
Co., June 26. The spots are dull grayish-brown, rounded, immargi¬
nate, .2-.5 cm. diam., the pycnidia pallid brownish, translucent,
scattered, subglobose, about 135-175 /x diam., the conidia hyaline,
broadly ellipsoid, cylindric or subcylindric, approx. 4.5-5. 5 (-6.5)
X 2.5-3 /X. I have not found a report of any species of Phyllosticta
on L, nummularia; 8) On Viburnum lentago L., near Leland, Sauk
Co., August 19. The spots are vinaceous-cinereous, with dark pur¬
plish border, rounded, about 4-5 mm. diam., the pycnidia epiphyl-
lous, gregarious, sooty, subglobose, about 125 /x diam., the conidia
hyaline, broadly ellipsoid, approx. 5-7.5 x 2. 5-3. 5 /x; 9) On Aster
puniceus L., near Leland, Sauk Co., August 12. The spots are varie¬
gated white and brownish, orbicular, about .5-1 cm. diam., the
pycnidia black, few and scattered, subglobose with a prominent osti-
ole delimited by a wide band of thick, dark cells, approx. 200-250 /x
diam. and epiphyllous, the very numerous conidia hyaline, rod¬
shaped, straight or slightly curved, 4. 5-7. 5 x 1.3-2 /x.
Pyrenochaeta graminis Ell. & Ev., possibly parasitic, occurs
on Muhlenbergia schreberi Gmel. collected in October 1959 near
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXXI 201
Cross Plains, Dane Co, This was discussed at some length, as an
at that time undetermined fungus, in my Notes 26 (Trans. Wis.
Acad. Sci. Arts Lett, 49: 99. 1960). The Wisconsin specimen has
very long appendages, whereas Ellis and Everhart describe the ap¬
pendages as being rather short, but type material, on dead leaves,
is quite weathered with the appendages broken off near the fruiting
bodies, which may account for the difference in described length.
Microscopically the contents of the fruiting structures are identical
with the conidia (or chlamydospores?) being characterized by very
thick, hyaline, refractive walls. It is highly doubtful that this
fungus really belongs in Pyrenochaeta, but for the time being it
has been filed there.
Ascochyta sp. occurs sparingly on large, blackish, zonate lesions,
about 2-3 cm. diam., on juvenile leaves of Pofpulus tremuloides
Michx. collected near Leland, Sauk Co., August 24, 1963. The pyc-
nidia are sooty yellowish-brown, subglobose, the few measured
running from 95-125 /x diam. The majority of the hyaline conidia
are septate, the septum not always median, mostly subcylindric to
subfusoid, occasionally broadly ellipsoid, straight to slightly curved,
(7-) 8-9 (-11) X (2.5-) 3-3.2 (-3.5) y. This seems close to an un¬
determined Phyllosticta collected on Populus grandidentata Michx.,
reported on in my Notes 26 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 49 :
88. 1960), where the conidia ran (5.5-) 6.5-10 (-11) x 2-2.5 (-3) y,
but which had larger pycnidia and lesions even larger and more
markedly zonate.
Ascochyta sp. — a rather small specimen — was collected on
Sanguinaria canadensis L. near Leland, Sauk Co., June 16. The
spots are dull purplish-brown, orbicular or oval, 1-2.5 cm. diam.,
subzonate. The pycnidia are subglobose, thm-walled and translu¬
cent, pallid brownish, epiphyllous, scattered to gregarious, about
135-165 y diam., the conidia cylindric or occasionally subfusoid,
hyaline, uniseptate, 7-8.5 (-10) x 2.6-3 /x, smaller than those of
other species reported on Papaveraceae.
Ascochyta sp. occurred on Ruellia ciliosa Pursh in the Lfniver-
sity of Wisconsin Arboretum at Madison, July 7. The spots are
small, whitish and angled, the pycnidia epiphyllous, black, subglo¬
bose, about 125 /X diam., with a wide ostiole marked by a ring of
darker cells. The conidia are hyaline, cylindric, subcylindric or
occasionally subfusoid, often somewhat constricted at the septum,
7.5-10 (-11.5) X 2.7-3. 5 /x. I have found no report of Ascochyta on
this host.
Darluca filum (Biv.) Cast, is a hyperparasite on Puccinia
asparagi DC. I on Allium cepa L. var. viviparum Metz, collected
202 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
near Cross Plains, Dane Co., May 21. Common on uredia of this
rust, but not before reported on the aecia in Wisconsin.
Stagonospora sp. occurs on Equisetum o.rvense L. collected at
Madison, August 3. The thin-walled pycnidia are about 175-200 ju
diam., the hyaline, cylindric to subfusoid, straight or slightly curved
conidia are about 17-23 x 4.5-6 /x, (2-) 3-4 septate. This is quite
similar to an undetermined Stagonospora on Equisetum hyemale L.
reported on in my Notes 21 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 44:
32. 1955).
Septoria sp. on Castilleja sessiliflora Pursh collected August ,13
at Gibraltar Rock County Park, Columbia Co., occurs on small,
rounded, sunken, cinereous to brownish leaf spots, 1-2 mm. diam.
The pycnidia are small, grayish-black, gregarious, globose, about
65-80 /X diam., the spores 45-60 x 1.7-k5 /x, with occasional spores
perhaps slightly longer, from almost straight to rather strongly
curved, tapered more at one end than at the other. These spores are
quite outside the range of an otherwise similar specimen on Castil¬
leja coccinea (L.) Spreng. which had spores 15-21 x 1-1.5 /x, as
reported in my Notes 28 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 51 : 61.
1962).
Septoria sp. is present in a small specimen on Solidago speciosa
Nutt, collected near Leland, Sauk Co., June 13. The spots are
narrowly oval, tan, immarginate, about .5 cm. long. The pycnidia
are pallid brownish, about 125-140 /x diam., subglobose, with a well-
marked ostiole defined by a ring of darker cells. The spores are hya¬
line, narrowly obclavate, obtuse at one end and tapered at the other,
somewhat lax and flexuous, 1—3 septate, 20—38 x 2. 7-3. 5 /x. This is
certainly not Septoria atropurpurea Peck, the only species of Sep¬
toria reported on Solidago speciosa in Wisconsin, nor does it resem¬
ble any other Septoria on Solidago with which I am familiar.
Artemisia species in Europe and North America bear a confusing
assemblage of pycnidial or near-pycnidial forms which have been
variously referred to Septoria or to Cylindrosporium. Septoria
artemisiae Pass, was described as occurring on small, discoid spots,
with the spores continuous, 30-33 x 1.5 /x. Cylindrosporium artem¬
isiae Dearn. & Barth., on the other hand, has brown, angular spots
which follow the veins and become confluent, while the spores are
subclavate and subflexuous, 1-5 septate, 20-50 (or longer) x 3-4
/X. Specimens in the Wisconsin Herbarium present in effect a vari¬
ously labeled, but intergrading series between the two extremes,
with most seeming closer to Cylindrosporium. Septoria artemisi-
icola J. J. Davis on Artemisia s errata Nutt, seems to me indis¬
tinguishable from earlier collections on the same host , which he
labeled— in my opinion correctly — Cylindrosporium artemisiae. In
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXXI 203
a recent collection on Artemisia serrata made near Arena, Iowa Co,,
the fruiting structures, though rather widely ostiolate, seem refer¬
able to Septoria and they are borne on small, discoid brown spots
about 1,5-3 mm. diam. The spores, however, are intermediate in
character, although the specimen seems closest to Septoria artemis-
iae Pass,, under which name it is provisionally filed.
Colletotrichum typhae Greene (Trans, Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts
Lett. 44: 41. 1956) is the subject of an article in Trans. Brit. Mycol.
Soc. 46(8) : 459. 1963 by Sutton and Sellar. The authors confirm
that British material corresponds well with the Wisconsin type
specimen and present the results of a cultural study as well as a
study of conidial germination, in connection with which they find
appressoria produced.
Colletotrichum sp., which may have developed parasitically,
occurs on still living, but somewhat passe, leaves of Anemonella
thalictroides (L.) Spach. collected near Leland, Sauk Co., July 2.
The acervuli are scattered or subseriate, mostly epiphyllous, on in¬
determinate dull green areas. The setae are dark purplish-brown,
somewhat lax and diverging, scattered in the acervulus, from about
75-200 X 4.5-5 paler toward the tapered tip, the longer ones
septate. The falcate conidia are of the usual Colletotrichum type,
hyaline, about 20-23 x 3.5-4 /x. The acervuli on the leaves are quite
small, but a few which occur on the old flower pedicels are larger.
Amphichaeta rosicola Greene (Trans. Wis, Acad. Sci. Arts
Lett. 47: 127, 1958) and Monochaetia discosioides (Ell, & Ev.)
Sacc, are relegated to synonomy under the name Seimatosporium
discosioides (EIL & Ev.) Shoemaker by Shoemaker (Can, Jour.
Bot 42: 415. 1964),
Sarcinella heterospora Sacc. is the name assigned, probably
correctly, to a more or less superficial fungus which occurs in Wis¬
consin on species of Cornm, notably C, femina Mill, and G, stoloni-
fera Michx. In earlier records a fungus which may be parasitic and
which occurs with considerable regularity on Corylus americana
Walt, has also been labeled Sarcinella heterospora, probably incor¬
rectly, This fungus, which is strictly epiphyllous, forms small, flat,
subcircular, loosely organized black colonies, about .3-. 6 cm. diam.
These colonies are very conspicuous and quite sharply defined and
do not appear to have developed on insect droppings. They are,
however, so far as can be judged from leaf sections, superficial and
extra-cuticular. If there is any connection it is tenuous indeed. The
component creeping hyphae are blackish-brown and multiseptate.
Produced laterally on some of these hyphae are globose, grayish-
black chlamydo'spores which are single-celled and become thicker-
walled as the season progresses, but do not ordinarly become
muriform.
204 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Cercospora sp., which seems quite distinctive and does not cor¬
respond with any of the species on Rihes mentioned in Chupp’s
monograph, occurs on Rihes hirtellum Michx., collected near Leland,
Sauk Co., August 4. Unfortunately most of the material is not well
matured, so the specimen is inadequate for formal descriptive pur¬
poses. The fungus is epiphyllous and subcuticular on tiny, cinereous,
purple-bordered spots about 1-2 mm. diam. Very heavy blackish-
brown stromata are produced, running from 40-80 p. wide by 90-
110 /X high, from which the fascicled and somewhat spreading conid-
iophores develop. They are clear brown, becoming paler toward the
tip, mildly geniculate with the geniculations widely spaced, trun¬
cate with prominent spore scar, and mostly not narrowed at tip,
several-septate, approx. 100-140 x 3.5-5 p. The conidia are hyaline,
multiseptate, from very slender long-obclavate to almost acicular,
truncate at base with prominent scar, 80-200 x 3-4 p at base, 2 p or
less at tip, and strongly tapered for a long distance back from the
tip.
Arabis glabra (L.) Bernh. collected near Oxbow, Sawyer Co.,
July 22, has conspicuous black incrustations on the still green stems
and siliques caused by a non-fruiting fungus composed of very
numerous subapplanate, rounded bodies, about 50-60 p diam., with
thick-walled cells, and which tend to be connected with one another
by wefts of the same sort of tissue. Scarcely determinable, but
plainly parasitic.
Gaultheria procumbens L., collected at the University of Wiscon¬
sin Finnerud Forest Preserve near Minocqua, Oneida Co., July 27,
bears most conspicuous, epiphyllous, large gray and dark brown le¬
sions of a “frog-eye” type. The same pattern occurs on the reverse,
but is less marked. On the reverse of the lesions occur numerous,
more or less superficial and indeterminate, black fungus bodies
which internally are composed of a mass of delicate subhyaline my¬
celium from which are produced hyaline microconidia approx. 3-4
X 1-1.5 p. Perhaps parasitic. At any rate, the structures mentioned
are so uniformly present that it seems there must be some connec¬
tion with the spot production.
Additional Hosts
The following hosts have not been previously recorded as bear¬
ing the fungi mentioned in Wisconsin.
Microsphaera alni (Wallr.) Wint. on Cornus rugosa Lam. Co¬
lumbia Co., Gibraltar Rock County Park, August 13. The fungus
affected the outermost twigs and leaves, resulting in extra long
internodes and small, poorly developed leaves.
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXXI 205
Phyllactinia corylea (Pers.) Karst, on Crataegus macrantha
Lodd. (cult.) Dane Co., Madison, September 11.
Powdery mildews, undetermined as to species, have been collected
on 1) Apios tuberosa Moench. Iowa Co., Gov. Dodge State Park,
September 12; and 2) Cacalia muhlenbergii (Sch. Bip.) Fern.
Sauk Co., near Leland, August 19.
Mamiana fimbriata (Pers, ex Fr.) Ces. & DeNot. on Ostrya
virginiana (Mill.) K. Koch. Sauk Co., near Leland, July 27, 1963.
Venturi A sporoboli H. C. Greene on Oryzopsis asperifolia
Michx. Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow, July 22.
In addition to species of Sporobolus this fungus has also been
found on Andropogon scoparius Swall. It seems noteworthy that
all the so far recorded hosts are dry-leaved xerophytes with close
ribbing. The perithecia are developed between the ribs.
Ophiodothis haydeni (B. & C.) Sacc. on Aster puniceus L.,
Sauk Co., near Leland, June 16.
Melampsora paradoxa Diet, & Holw. II, III on Salix serissima
(Bailey) Fern. Dane Co., Madison, August 3.
PucciNiA DioiCAE P. Magn. has been noted on these additional
Carex species: 1) II, III on Carex gravida Bailey. Iowa Co., SW
of Dodgeville, July 22, 1956. Coll. H. H, litis. This seemed atypical
and a specimen was submitted to G. B. Cummins who states that it
appears to be Puccinia vulpinoidis Diet. & Holw. (Bot. Gaz. 19:
304. 1894), described as occurring on the closely related Carex
vulpinoidea Michx, and evidently set aside principally because of
its punctate to elliptic, long-covered telia. Arthur relegated P. vul¬
pinoidis to synonymy. A check of specimens on Carex vulpinoidea
in the University of Wisconsin Herbarium shows some which have
characters similar to those of the specimen on C, gravida, but others
are quite typical P. dioicae. 2) ii, HI on Carex lasiocarpa Ehrh.
Waushara Co., near Wautoma, September 21, 1963. Coll. H. H. litis.
As far as one can judge from the descriptions the principal micro¬
scopic difference between Puccinia minutissima Arth., previously
reported on C. lasiocarpa from Wisconsin, and P, dioicae is in the
short, colored teliospore pedicels in P, minutissima and long, color¬
less pedicels in P. dioicae. 3) II, HI on C. tenera Dewey. Dane Co.,
Madison, July 6, 1960. 4) II on C. blanda Dewey. Sauk Co,, near
Leland, June 16. 5) ii, HI on C, woodii Dewey. Vernon Co., Wild¬
cat Mt. State Park, May 14, 1960. Coll. T, G. Hartley. On a phanero¬
gamic specimen on overwintered leaves still attached to the plant
of the current season.
Puccinia tumidipes Peck I (uredinoid) on Lycium chinense
Mill. Milwaukee Co,, Milwaukee, May 26. Coll. & det. J. W, Baxter.
206 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
SCHIZONELLIA MELANOGRAMMA (DC.) Schroet. on Carex com¬
munis Bailey. Door Co., Jacksonport, June 24, 1952. Coll. R. T.
Ward.
Ceratobasidium anceps (Bres. & Syd.) Jacks, on seedling of
Ulmus americana L. Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Ox¬
bow, July 22.
Pellicularia filamentosa (Pat.) Rogers on Convolvulus spit-
hamaeus L. Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow, July
23.
Phyllosticta nebulosa Sacc. on Lychnis viscaria L. (cult.).
Dane Co., Madison, July 10.
Phyllosticta dearnessii Sacc. on Rubus allegheniensis Porter.
Dane Co., near Verona, September 14.
Phyllosticta phaseolina Sacc. on Amphicarpa bracteata (L.)
Fern. Sauk Co., near Leland, June 26. Also two specimens from
Gov. Dodge State Park, Iowa Co., September 12. Reported with
some reservations, as in the field this was strikingly similar in
gross appearance to the infection produced by an undetermined
species of Ascochyta on the same host at the Leland station in
1962 (Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts Lett. 52: 236. 1963). Both the
lesions and the pycnidia are highly translucent, unlike most speci¬
mens I have seen assigned to P. phaseolina, but this may be a mat¬
ter of the host species, or of the condition of the host leaves at the
time of infection. Adjacent to one of the specimens from Gov.
Dodge Park was very similar material on Apios tuberosa Moench.
Earlier Wisconsin specimens on Apios assigned to P. phaseolina
tend to have lesions opaque and pycnidia somewhat darker and
thicker- walled. However, in all these specimens the conidia are very
similar and in the range of P. phaseolina as described.
Phyllosticta decidua Ell. & Kell, on Fraxinus pennsylvanica
Marsh. Dane Co., Madison, July 17.
Phyllosticta cirsh Desm. on Cirsium muticum Michx. Dane
Co., Madison, August 3. The conidia are slightly smaller than the
5-7 X 2.5-3 of the description, but otherwise the specimen cor¬
responds.
PiGGOTiA NEGUNDiNis Ell. & Dearn. on Acer negundo L. Dane
Co., Madison, September 28, 1959. There are other earlier speci¬
mens from Dane and Vernon cos., but there seems to be no previous
report in these notes.
CONIOTHYRIUM FUCKELH Sacc. on Rubus occidentoUs L. Iowa Co.,
Gov. Dodge State Park, September 12, The fungus appears defi¬
nitely parasitic and there is no sign of any preceding infection.
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXXI 207
Ascochyta polygonicola Kab. & Bub. on Polygonum sagittatum
L. Iowa Co., Tower Hill State Park, Ceptember 17. Very similar to
a collection made by J. J. Davis on the closely related Polygonum
arifolium L. Many of the conidia exceed somewhat the 12/i, maxi¬
mum length of the description and many are continuous, but in
other respects there is close correspondence.
Ascochyta compositarum J. J. Davis on Parthenium integri-
folium L, Lafayette Co., near Darlington at Red Rock, August 26.
On Cacalia muhlenhergii (Sch. Bip.) Fern. Sauk Co., near Leland,
August 19. The best matured conidia are about 8-10 x 3-3.5 ju,, mak¬
ing this one of the smaller-spored examples of a species that, in ef¬
fect, may be considered an intergrading series of very closely re¬
lated forms. Also on Cacalia suaveolens L, Same location and date.
On this host the conidia are about the same size as in the specimen
on C. muhlenhergii,
Darluca filum (Biv.) Cast, on Puccinia minutissima Arth. on
Carex lasiocarpa Ehrh. Rusk Co., near Ladysmith, September 8,
1959. Coll. H. H. litis. On Puccinia tumidipes Peck on Lycium
halimifolium Mill. Milwaukee Co., Milwaukee, November 18, 1963.
Coll. J. W. Baxter.
Stagonospora apocyni (Peck) Davis on Apocynum sihiricum
Jacq., Iowa Co., near Blue Mounds, September 11. In earlier Wis¬
consin collections A, sihiricum was not differentiated from A. can-
nahinum L.
Stagonospora astericola (Davis) Greene ( Aster omella asteri-
cola Davis) on Aster paniculatus Lam. Sauk Co., near Leland, Au¬
gust 12. With its clustered, more or less superficial pycnidia, rem¬
iniscent of Rosenscheldia heliopsidis (Schw.) Theiss. & Syd., this
species does not well fit the ordinary conception of Stagonospora.
It was placed there mainly on the basis of spore morphology and
it may be that further knowledge will require its removal from
Stagonospora.
Septoria punctoidea Karst, on Carex intumescens Rudge.
Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow, July 21. In this
specimen the spores are quite short, not more than 10 /x, the small,
tan, red-bordered, elliptic spots very sharply defined.
Septoria nematospora J. J. Davis on Carex emmonsii Dewey.
Jackson Co., near Millston, June 25, 1960. Coll. T. G. Hartley.
Septoria caricinella Sacc. & Roum. on Carex communis Bailey.
Florence Co., Purdue University Forestry Camp, T39N R15E S12,
June 14, 1959. Coll. H. H. litis. On C, emmonsii Dewey, Portage Co.,
Coddington, May 27, 1956. Coll. H. H. litis. On C. umhellata
208 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Schkuhr. var. tonsa Fern., Juneau Co., Lyndon Twp., May 10, 1958.
Coll. T. G. Hartley. On C. tuckermani Boott. Sawyer Co., Flambeau
State Forest near Oxbow, July 26, 1964.
Septoria crataegi Kickx. on Crataegus macrantha Lodd. (cult.)
Dane Co., Madison, September 11.
Septoria violae West, on Viola renifolia Gray. Sawyer Co., Flam¬
beau State Forest near Oxbow, July 23,
Septoria gaurina Ell. & Kell, on Oenothera biennis L. Sauk Co.,
near Leland, August 12. This is a very robust specimen, with the
multiseptate spores measuring up to 95 x 3.5 ju, and the epiphyllous
pycnidia up to 200 jx diam. The host plant was growing in a rich
stream bottom and was itself exceptionally large and lush.
Septoria gaillardiae Ell. & Ev. on Gaillardia aristata Pursh
(cult.). Dane Co., Madison, August 15.
Septoria atropurpurea Peck on Aster lindleyanus T. & G. Saw¬
yer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow, July 23.
Leptothyrium similisporum (Ell. & Davis) Davis on Solidago
uliginosa Nutt. Dane Co., Madison, August 3.
Hainesia lythri (Desm.) Hoehn. on Cornus canadensis L. Saw¬
yer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow, July 24. On Lysimachia
nummularia L. Sauk Co., near Leland, June 26.
COLLETOTRICHUM MADISONENSIS H. C. Greene on Carex lupulina
Muhl. Iowa Co., Tower Hill State Park, September ,17.
COLLETOTRICHUM LILIACEORUM (Schw.) Davis on Maianthemum
canadense Desf. Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow,
July 21. On well-defined spots, but perhaps doubtfully parasitic.
COLLETOTRICHUM LUCIDAE H. C. Greene on Salix pyrifolia An¬
ders. {S. halsamifera Barratt) . Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest
near Oxbow, July 22. On this host the fungus does not produce the
conspicuous, large, zonate lesions that characterize it on Salix lu-
cida, but it corresponds very closely microscopically.
COLLETOTRICHUM VIOLAE-ROTUNDIFOLIAE (SaCC.) HoUSe on Viola
renifolia Gray. Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow,
July 23.
Entomosporium maculatum Lev. on Amelanchier amahilis
Wieg. (cult.). Dane Co., Madison, September 11.
Cylindosporium filipendulae Thum. on Spiraea menziesii
Hook. (cult.). Dane Co., Madison, September 14.
Cylindrosporium spiraeicola Ell. & Ev. on Spiraea douglassii
Hook, (cult.) Dane Co., Madison, September 14.
1964] Greene- — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXXI 209
Botrytis cinerea Pers. ex Fr. on Pelargonium domesticum*^
(cult.) Dane Co., Madison, September 25. The fungus is on sharply
defined spots and appears strongly parasitic.
Ramularia canadensis Ell. & Ev. on Carex lanuginosa Michx.
Columbia Co., Gibraltar Rock County Park, August 13.
Cercosporella CANA Sacc. var. gracilis J. J. Davis on Aster
lucidulus (Gray) Wieg. Sauk Co., near Leland, August 4, That this
is really closely related to C. cana, which occurs on species of Eri~
geron, may be questionable, but it does seem to be a well-charac¬
terized form.
Cercospora boutelouae Chupp & Greene on Bouteloua hirsuta
Lag. Columbia Co., Gibraltar Rock County Park, August 13. The
conidia are subcylindric and rather short, about 35-50 /x, but were
developed on a host plant growing under extreme xeric conditions
in a period of subnormal moisture.
Cercospora caricis Oud. on Carex deflexa Hornem. Lincoln Co.,
Doering, Schley Twp., May 6, 1952. Coll. F. C. Seymour. On a
phanerogamic specimen in the University of Wisconsin Herbarium.
Cercospora tenuis Peck on Galium ohtusum Bigel. Dane Co.,
Madison, July 10. Abundant on this host in the Univ. Wis. Arbore¬
tum. Apparently the first Wisconsin collection since before 1900
when J. J. Davis reported it (as C. punctoidea Ell. & Holw.) on
Galium trifidum L. Examination of the Davis specimens indicates
that the host was incorrectly determined and may have been G.
ohtusum.
Tuberculina persicina (Ditm.) Sacc. on Puccinia asparagi DC.
I on Allium cepa L. var. viviparum Metz. Dane Co., near Cross
Plains, July 5.
Additional Species
The fungi mentioned have not been previously reported as oc¬
curring in Wisconsin,
Peronospora lamii a. Braun on Lamium amplexicaule L. Dane
Co., Madison, May 11.
Phyllosticta dryopteridis sp. nov.
Maculis rufo-brunneis, conspicuis, immarginatis, in pinnulis totis
implicatis unis vel pluribus; pycnidiis inconspicuis, sparsis, fusco-
brunneis, muris tenuibus, subglobosis, ca. 75-100 p. diam. ; conidiis
hyalinis, brevo-cylindraceis, obtusis, 3. 5-5.5 x 1.3-1. 5 p..
Spots reddish-brown, conspicuous, immarginate and involving
one or more entire pinnules; pycnidia inconspicuous, scattered.
210 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
sooty brownish, thin-walled, subglobose, approx. 75-100 p. diam. ;
conidia hyaline, short-cylindric and obtuse, 3. 5-5.5 x 1.3-1. 5 jx.
On living fronds of Dryopteris thelypteris (L.) A. Gray. In tama¬
rack swamp on property of the Wisconsin Society for Ornithology
near Leland, Sauk County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., August 4, ,1964.
I have found no report of Phyllosticta on any species of Dryop¬
teris.
Phyllosticta smilacinae-trifoliae sp. nov.
Maculis magnis conspicuisque, brunneo-cinereis vel sordido-brun-
neis, marginibus fuscis, angustis, vel immarginatis prope, .8-3 cm.
longis X .3-1.5 cm. latis, anguste ellipticis vel orbicularibus, saepe
confluentibus ; pycnidiis sparsis vel gregariis, pallido-brunneis,
muris tenuibus, subglobosis, magnis, ca. (120-) 140-175 (-190) p)
conidiis hyalinis, numerosissimis, parvis, ca. 3-5 x 1-1.5 /x.
Spots large and conspicuous, brownish-cinereous to sordid
brownish, margins dark brown, narrow, or spots without well-de¬
fined margins, .8-3 cm. long by .3-1.5 cm. wide, in shape from
narrowly elliptic to broadly orbicular, often confluent; pycnidia
scattered to gregarious, pallid brownish, thin-walled, subglobose,
large, approx. (120-) 140-175 (-190) /x; conidia hyaline, very num¬
erous, small, approx. 3-5 x 1-1.5 /x.
On living leaves of Smilacina trifolia (L.) Desf. Flambeau State
Forest near Oxbow, Sawyer County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., July 24,
1964. Another specimen was collected a few days later near Min-
ocqua, Oneida Co,
On the basis of conidial size and leaf spotting this seems closest
to Phyllosticta smilacinae Solheim (Mycologia 41: 627. 1949), but
the pycnidial diameter, 50-85 /x in P. smilacinae, does not even
approach that of the Wisconsin fungus.
Phyllosticta corni-canadensis Dearn. & Bisby on Comus
canadensis L. Sawyer Co., Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow,
July 24. The conidia, according to the description (Fungi of Mani¬
toba, p. 138), are only .75 /x wide, whereas I find those of my speci¬
men to be about 1.3-1. 5 /x wide. However, conidia as minute as
these are not easy to measure precisely with ordinary equipment
and the difference may be in part at least due to the observers mak¬
ing the measurements. I find the length to be 3-5 /x, whereas Dear¬
ness and Bisby specify 3.5-5 /x. In other respects my specimen cor¬
responds quite well .with the description. The spots, though small,
are very noticeable because of the dark margin surrounded by a
purplish halo. The sooty pycnidia, about 150 /x diam., stand out
sharply on the small cinereous spots.
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi, XXXI 211
Phyllosticta wisconsinensis sp. nov
Maculis conspicuis, fusoideis vel orbicularibus, magnis, ca. .5-2
cm. diam., subzonatis, rubiginosis cum halis purpureis; pycnidiis
fuscis, epiphyllis, globosis vel subglobosis, ostiolis latis, erumpenti-
bus, sparsis, ca. (125-) 150-200 (-250) /x diam.; conidiis hyalinis,
angiisto-cylindraceis, rectis vel curvis leniter, biguttulatis plerum-
que, (8.5— ) 10— 13 (—16) x 2,5— 3.5 />t; conidiophorius subconicis,
brevibus, ca. 8-10 x 2.5 /x.
Spots conspicuous, fusoid or orbicular, large, about .5-2 cm.
diam., subzonate, rusty reddish with a purplish halo; pycnidia
sooty black, epiphyllous, globose or subglobose, wide ostioles,
erumpent, scattered, approx, (125-), 150-200 (-250) ^ diam,; coni-
dia hyaline, narrowly cylindric, straight or slightly curved, mostly
biguttulate, (8.5-) 10-13 (-16) x 2.5-3. 5 jx; conidiophores subconic,
short, about 8-10 x 2,5 jx.
On living leaves of Helianthus occidentalis Ridd, Tower Hill
State Park, Iowa County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., September 17, 1964.
A small specimen of this fungus was collected on the same host in
Dane Co. near Sauk City, Wis. in 1945 and was mentioned briefly
in my Notes 11 ( Amer, Midi. Nat. 41 : 715. 1949) ,
The erumpent pycnidia tend to collapse upon drying. In section
their inner walls are seen to be completely covered with the coni-
diophore layer. The wide ostioles are delimited by a narrow band
of blackish cells. Two or three conidia with a median septum were
observed in the type specimen, but there is no evidence that this
is the usual thing and the organism seems best referred to
Phyllosticta.
Pyrenochaeta setariae sp. nov.
Maculis angustis, ca. 2-5 mm. longis, saepe confluentibus, pallido-
brunneis, marginibus angustis, fuscis; pycnidiis in seriebus, fusco-
brunneis, muris tenuibus, subglobosis, ca. 100-150 diam.; setis
fusco-olivaceis constanter, flexuosis, muris tenuibus, continuis, at-
tenuatis tantum moderate, apicibus subobtusis, plerumque in osti¬
olis, 2-10, divergentibus, ca. 15-75 x 3-5 /a; conidiis hyalinis, bigut¬
tulatis, ellipsoideis late, subcylindraceis vel subfusoideis, 6-10 x
2.5-4 IX.
Spots narrow, approx. 2-5 mm. long, often confluent, pale brown¬
ish with narrow darker border; pycnidia seriate, sooty brownish,
thin-walled, subglobose, approx. 100-150 y diam.; setae uniform
sooty-olivaceous, flexuous, thin-walled, continuous, only moderately
tapered with tips subobtuse, mostly around the ostiole, 2-10, di¬
vergent, about 15-75 x 3-5 ,/x; conidia hyaline, biguttulate, broadly
ellipsoid, subcylindric, or subfusoid, 6-10 x 2.5-4 ix.
212 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
On living leaves of Setaria lutescens (Weigel) T. F. Hubb. Uni¬
versity of Wisconsin Observatory property near Pine Bluff, Dane
County, Wisconsin U. S. A., September 5, 1964.
This is quite different from Pyrenochaeta terrestris (Hansen)
Gorenz, Walker & Larson, reported on Setaria lutescens and other
grasses. That species has pycnidia which are more or less rostrate,
black, 120-450 /x diam., the setae light to dark brown, 1-5 septate,
and the conidia 3. 7-5. 8 x 1.8-2. 4 /x. Pyrenochaeta setariae seems to
fall within the allowable generic limits of Pyrenochaeta, which lim¬
its, as treated by various authors are rather vague and elastic. As
the infection progresses the leaves infected first die back com¬
pletely. A few of the pycnidia have no setae, but the great majority
do. The setae are not obvious from a hand lens examination as they
are widely spreading and not stiffly erect.
Phomopsis cuscutae sp. nov.
Maculis nullis; pycnidiis fusco-brunneis, lenticularibus applan-
atisque nonnihil, ca. 200-280 jn longis x 125-180 /x latis, ostiolis latis,
ca. 35-50 /X diam.; Phoma-conidiis anguste fusiformibus plusve
minusve, hyalinis, guttulatis, (10-) 12-16 (-18) x 2. 5-3. 8 /x, scole-
cosporis hyalinis, continuis, flexuosis, acuminatis in extremis aliis,
subobtusis in aliis, (15-) 17-20 (-24) x 1-1.5 /x.
Spots none; pycnidia sooty brownish, somewhat lenticular and
flattened, approx. 200-280 /x long by ,125-180 /x wide ; ostioles wide,
approx. 35-50 /x diam. ; Phoma-type conidia more or less narrowly
fusiform, hyaline, guttulate, (10-H2-16(-18) x 2. 5-3.8 /x, scoleco-
spores hyaline, continuous, flexuous, acuminate at one end, subob-
tuse at the other, (15-) 17-20 (-24) x 1-1.5 /x.
On living stems of Cuscuta gronovii Willd. University of Wiscon¬
sin Arboretum at Madison, Dane County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., Sep¬
tember 1, 1964.
A small collection of this species was made at Madison in 1952
and reported on in my Notes 19 (Amer. Midi. Nat. 50: 501. 1953)
as Phoma sp., with the suggestion that the fungus might be a Phom¬
opsis, although scolecospores were not seen in the 1952 specimen.
The ostioles are delimited by a wide band of blackish, thick-walled
cells.
Ascochyta pellucida Bubak on Calla palustris L. Oneida Co.,
Univ, Wis. Finnerud Forest Preserve near Minocqua, July 27. Re¬
ferred here with some question, as none of the conidia observed
were septate. However, the large diffuse lesions are of the type
characteristically produced by species of Ascochyta, and in dimen-
1964] Greene- — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXXI 213
sions of pycnidia and conidia the Wisconsin specimen conforms
closely with Bubak’s description, A conspicuous and destructive
parasite which was affecting hundreds of plants.
Ascochyta babylonica sp. nov.
Maculis circulis vel orbicularibus, vel elongatis varie, sordido-
brunneis, marginibus angustis, fuscis, ca. 2~6 mm. diam. ; pycnidiis
epiphyllis, gregariis, fusco-brunneis, subglobosis, ca, 100-150 /x
diam.; conidiis hyalinis, subcylindraceis, rectis vel curvis leniter,
subfusoideis aliquoties, septis medietatibus, non constrictis,
6-8 (-10) X 2.6-3 /..
Spots rounded, orbicular, or variously elongate, sordid brownish
with a narrow dark brown border, approx. 2-6 mm. diam, ; pycnidia
epiphyllous, gregarious, sooty brown, subglobose, about 100-150 /.
diam. ; conidia hyaline, subcylindric, straight or slightly curved, oc¬
casionally subfusoid, septum median, not constricted at septum,
6-8 (-10) X 2,6-3 ,/.,
On living leaves of Salix babylonica L, x Salix fragilis L, On
Joseph W, Vilas property. Sect. 17, Ridgeway Township, Iowa
County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., August 5, 1964.
There is usually only a single spot per leaf and the infection was
confined to two trees. Of the various species of Ascochyta described
as occurring on willow this seems closest to A. translncens Kab. &
Bub., but differs in having dull brown, fully opaque spots, as op¬
posed to wide grayish spots which are alutaceous in the centers
and later become arid and shredded. The pycnidia are also some¬
what larger in A. babylonica.
Ascochyta vulgaris (Desm.) Kab. & Bub. on Lonicera prolifera
(Kirchn.) Rehder. Sauk Co., near Leland, June 16. This is a good
match for Kabat & Bubak’s Fungi imperfecti exsiccati No. 212 on
Lonicera xylosteum L. In both specimens septate conidia are in the
minority, but such as occur are well-marked and distinct. The au¬
thors give the conidial size as 6-14 x 2.5-4 /., In the Wisconsin spe¬
cimen septate conidia are mostly about 10 x 3 /..
Camarosporium pteridis sp. nov,
Maculis variis, angulosis, obscuris, purpureo-brunneis, vel sord-
ido-brunneis ; pycnidiis epiphyllis, sparsis vel gregariis, immersis,
nigris, muris crassis, subglobosis, magnis, ca. 250-350 /. diam.;
conidiis dilute virido-olivaceis, formis variis, oblongis, subcylin¬
draceis, vel late ovatis, muriformibus, septis dispositis variis, 33—
45 X 15-20 (-25) /..
214 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Spots variable, angled, dull purplish-brown, becoming sordid
brownish; pycnidia epiphyllous, scattered to gregarious, deeply
seated, blackish, thick-walled, subglobose, large, approx. 250-350 /x
diam. ; conidia dilute greenish-olivaceous, variously shaped, oblong,
subcylindric, or broadly ovate, muriform, arrangement of septa
variable, 33-45 x 15-20 (-25) /x.
On living leaves of Pteridium aquilinum (L.) Kuhn. var. latiuscu-
lum (Desv.) Underw. ex Heller. Base of “Hemlock Draw”, Sect. 7,
Honey Creek Twp., Sauk County, Wisconsin, U. S. A., August 31,
1964.
This is a destructive parasite which was first noted in small
amount in 1963 and which, in 1964, had devastated a large patch
of bracken, with entire fronds being killed back in many instances.
The type locality is at the base of a gorge from which cool, moist
air drains nightly and where sunlight is limited to a few hours
daily, providing almost continually damp conditions. When collected
the specimen material was wet and the conidia were being extruded
in large cirrhi.
Septoria tenella Cooke & Ell. on Festuca elatior L. Sauk Co.,
near Leland, June 16.
Sphaceloma rosarum (Pass.) Jenkins on Rosa sp. (cult.). Dane
Co., Madison, July ,10.
Cladosporium brachyelytri sp. nov.
Maculis rufo-brunneis, anguste oblongatis, parvis, ca. 1-2 x .2-3
mm. plerumque, saepe multis ; conidiis levibus, subhyalinis vel flavi-
dis, 1-septatis, catenulatis, cicitracibus prominentibus, subcylindra-
ceis vel subfusoideis, (17-) 20-24 (-27) x 3.5-5 /x; conidiophoris
claro-brunneis, geniculatis forte plusve minusve, solitariis vel pari¬
bus divergentibus, aliquoties in fasciis tribus vel pluribus, simplici-
bus plerumque, apicibus raro bifurcatis, saepe denticulatis, septatis,
ca. 50-115 X 4-5 /x.
Lesions reddish-brown, narrowly oblong, small, mostly about 1-2
X .2-3 mm., often many per leaf; conidia smooth, subhyaline to
yellowish, 1-septate, catenulate, spore scars prominent, subcylin¬
dric or subfusoid, (17— ) 20—24 (—27) x 3.5— 5/x; conidiophores
clear brown, more or less strongly geniculate, arising from the
abaxial leaf surface singly or in diverging pairs, or less commonly
in tufts of three or more, usually simple, rarely forked near apex,
often somewhat denticulate, several-septate, approx, 50-115 x
4-5 /X.
1964] Greene — Notes on Wisconsin Parasitic Fungi. XXXI 215
On living leaves of Brachyelytrum erectum (Schreb.) Beauv.
Flambeau State Forest near Oxbow, Sawyer County, Wisconsin,
U. S. A., July 22, 1964.
Sprague, in his “Diseases of Cereals and Grasses in North Amer¬
ica’', lists no truly parasitic Cladosporium, but the very sharply de¬
fined and limited lesions of C. brachyelytri indicate a high degree
of parasitism. Many plants in a limited area were infected.
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN.
NO. 51. SALICACEAE. THE GENUS SAL/X — THE WILLOWS*
George W. Argus
University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Canada
With Illustrations by
F. Glenn Goff
University of Wisconsin Arboretum, Madison
The species of Salix occurring in Wisconsin have been treated in
several regional floras and floras of nearby states, as well as in a
preliminary report on the Salicaceae of Wisconsin by D, F. Cos¬
tello (1935). The purpose of the present study is to elaborate on,
to augment, and in some instances, to correct these former treat¬
ments by providing more detailed descriptions than can be pre¬
sented in a flora ; discussing some problems in variation ; discussing
some nomenclatural problems; and pointing out species relation¬
ships and the diagnostic features of closely related species. It is
hoped that this study will make the species of Salix in Wisconsin
more understandable, and encourage some much needed field study,
especially of population variation and ecological modification.
I gratefully acknowledge Dr. Hugh H, litis, of the University
of Wisconsin Herbarium, who suggested this study, for his critical
reading of the manuscript and his comments on the phytogeography
of certain species ; Professor Hugh M. Raup, Harvard Forest, Peter¬
sham, Massachusetts for his valuable comments and suggestions;
and Dr. J, S, Maini for a critical reading of an early draft of this
paper. The curators of the herbaria who provided loans ; Mr. Steve
Gilson and Miss Ollie Weber of Madison, Wise., who prepared the
range maps; Professor Robert T. Coupland, Department of Plant
Ecology, University of Saskatchewan who generously provided
stenographic assistance ; and the collectors who supplied spe¬
cial collections, including those of Mrs. R. Rill, the “Drift¬
less Area” collections of T. Hartley, and the “Glacial Lake
Wisconsin” collections of P. Sorensen, are gratefully acknowledged.
The research was carried out at the W. P. Fraser Herbarium, Uni¬
versity of Saskatchewan and supported by a National Research
Council of Canada Postdoctorate Fellowship. Much of the field work
in Wisconsin, as well as the mapping, was supported by the Re¬
search Committee of the University of Wisconsin, on funds from
the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation.
* University of Wisconsin Arboretum Journal Paper No. 65.
217
218 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
This study is based on specimens in the herbaria of the Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin (WIS), University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
(WISH), University of Minnesota (MIN), Milwaukee Public Mu¬
seum (MIL), State University of Iowa (lA) and the W. P. Fraser
Herbarium, University of Saskatchewan (SASK) . About 3,500 spe¬
cimens were studied. Descriptions of the species are based pri¬
marily on specimens from Wisconsin. However, several species are
not sufficiently represented from this area, and in these cases type
descriptions and descriptions in floras were referred to in writing
the descriptions. At the end of each description the number of spe¬
cimens on which the description was based is noted. The species are
arranged in a phylogenetic order. Only the important synonymy is
given for each species, followed by a description, a brief sketch of
its ecology, and pertinent discussions of variation, nomenclature,
related species, etc.
Illustrations of leaves and, for some species, pistillate aments are
included. The leaf and ament prints were prepared by Mr. F. Glenn
Goff, all other drawings and graphs were prepared by the author.
Range maps are provided for each species with dots indicating the
exact location of each collection and triangles indicating the pres¬
ence in that particular county. Generalized phenological data are
included in the lower left hand corner of each map (cf. discussions
of phenology) .
Three keys to the species are provided, one to each of the follow¬
ing groups of specimens: staminate, pistillate, and vegetative.
Characteristics which are usually present in specimens in each of
these categories have been used wherever possible. In some in¬
stances reproductive characteristics alone are insufficient to sep¬
arate species or groups of species and in these cases vegetative
characteristics are used as well. The keys must be regarded as
guides and cannot replace a careful comparison of the unknown
with descriptions and herbarium specimens. The best way to gain
an understanding of the willows of a particular region is to study
a series of representative, correctly identified specimens and to co¬
ordinate this with field study, including the tagging and successive
collection of individuals. The variation in some species of Salix
is so great that only field study can finally clarify the taxonomic
units.
Although much of the variation in Salix is often attributed to
hybridization, it is very difficult and highly subjective to identify
hybrids on the basis of herbarium material alone. An understand¬
ing of the degree and importance of hybridization in North Ameri¬
can Salix will only come through experimentation and not by the
indiscriminate labeling of herbarium specimens as hybrids on the
basis of their supposed morphological intermediacy. Very few of
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
219
the specimens that I have examined in the course of this study
could be unequivocally named as hybrids. Because of our insufficient
knowledge concerning the total variation of many species it is often
impossible to determine whether a particular variant is simply part
of the total species variability or a hybrid. For this reason I have
placed ''intermediate'’ specimens with the species they most closely
resemble rather than in hybrid categories. Those hybrids which
have been recognized are discussed under the primary parent. The .
determination of which species can and do hybridize and the mor¬
phology and fertility of the offspring are among the most important
unsolved problems in North American Salix,
The phenology of Salix in Wisconsin, with particular reference
to time of flowering, is an important consideration in any study of
natural hybridization. For this reason, and as an aid to collectors,
the flowering time of the indigenous species was recorded (Fig. 1).
The distribution maps may be consulted for additional phenological
data. The staminate specimens recorded to be in "anthesis” were
actively shedding pollen, and the pistillate specimens recorded as
"flowering” had stigmas that were apparently receptive. The spe¬
cies are arranged according to their approximate order of flower¬
ing with Salix discolor flowering the earliest and S. syrticola latest.
Due to variation in sample size and the influence of habitat on
flowering time such a sequence of species can be only approximate.
However, it does indicate that there is a sequence of flowering in
Salix and that some species flower earlier or later than others. The
genus as a whole is in full flower during the period from 6-19 May,
with the season extending from 8 April to 21 July.
WILLOW TERMINOLOGY
Height op species. Although the height of woody plants should
always be noted on herbarium specimens this is rarely done. As a
result the heights given for the species in this treatment are based
in part on the literature and in part on my field experience with
the same species in other parts of their range.
Branchlets, The branchlets are the current years shoot growth.
Their color and pubescence vary with stage of development and
the color may change markedly in drying. In this treatment the
color of branchlets applies to dry herbarium specimens.
Leaf measurements. Leaf length, width, and length/width are
based on the largest mature leaf on a branchlet. The total variation
was based on measurements of one leaf per individual from all or
most of the individuals bearing mature foliage. This was done in
order to have comparable measurements from leaves in the same
220 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Figure 1. Flowering time of Salix native to Wisconsin based on herbarium
specimens. The species are arranged in an approximate order of flowering.
The top line indicates the number of staminate specimens in anthesis and the
bottom line the number of pistillate specimens in flower. The dash (- — )
indicates no data.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
221
general stage of development and in the same position on the shoot.
Leaves of different size or shape than given for the species can
be found on almost any specimen, but the most prominent leaves, at
least, will be as described (cf. Figs. 3 and 9). Petiole and stipule
length are based on the same leaf.
Glaucous. Leaves with a waxy bloom occurring on the under
surface are termed glaucous. In some species the bloom, which can
be rubbed off, is absent but the leaf is whitish beneath. This condi¬
tion is apparently caused by the presence of subepidermal chambers
in Salix lucida and its relatives, and is termed “pale”.
Petiole glandular. In some species glands occur at the distal
end of the petiole (near the base of the lamina) and on the adaxial
(inner) surface. These glands may be prominent and stalked or
similar to those on the leaf margin. In some species they are incon¬
spicuous, e.g. Salix alba, but they can be observed under adequate
magnification.
Precocious. The aments appear before the leaves in precocious
species.
Coetaneous. The aments and leaves appear at the same time in
coetaneous species.
Serotinous. The aments appear after the leaves in serotinous
species.
Ament length. The length of pistillate aments is based on ma¬
terial in early fruit, before the seeds are shed.
Reproductive branchlet. The stalk of the inflorescence from
the lowermost flower to the branch is the reproductive branchlet
(Figs. 4 and 6). This structure is usually termed the “peduncle”
in the literature. I have avoided the use of the term because of its
inaccurate application (to be discussed in a later paper) for what
appears to be not a peduncle but a branch terminated by an ament.
In some species (e.g. Salix discolor) the reproductive branchlet is
very short or absent and the ament is then described as sessile
(Fig. ,11).
Bracts. The foliar structure subtending each flower is a bract
(scale in some literature). The foliar structures on the reproduc¬
tive branchlet are leaves although they may sometimes be bract-like.
Abaxial and adaxial. Dorsal and ventral. If a single gland (nec¬
tary) is present in a pistillate flower it is located adaxially, be¬
tween the pedicel and the rachis. If two glands are present the sec¬
ond is located abaxially, between the pedicel and the bract.
222 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
COLLECTING WILLOWS
For identification purposes the ideal collection of Salix should
include a branch bearing leaves and pistillate aments. Most species
are best understood in their pistillate form and the most definitive
keys are to such specimens. However, it is not always possible to
collect pistillate material, nor is it always desirable. In the case
of an ecologist who may be required to collect sterile material dur¬
ing the course of a study, it is advisable to select ‘Typical’’ shoots.
Adequate notes are essential if the material represents sprout
shoots or if the plant is growing under extreme conditions. In gen¬
eral, the more the specimen diverges from the “ideal” the more
copious the notes should be. In most species the staminate morphol¬
ogy is insufficiently known, and descriptions are based on few spe¬
cimens. This general lack of staminate specimens may account, in
part at least, for their limited use in keys. The most valuable stam¬
inate collections are successive collections, but material bearing
leafy branchlets is often adequate.
Valuable and critical information may be obtained through suc¬
cessive collections. Such collections are made over a period of time
(usually a single growing season) from tagged plants. Each col¬
lection in the series represents a different stage in the annual de¬
velopment of the individual. Successive collections are especially
important in the sampling of precocious species (e.g. Salix discolor
and S. humilis) which often drop their aments before the leaves
are produced. Most species of Salix show a high degree of local
population variation and an adequate description of the annual local
population dynamics can only be obtained through successive local
population collections. This would require the tagging and repeated
collections of a large number of plants in the same population. To
my knowledge, work of this type has not yet been published, al¬
though it could theoretically yield significant information.
A. KEY TO STAMINATE SPECIMENS
1. Stamens 3 or more.
2. Staminate aments slender and loosely flowered ; flowers tufted
and more or less whorled along the rachis.
3. Immature leaves narrowly lanceolate, green beneath;
stipules prominent. _ 1. S. nigra.
3. Immature leaves lanceolate, glaucous beneath; usually ex-
stipulate. _ 2. Sf. amygdaloides.
2. Staminate aments thickish and densely flowered; flowers
spirally arranged.
4. Immature leaves bearing caducous ferruginous trichomes ;
stipules prominently glandular. _ 3. S. lucida.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
223
1.
4. Immature leaves glabrous; stipules minute or absent,
5. Staminate aments 3-3.5 cm long; indigenous species.
_ 4. S. serissima.
5. Staminate aments 2-6 cm long ; introduced species. _
_ 5. S. pentandra.
Stamens 2.
6. Staminate aments precocious.
7. Staminate aments and leaves opposite or subopposite ; fila¬
ments and anthers coalescent. _ 22. S. purpurea.
7. Staminate aments and leaves alternate; filaments and an¬
thers distinct.
8. Leaves finely to densely sericeous beneath, margin en¬
tire or serrate; rare species in Wisconsin.
9. Leaf margin serrulate ; blade finely sericeous, at least
beneath; filaments pubescent at base; indigenous
species. _ 18. S. sericea.
9, Leaf margin entire, revolute ; blade densely sericeous
beneath; filaments glabrous; introduced species.
_ 21. S. viminalis.
8. Leaves pubescent when immature, but not sericeous;
common species in Wisconsin.
10. Staminate aments 0.7-1. 5 cm long. _ 19. S. humilis.
10. Staminate aments 2-3.5 cm long. _ 20. S. discolor.
6. Staminate aments coetaneous or some subprecocious.
11, Filaments pubescent,
12. Petiole glandular at distal end ; introduced trees.
13. Branchlets tenacious and flexible. _ 8. S. alba.
13. Branchlets brittle at base.
14. Leaves sericeous, margin finely serrulate;
branchlets pendulous; staminate aments 3-3.5
cm long. _ _ _ 6. S. babylonica.
14. Leaves glabrous or glabrate, margin coarsely
serrate; branchlets not pendulous; staminate
aments 3-6 cm long. _ 7. S. fragilis.
12. Petiole not glandular at distal end; indigenous
shrubs.
15. Bracts black _ ,17. S. petiolaris.
15. Bracts yellow or yellow-green.
16. Keproductive branchlets 0.8-8 cm long;
staminate aments often branched; leaves lin¬
ear ; margin remotely denticulate. _
_ 9. S. interior.
16, Reproductive branchlets 0.3-0. 6 cm long;
staminate aments unbranched ; leaves not lin¬
ear, margin entire to crenate._15. S. bebbiana.
224 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53 I
11. Filaments glabrous.
17. Immature leaves and branchlets dull tomentose. _ ;
_ 14:. S. Candida.
17. Immature leaves and branchlets pubescent or gla- I
brous
18. Immature leaves thin and translucent; plants :
with balsam-like fragrance. _ 13. S. pyrifolia.
18. Leaves or plants not as above.
19. Staminate aments few flowered, 0.5-2 cm
long; bracts yellowish; leaf margin entire,
revolute. _ 16. ^8. pedicellaris.
19. Staminate aments many flowered, 1.2-4 cm
long; bracts dark brown to black; leaf mar- i
gin serrate. :
20. Inner bud scale persistent at base of i
aments and vegetative shoots.
21. Immature leaves glabrous, reddish. _
_ 12. S. glaucophylloides.
21. Immature leaves pubescent, some¬
times reddish.
22. Branchlets glabrate or velutious;
immature leaves pubescent, red¬
dish, margin serrate, not prom¬
inently glandular. _ 10. S. rigida,
22. Branchlets grayish tomentose;
immature leaves densely seri¬
ceous, margin prominently glan¬
dular; on Lake Michigan dunes,
rare. _ 11. S. syrtcicola.
20. Inner bud scale not persistent. _
_ 17. S. petiolaris.
B. KEY TO PISTILLATE SPECIMENS
1. Pistils and capsules pubescent.
2. Pistillate aments precocious.
3. Leaves and aments opposite or subopposite. _
_ _ _ 22. S. purpurea.
3. Leaves and aments alternate.
4. Capsules subsessile, pedicels less than 1 mm long ; intro¬
duced tree. _ 21. S. viminalis.
4. Capsules pedicellate, pedicels 1-2.5 mm long; indigenous
species.
1964]
Argus — Wiscousin Flora, No, 51
225
5. Pistils and capsules blunt; aments 1-2.5 cm long; re¬
productive branchlets 2-10 mm long; leaves silvery
sericeous beneath; rare in Wisconsin. _18. S. sericea.
5, Pistils and capsules long beaked; aments 1.5-7 cm
long; reproductive branchlets absent or very short;
leaves not as above; common in Wisconsin.
6. Pistillate aments 1.5-4 cm long in fruit; styles
0.2-0. 4 mm long ; capsules 4-7 mm long. _
_ _ _ 19. S. humilis.
6. Pistillate aments 4-7 cm long in fruit ; styles 0.5-
0.8 mm long; capsules 6-11 mm long. _
_ 20. S. discolor.
2. Pistillate aments coetaneous or serotinous.
7. Pistils and capsules dull white-tomatose. _ 14. S. Candida.
7. Pistils and capsules finely sericeous or glabrescent.
8. Reproductive branchlets 3-6.5-12.5 cm long; bracts
deciduous after flowering; capsules deciduous after de¬
hiscence. _ 9. S. interior.
8, Reproductive branchlets 0.3-1 cm long; bracts and cap¬
sules persistent.
9. Bracts brown, oblong; pistillate aments 1.5-3. 5 cm
long in fruit; leaves linear-lanceolate, serrate to ser¬
rulate, sometimes with ferruginous pubescence. _
- 17. petiolaris.
9. Bracts yellowish to tawny, lanceolate; pistillate
aments 3.5-6 cm long in fruit; leaves elliptic, elliptic-
ovate to oblanceolate, entire or crenate, lacking fer¬
ruginous pubescence. _ 15. S. hebbiana.
1. Pistils and capsules glabrous.
10. Bracts deciduous after flowering, yellowish.
11. Leaves green or pale beneath.
12. Leaves linear to linear-lanceolate, remotely denticu¬
late to serrulate ; upper surface of blade dull.
13. Leaves linear, remotely denticulate; stipules
small or absent; pistillate aments often
branched; capsules slender, 4.5-7 mm long.
_ 9. S. interior.
13. Leaves linear-lanceolate, often falcate, serrulate ;
stipules large and prominent; pistillate aments
unbranched; capsules 3-4 mm long. _1 ,8. nigra
12. Leaves lanceolate or broader, serrulate; upper sur¬
face of blade glossy, often coriaceous or subcoriace-
ous.
226 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
14. Immature leaves bearing caducous ferruginous
trichomes; stipules prominently glandular. -
_ S, lucida.
14. Immature leaves glabrous; stipules minute or
absent.
15. Pistillate aments stout, 2-4.5 cm long; cap¬
sules 7-10 mm long; indigenous species. —
_ 4. S. serissima.
15. Pistillate aments slender, 3.5-6 cm long;
capsules 1-5 mm long; introduced species. _
_ 5. S. pentandra.
11. Leaves glaucous beneath.
16. Pistillate aments short and stout, 2-4.5 cm long;
capsules 7-10 mm long; seeds shed late in season. __
_ 4. S. serissima.
16. Pistillate aments short or long, but slender, 2-3.5
or 4-8 cm long; capsules 1-5 mm long.
17. Pistillate aments loosely flowered ; pedicels long,
1.5-2. 5 mm long; indigenous species; leaves
lanceolate to ovate-lanceolate ; stipules absent or
minute. _ 2. »8. amygdaloides.
17. Pistillate aments not as loosely flowered; ped¬
icels short to sessile, 0.0-0.5-0.75 mm long; in¬
troduced species; leaves linear-lanceolate to
lanceolate; stipules usually small and caducous.
18. Twigs slender and pendulous, not fragile. __
_ 6. S. hahylonica.
18. Twigs stout, not pendulous, fragile.
19. Leaves sericeous, margin serrulate. _
_ 8. S. alba.
19. Leaves glabrous, margin coarsely ser¬
rate. _ 7. S. fragilis.
10. Bracts persistent, yellow to brown.
20. Leaf margin entire, revolute ; bracts sparsely pubescent.
_ 16, S. pedicellaris.
20. Leaf margin serrate to crenate; bracts pubescent to
densely villous.
21. Immature leaves translucent, glabrous or glabres-
cent; plant with balsam-like fragrance; pistillate
aments loosely flowered ; pedicels 2. 5-3. 5 mm long. _
- 13. /S', pyrifolia.
21. Immature leaves opaque, glabrous to pubescent;
plants lack balsam-like fragrance; pistillate aments
densely flowered; pedicels 0.5-2-(2.5) mm long.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
227
22. Immature leaves white-pubescent or densely
sericeous, green beneath or thinly glaucous in
some plants.
23. Leaves oblong-lanceolate, apex gradually
acuminate or attenulate, margin serrulate;
immature leaves reddish-purple ; capsules
4~5 mm long. _ 10. S. rigida.
23. Leaves oblong-ovate, apex acute or acum¬
inate, margin glandular serrate, teeth often
prolonged; capsules 5-7 mm long. _
_ 11. S. syrticola.
22. Immature leaves glabrous, sometimes with
caducous ferruginous trichomes, blade thickly
glaucous beneath, often drying black. _
_ 12. S. glaucophylloides.
C, KEY TO SPECIMENS WITH MATURE FOLIAGE
1. Leaves opposite or subopposite. _ 22. S. purpurea.
1. Leaves alternate.
2. Leaves glabrous or glabrate on both sides, midrib and petiole
at times pubescent.
3. Petiole glandular at distal end.
4. Leaves glaucous or whitish beneath.
5. Immature leaves thin and translucent, glabrate and
green on both sides; mature leaves subcoriaceous,
base cordate to rounded ; plants with balsam-like
fragrance. _ 13. S. pyrifolia.
5. Leaves and plants not as above.
6, Leaves coriaceous or subcoriaceous, margin ser¬
rulate, apex acuminate. _ 4. S. serissima.
6. Leaves not coriaceous, margin finely to coarsely
serrate.
7. Branchlets brittle at base; leaves often linear-
lanceolate to oblong-lanceolate; introduced
trees.
8. Leaves coarsely serrate; branchlets not
pendulous; leaves lanceolate to oblong-
lanceolate. _ 7. S. fragilis.
8. Leaves serrulate; branchlets pendulous;
leaves linear-lanceolate. _ 6. S. babylonica.
7. Branchlets tenacious and flexible; leaves often
ovate-lanceolate; indigenous trees or shrubs. _
- 2. S. amygdaloides.
228 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
4. Leaves green beneath, sometimes pale but not glaucous.
9. Leaves linear to linear-lanceolate, often falcate, not
coriaceous, dull above; stipules prominent. _
_ 1. S. nigra.
9. Leaves lanceolate or elliptic-lanceolate, -ovate, or
-oblong, coriaceous to subcoriaceous, glossy above;
stipules prominent or absent.
10. Stipules present, persistent, and prominently
glandular on margin ; immature leaves pubescent.
_ 3. S. lucida.
10. Stipules absent or minute and early deciduous;
immature leaves glabrous.
11. Indigenous species; aments broad; capsules
7-10 mm long. _ 4. S. serissima.
11. Introduced species; aments slender; capsules
5-6 mm long. _ 5. S. pentandra,
3. Petiole not glandular at distal end.
12. Leaves green beneath.
13. Leaves linear to linear-lanceolate, margin remotely
denticulate; immature leaves sericeous. _
_ 9. S. interior.
13. Leaves oblong-lanceolate, margin serrate to serru¬
late; immature leaves reddish-purple, densely
pubescent. _ 10. S. rigida.
12. Leaves glaucous beneath.
14. Leaf margin entire or crenate, not serrate.
15. Low bog shrubs, 20-70 cm tall ; leaf margin en¬
tire, revolute; exstipulate. _ 16. S. pedicellaris.
15. Tall shrubs or trees, 1.5-6 m tall ; leaf margin
commonly crenate; stipulate.
16. Immature leaves with caducous ferrugi¬
nous trichomes; mature leaves broadly el¬
liptic, oblanceolate or lanceolate; stipules
small, often persistent. _ _ 20. S. discolor.
16. Immature leaves pilose to sericeous-tomen-
tose; mature leaves elliptic, elliptic-ovate
or oblanceolate; stipules small, deciduous.
- 15. S. hehhiana.
14. Leaf margin serrate, at least on immature leaves.
17. Leaf base rounded to subcordate ; stipules large
and prominent, or sometimes absent.
1964]
Argus — Wiscousin Flora, No. 51
229
18. Stipules small or absent; immature leaves
thin and translucent; mature leaves lance¬
olate to narrowly ovate, L/W 1. 6-2.5. _
_ ; _ 13. S. pyrifolia.
18, Stipules prominent ; immature leaves thick.
19. Leaves narrow, 1.2-2 cm wide, L/W
3. 7-5-6. 2, apex acuminate to attenu¬
ate, thinly glaucous beneath. _
_ _ _ 10, S. rigida.
19. Leaves broader, 2.4-3. 5-4.6 cm wide,
L/W 1.9-3-4.4, apex acute to some¬
times acuminate, thickly glaucous
beneath. _ 12. S. glaucophylloides.
17. Leaf base tapering; stipules usually small or
absent.
20, Leaves linear to lanceolate, if broader then
with an attenuate apex and serrulate
margin.
21. Branchlets pendulous, brittle; intro¬
duced trees. _ 6. S', babylonica.
21. Branchlets erect, tenacious ; indigenous
trees or shrubs.
22. Immature leaves mostly glabrous,
reddish; leaf blades lanceolate to
ovate-lanceolate, L/W 4.2-5. 7,
apex attenuate; petioles 10-16 mm
long, glabrous. _
_ 2. amygdaloides.
22. Immature leaves velutinous serice¬
ous, green; leaf blades linear to
lanceolate, L/W 5-7, apex acute;
petioles 3-10 mm long, pubescent.
- 17. S. petiolaris.
20. Leaves broader, elliptic to broadly lanceo¬
late or oblanceolate, apex acute to suba¬
cuminate, margin entire to crenate or
sometimes serrate.
23. Immature leaves often bearing cadu¬
cous ferruginous trichomes ; mature
leaves broadly elliptic, oblanceolate to
lanceolate; stipules small, often per¬
sistent. _ 20. S. discolor.
230 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
23. Immature leaves pilose or sericeous-
tomentose; mature leaves elliptic, el¬
liptic-ovate to oblanceolate ; stipules
small, deciduous. _ 15. S. bebhiana.
2. Leaves pubescent, at least beneath.
24. Petioles glandular at distal end.
25. Leaves glaucous beneath, not coriaceous; stipules
small and deciduous; introduced trees. _ S. S. alba.
25. Leaves green or pale beneath, coriaceous or subcori-
aceous ; stipules 1-6 mm long, persistent ; indigenous
shrubs. _ 3. S, lucida, variety.
24. Petioles not glandular.
26. Young branchlets and underside of leaves dull white
tomentose, flocculent above, margin entire and un¬
dulate, revolute. _ 14. S, Candida.
26. Young branchlets and underside of leaves not as
above, margin entire, crenate or serrate,
27. Leaves linear to linear-lanceolate, margin entire
or remotely denticulate.
28. Leaves densely sericeous beneath, margin en¬
tire, revolute ; introduced species. _
_ 21. S. viminalis.
28. Leaves mostly glabrescent, sericeous when im¬
mature or after insect damage.
29. Leaves green beneath, linear, margin re¬
motely denticulate. _ 9. S. interior.
29. Leaves glaucous beneath, sometimes dry¬
ing black, linear-lanceolate, margin ser¬
rate to subentire. _ 17. S. petiolaris.
27. Leaves lanceolate or broader.
30. Leaf margin entire, crenate or sometimes ir¬
regularly serrate.
31. Leaves sometimes bearing ferruginous
trichomes, L/W 3-5, apex acute to acu¬
minate, bright green or gray green
above; aments precocious.
32. Margin revolute, leaves gray-green
above, pubescence beneath persistent,
often drying black. _ 19. S. humilis.
32. Margin not revolute, leaves bright
green above, usually glabrate in age ;
immature leaves commonly bearing
ferruginous trichomes, _
- 20, S. discolor.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
231
31. Leaves lacking ferruginous trichomes,
rugose beneath, L/W 2-3.8, apex abruptly
acute, leaves dull green above; aments
coetaneous. _ 15. S. behhiana.
30. Leaf margin definitely and uniformly serrate.
33. Leaves green on both sides; stipules
prominent.
34. Leaves oblong-lanceolate, apex acu¬
minate to attenuate, base rounded to
acute, becoming glabrescent, midrib
often remaining velutinous. _
_ 10. S. rigida.
34. Leaves oblong-ovate, apex acute or
short acuminate, base cordate or
rounded, densely sericeous. _
_ 11. S. syrticola.
33. Leaves glaucous beneath; stipules small
or lacking.
35. Introduced trees; leaves sericeous,
especially beneath. _ 8. S. alba.
35. Indigenous shrubs; leaves finely ser¬
iceous to glabrescent beneath.
36. Leaves finely sericeous beneath, _
- 18. S. sericea.
36. Leaves usually glabrescent, if
sericeous the trichomes are longer
and less regularly distributed
than in the above species. _
_ 17. S. petiolaris.
TAXONOMIC TREATMENT
SALIX L. Sp. PI. 1051. 1753.
Creeping alpine shrubs,, erect shrubs or trees. Buds with a single
outer bud scale fused into a cap or with overlapping margins.
Leaves alternate, simple, and usually stipulate. Flowers unisexual,
borne in spikelike aments, dioecious. The aments sessile on branches
of the previous year or borne on short vegetative shoots (reproduc¬
tive branchlets) on these branches. Each flower subtended by a
bract (scale) and one to several glands (nectaries). The staminate
flowers contain 1-several stamens, usually two. The pistillate
flowers contain a single pedicellate (stipitate), bicarpellate, unilocu¬
lar pistil, with 2 stigmas. The fruit a bivalved capsule releasing
seeds surrounded by an arillate coma.
232 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The Species of Salix in Wisconsin
Sect. NIGRAE Loudon
1. Salix nigra Marsh. Arbust. Am. 139. 1785.
Black Willow Map 1, Fig. 2.
Shrubs or trees 3-20 m tall, often with several boles ; branchlets
brownish to sometimes yellowish, slender, often pubescent and be¬
coming puberulent or glabrate, brittle at base. Leaf blade linear
to linear-lanceolate, often falcate, 5-10.5 cm long, 0.8-1. 5 cm wide,
length/width 5.5-12, apex attenuate to a narrow tip, base acute to
rounded, margin serrulate, immature leaves often densely pubes¬
cent, sometimes glabrous, mature leaves glabrescent or glabrous,
dark green on both sides, puberulent on midrib beneath; petiole
pubescent to puberulent, 3-8 mm long, glandular at distal end;
stipules prominent, up to 10 mm long, glandular and subpersistent.
Aments coetaneous, borne on reproductive branchlets. Staminate
aments slender 3.5-10 cm long; reproductive branchlets 1-2 cm
long; stamens 3-6, filaments pilose near base, distinct; bracts obo-
vate, pale yellow, pubescent, not deciduous in staminate inflores¬
cence ; glands 2 to several surrounding filaments ; flowers appear to
be whorled along rachis. Pistillate aments loosely flowered, 4-6 cm
long, slender; reproductive branchlets 1-3.5 cm long; capsules
ovoid, glabrous, 3-4 mm long, often deciduous after dehiscence;
styles and stigmas short; pedicel 0.5-0.75 mm long; bracts oblong,
pale yellow, 2-3 mm long, pubescent, deciduous after anthesis;
glands adaxial, about 0.25 mm long. Based on 14 staminate, 29
pistillate, and 48 vegetative specimens.
Salix nigra is a very important component of the southern low¬
land forests where it may occupy pioneer sites along sand bars, mud
flats, and other areas of disturbance in association with Populus
deltoides (Curtis, 1959). It has been collected in bottomland woods
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
233
Figure 2. Leaves of S', nigra, and S> amygdaloides. Pistillate anent of S. amyg-
daloides in fruit.
234 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
associated with Quercus bicolor, Fraxinus, Acer saccharinum, and
Betula nigra, in wet mixed savanna, sedge meadows, and in the
northern hardwoods.
Sterile specimens of Salix nigra are often difficult to distinguish
from S. rigida. Characteristics which are sometimes diagnostic in¬
clude : leaves green on both sides in S. nigra vs. leaves mostly glau¬
cous beneath in S, rigida; leaves narrower, more attenuate, and ;
often falcate in S. nigra vs. broader and less attenuate in S. rigida;
petiole glandular at the apex in S. nigra vs. petiole not glandular in i
rigida; and trees in S. nigra vs. shrubs in S. rigida. Some of
these characteristics such as leaf glaucescence and shape are subject
to wide variation and are not always definitive in themselves.
The floral morphology of Salix nigra is very similar to that in S.
amygdaloides ; see discussion under that species.
Sect. AMYGDALOIDES Kimura
2. Salix amygdaloides Anderss. Ofvers. Vet-akad. Forh. 15:114.
1858.
Peach-leaved Willow Map 2, Fig. 2.
Shrubs or trees 3-20 m tall, often with several boles ; branchlets
yellow or brownish, slender, glabrous, and tenacious. Leaf blade
lanceolate to ovate-lanceolate, 8-11 cm long, 0.8-1. 6 cm wide,
length/width 4. 2-5.7, apex attenuate, base acute or sometimes ob¬
tuse, margin serrulate, immature leaves mostly glabrous, sometimes
puberulent and becoming glabrescent, reddish, mature leaves dark
green and glabrous above, glaucous and glabrous beneath; petiole
10-16 mm long, yellow, glabrous, sometimes with small glands at
distal end ; stipules none or minute, rarely up to 1 cm long on vig¬
orous shoots. Aments coetaneous, borne on reproductive branchets.
Staminate aments slender, 3-6.5 cm long, sometimes pendulous;
reproductive branchlets 1-3 cm long ; stamens 3-5, filaments pilose
at base, distinct; bracts pale yellow, glabrate abaxially, pubescent
adaxially (inner side), not deciduous in staminate inflorescence;
glands 2 ; flowers appear to be whorled along axis. Pistillate aments
loosely flowered and often lax, 4.5-8 cm long; reproductive branch-
lets 1.5-3 cm long; pistils and capsules glabrous, ovoid, short
beaked, 3-4 mm long; styles less than 0.5 mm long; stigmas short;
pedicels 1.5-2. 5 mm long, slender; bracts oblong, pale yellow, glab¬
rescent at outer tip, pubescent at base and adaxially, deciduous
after anthesis; glands adaxial, reddish. Based on 19 staminate, 26
pistillate, and 18 vegetative specimens.
Salix amygdaloides occurs along the edges of rivers, in alluvial
woods, and margins of swamps, lakes, and streams. It is relatively
1964]
Argus- — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
235
important in wet southern lowland forests and is absent from the
white pine-hemlock northern hardwoods.
This species is closely related to Salix nigra and, although S,
amygdaloides does have longer more slender pedicels and generally
longer aments, they are virtually identical in their floral morphol¬
ogy. Fortunately they are distinctive vegetatively (Fig. 2) and
leaves are present even on early flowering specimens. The leaves of
S, amygdaloides are broader, glaucous beneath, and rarely as pubes¬
cent, when young, as the narrowly lanceolate, non-glaucous leaves
of S, nigra. Stipules, which are prominent in S, nigra, are very
small or absent in S, amygdaloides. See S, nigra.
Sect, PENTANDRAE Dumortier
3, Salix lucida Muhl. Neue Schr, Ges, Naturf. Fr. Berlin 4:139.
1803,
Shining Willow Map 3, Figs. 3 and 4,
Shrubs or small trees 4-6 m tall; branchlets reddish brown or
yellowish, glabrous and highly glossy, immature branchlets some¬
times pubescent (remaining so in var. intons a) . Leaf blade lanceo¬
late, broadly lanceolate to sometimes elliptic-ovate, 4-14 cm long
(excluding apex), l,4-3,3 (-4.5) cm wide, length/width (excluding
apex) (1.8-)2,2-3.5(-4.7) , apex long-attenuate 2-4.9 cm long on
later leaves, acute to acuminate on earlier leaves, base acute to
rounded, margin serrate, teeth with large glands at the tip, im¬
mature leaves reddish, glabrous or with caducous, ferruginous and
colorless trichomes (sometimes persistent in var, intonsa) mature
leaves glabrous and dark green above (except in var. intonsa) and
glabrous or pale beneath; petiole 5-13 mm long, glabrous or pubes¬
cent on adaxial side, glandular at distal end; stipules reniform to
semicircular, 1-6 mm long, margin glandular. Aments coetaneous,
borne on reproductive branchlets. Staminate aments 1.7-4 cm long;
reproductive branchlets 1-2.5 cm long, often pubescent; stamens
3-6, filaments pilose near the base, distinct ; bracts oblong 2-3 mm
long, pale yellow, pubescent on both sides or becoming glabrate at
abaxial side of apex, not deciduous in staminate inflorescence;
glands 2, more or less cuplike. Pistillate aments 1.8-2. 5-5 cm long;
reproductive branchlets 1.3-2. 5 cm long; pistils greenish or brown,
glabrous, capsules light brown, 5-7 mm long, dehiscent between 7
June and 10 July, often deciduous after dehiscence; styles 0.5-0,76
mm long; stigmas short; pedicels 0. 5-1-1. 5 mm long; bracts oblong-
oblanceolate, 1.6-3 mm long, pale yellow, pubescent both sides or
glabrate toward abaxial side of apex, deciduous after anthesis;
glands small, less than 0.25 mm long, somewhat cuplike, lobed
236 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
adaxially and abaxially. 2n — (Darlington and Wylie, ,1955).
Based on 39 staminate, 38 pistillate, and 59 vegetative specimens.
Salix lucida commonly occurs in wet situations including swamps,
low wet meadows, spruce bogs, mudflats along lake edges, lake
dunes, and river banks. It may also occur along roadsides.
A group of closely related species in Wisconsin includes Salix
lucida, an eastern American element, S. serissima, a western Ameri¬
can element (Raup, 1959), and S. pentandra, an introduced Euro¬
pean species. Salix lucida and S. serissima, although distinct spe¬
cies, have often been confused. The confusion seems to stem from
the lack of a clear understanding of the characteristics ordinarily
used to distinguish them, i.e. leaf glaucescence and leaf shape. In
reference to leaf glaucescence S. lucida is usually considered to have
leaves non-glaucous beneath, but sometimes pale, and S. serissima
to have leaves glaucous beneath. It is difficult to apply this criterion
to herbarium specimens for although the leaves of S. serissima are
glaucous beneath in life, the glaucescence is very thin and is rap¬
idly lost in drying. Only about 2% of the Wisconsin herbarium spe¬
cimens examined retained this waxy bloom. For purposes of herbar¬
ium identification it is desirable to describe the leaves of S. seris¬
sima as whitish or subglaucous beneath and those of S. lucida as
pale green beneath. With this refinement of the definition the
characteristic becomes more useful.
The use of leaf shape places primary emphasis on the apex, for
the shape of the body of the blade is only quantitatively different
(Fig. 4) and for diagnostic purposes is essentially the same in both
species (Fig. 3). Salix lucida has a long-attenuate apex in contrast
to the acute or acuminate apex of S. serissima. However, there is
not only intergradation in apex length between species but even
in the same individual. On a single branchlet of S. lucida the lower¬
most (proximal) leaves have acute apices, the next higher acu¬
minate, and only the distal leaves have the characteristic long-
attenuate apex of the species (Fig. 3). This characteristic is useful
as a diagnostic feature if intra-individual variation and intergrada¬
tion are kept in mind.
Fernald (1950) reports hybridization between Salix lucida and
*8. serissima in northeastern United States and Canada. I have been
unable to recognize this hybrid in the Wisconsin flora. The reason
for this may be sought in the possible ecological or seasonal isola¬
tion of these species in Wisconsin. The taxa are at least partially
isolated ecologically, with lucida occurring mainly on the margins
of meadows, lakes, and streams, and S. serissima occurring in
marshes and bogs. They may also be isolated seasonally but the
available phenological data are still inconclusive, Salix serissima
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
237
238 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
does shed its seeds later than S. lucida but they both seem to flower
at about the same time.
The species in question are distinct and may be distinguished on
the basis of the following characteristics (Figs. 3 and 4) .
Salix lucida: Stipules 1-6 mm long, always with prominent
glands on the margin. Immature leaves and branchlets usually bear¬
ing caducous ferruginous trichomes. Leaf apex usually long-atten¬
uate. Pistillate aments narrow. Capsules 5-7 mm long and dehisc¬
ing between 7 June and 10 July.
Salix serissima: Stipules minute, ,1 mm long or less, or absent.
Immature leaves and branchlets always glabrous. Leaf apex acute
to attenuate. Pistillate aments broad. Capsules 7-10 mm long and
dehiscing between 9 July and 23 August.
Salix pentandra combines some of the characteristics of each
of the native species. It has narrow (but usually longer) pistillate
aments and short capsules as in S. lucida and it is often exstipulate
with the glabrous, acute to acuminate leaves characteristic of S.
serissima. It rarely occurs as an escape in Wisconsin and is un¬
likely to be confused with either of the native species.
A variant of Salix lucida which has been recognized in this study
is S. lucida var. intonsa Fern. (Rhodora 6 :2. 1904) . It is character¬
ized by persistently hispid-pubescent branchlets and the persistence
of pubescence on mature leaves. This variety is very common east¬
ward, especially in northern New England and the Gulf of St.
Lawrence region. Because of its possible geographic significance, I
have recognized it in the Wisconsin flora.
4. Salix serissima Fern. Rhodora 6:6. 1904.
Autumn Willow Map 4, Figs. 3 and 4.
Shrubs 1-4 m tall; branchlets yellowish to reddish brown, glab¬
rous, highly glossy. Leaf blade broadly or narrowly lanceolate to
elliptic-lanceolate, 5.4-9. 5 (-11.2) cm long (excluding apex) , 0.9-2. 5
cm wide, length/width (excluding apex) (2.7-3-) 3.5-5 (-6) , apex
acuminate on later leaves, base acute to obtuse, margin glandular
serrulate, immature leaves glabrous, reddish, mature leaves dark
green above, thinly glaucous beneath becoming whitish or subglau-
cous, subcoriaceous ; petiole 4-10 mm long, glandular at distal end;
stipules minute, often reduced to a single gland or absent. Aments
coetaneous or subserotinous, borne on reproductive branchlets.
Staminate aments 3-3.5 cm long; reproductive branchlets 1.5-3. 5
cm long; stamens 4-7, filaments pilose below middle, distinct;
bracts pale yellow, oblong, 2-3 mm long, pubescent, not deciduous
in staminate inflorescence; glands 2. Pistillate aments 2-4.5 cm
long; reproductive branchlets 1.7-5 cm long; ovaries reddish, glab-
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
239
Figure 3, Leaves of S, lueida, S,. serissima, and S. pentandra.
240 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
1 _ ■ ■ _ I _ ■ I ■ I
2 3 4 5 6
LEAF L/W (excluding apex)
Figure 4, (Top) Pistillate eaments of S. lucida, S. serissima and S. pentandra
in fruit. (Bottom) A comparison of the shape of the leaf blades (length-width
ratio, excluding apex) of S. lucida and S. serissima.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
241
rous, capsules light brown, 7-10 mm long, dehiscent between 9
July and 23 August, deciduous after dehiscence ; styles up to 1 mm
long; stigmas short; pedicels 0.75-2 mm long; bracts as in stami-
nate but deciduous after anthesis; glands adaxial, about half as
long as pedicel. Based on 7 staminate, 28 pistillate, and 13 vege¬
tative specimens.
Salix serissima is a shrub of marshes and bogs. It has been col¬
lected from Chamaedaphne calyculataSphagnum bogs, Larix bogs,
lake shores, and in willow scrub along creek margins and roadsides.
For discussion of Salix serissima and related species, see
lucida.
5. Salix pentandra L. Sp. PI. 1016. 1753.
Bay-leaved Willow Map 5, Figs. 3 and 4.
Introduced shrubs or small trees up to 7 m tall ; branchlets brown
to reddish brown, glabrous and glossy, immature ones drying
blackish. Leaf blade broadly lanceolate to elliptic-oblong, (3.5-) 7-
8.5 (-11) cm long (excluding apex), (1. 5-) 2.5-3 (-4.3) cm wide,
length/width (excluding apex) 2. 3-2. 9, apex acuminate on later
leaves, 7-12 mm long, base rounded, margin glandular-serrulate,
immature leaves reddish, glabrous, mature leaves dark green above,
green or pale beneath, coriaceous; petiole 4-10 mm long, glandu¬
lar at distal end ; stipules minute, up to 2-4 mm long in some speci¬
mens, deciduous. Aments coetaneous, borne on reproductive branch-
lets. Staminate aments 2-6 cm long; stamens 5, filaments pilose
below middle, distinct. Pistillate aments 3. 5-6 cm long; reproduc¬
tive branchlets 1.5-4 cm long; capsules 5-6 cm long, glabrous, de¬
hiscent between 20 June and 6 Sept.; styles about 1 mm long; stig¬
mas short; pedicels 0.5-1 mm long; bracts pale yellow, oblong, 2-3
mm long, glabrate adaxially and pubescent at base abaxially, de¬
ciduous after anthesis; glands cuplike with lobes adaxially and
abaxially, sometimes laterally, about half as long as the pedicel.
2n = lQ (Darlington and Wylie, 1955). Based on 15 pistillate
specimens and the literature.
Salix pentandra is a species introduced from Europe and is culti¬
vated in Wisconsin. It rarely occurs as an escape.
See Salix lucida for a discussion of related species.
Sect. FRAGILES W. D. J. Koch
6. Salix babylonica L. Sp. PI, 1017. 1753.
Weeping Willow Map 6, Fig. 5.
Introduced trees up to 12 m tall; branchlets slender, pendulous
(in our area), yellowish to brown, glabrous. Leaf blade linear-
lanceolate, 8-12 cm long, 0,5-1. 5 cm wide, base acute, apex long-
242 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
acuminate, margin serrulate, immature leaves sericeous, mature
leaves glabrate, yellowish-green above, glaucous beneath; petiole
with glands at distal end; stipules lanceolate, 2-7 mm long, or
mostly wanting. Aments coetaneous, borne on reproductive branch-
lets. Staminate aments up to 4 cm long, slender ; reproductive
branchlets 0.5-1. 5 cm long; stamens 2, occasionally 3-5 or more,
filaments distinct, pubescent at base; bracts (in both sexes) pale
yellow, pubescent, caducous. Pistillate aments 2-3.5 cm long, slen¬
der ; reproductive branchlets present ; capsules narrowly ovoid, 1-2
mm long, glabrous, nearly sessile; styles about 0.5 mm long; stig¬
mas short; glands adaxial. 2n — 76 (Darlington and Wylie, 1955).
Based on 1 staminate, 3 pistillate, 6 vegetative specimens, and the
literature.
Salix babylonica is a widely cultivated tree native to Asia and
apparently introduced to North America from Europe. It escapes
sparingly in Wisconsin and then may occur along roadsides and
river banks.
7. Salix fragilis L. Sp. PI. 1017. 1753.
Crack Willow Map 7, Fig. 5.
Introduced trees up to 20-30 m tall; branchlets slender, yellow¬
ish to brown, glabrous to pubescent, very brittle at the base. Leaf
blade lanceolate to oblong-lanceolate, 9-14 (-16) cm long, 1.5-
2.2 (-3) cm wide, apex long-acuminate, base acute, margin coarsely
serrate (4-5 serrations per 1 cm), glabrous above, glaucous orglau-
cescent and glabrous beneath; petiole 8-10 (-18) mm long with
prominent stalked glands at the distal end ; stipules small, caducous.
Aments coetaneous, borne on reproductive branchlets. Staminate
aments 3-6 cm long, slender ; stamens 2, occasionally 3-4, filaments
pubescent at the base, distinct; bracts (in both sexes) pale yellow,
sparsely pubescent, caducous; glands 2. Pistillate aments 5-7 cm
long; reproductive branchlets 1.5-2. 5 cm long; capsules narrowly
conic, 4-5 mm long, glabrous; styles 0.5-1 mm long; stigmas short;
pedicels about twice as long as the adaxial gland; glands 2, the
abaxial small and inconspicuous. 2n = 76, 114 (Darlington and
Wylie, 1955). Based on 8 staminate, 29 pistillate, and 20 vegetative
specimens.
Salix fragilis is a cultivated tree introduced to North America
from Europe. It frequently escapes from cultivation and then may
occur in low areas along the edges of rivers and lakes, and along
roadsides.
In the keys I have used the characteristic pendulous branches of
Salix babylonica to distinguish it from S. fragilis. However, this
character is not invariable. I have seen collections of S. fragilis
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
Figure 5, Leaves of S. babylonim, S. fragilis, and S. alba.
244 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol, 53
cultivated in Illinois with pendulous branches. Furthermore, Otto
von Seemen in his “Mitteleuropaische Wieden” (191,1) describes
the branches of S. fragilis as often long, thin, and pendent. The
Illinois specimens of S. fragilis were collected by Professor G. N.
Jones and I am grateful to him for calling them to my attention.
This species is sometimes difficult to distinguish from Salix alba,
but its leaves are more coarsely serrate and glabrous, or only
sparsely pubescent at maturity. The hybrid .S', alba X /S. fragilis is
recognized in Wisconsin (see S. alba) .
Sect. ALBAE Borrer
8. Salix alba L. Sp. PI. ,1021. 1753.
White Willow Map 8, Fig. 5.
Introduced trees up to 20 m tall; branchlets greenish or yellow¬
ish brown, pubescent, not brittle. Leaf blade lanceolate to narrowly
lanceolate, 4-8 (-10) cm long, 1-2.5 cm wide, margin serrulate
(about 9 serrations per 1 cm), immature leaves white-sericeous,
mature leaves sericeous (especially beneath), glaucous beneath;
petiole glandular at distal end ; stipules small and deciduous.
Aments coetaneous, borne or reproductive branchlets. Staminate
aments 3-3.5 cm long; reproductive branchlets about 1 cm long;
stamens 2, occasionally 3, filaments distinct, pubescent at base;
bracts (in both sexes) pale yellow, sparsely pubescent and caducous.
Pistillate aments 4-6 cm long; reproductive branchlets 1.5-2 cm
long; capsules ovoid-conic, 3-4.5 mm long, glabrous, sessile or sub-
sessile; styles small; stigmas minute; gland adaxial. 2n — IQ (Dar¬
lington and Wylie, 1955). Based on 4 staminate, 12 pistillate, 5
vegetative specimens, and the literature.
Salix alba is an introduced tree which is occasionally found as an
escape along rivers, especially in southeastern Wisconsin.
Hybrids between Salix alba and S. fragilis seem to be relatively
common in Wisconsin and seven specimens representing this puta¬
tive hybrid have been segregated out of the material studied. The
difficulty encountered in distinguishing between S. alba and S. fra¬
gilis may be due in part to this hybridization ; but our inadequate
representation of these European taxa, and the frequent introduc¬
tion of “unusual specimens'’ (sports, hybrids, etc.) contributes to
the difficulties.
Specimens with sericeous, finely serrate leaves and sessile to sub-
sessile capsules have been named Salix alba. Those with glabrous or
sparsely pubescent, coarsely serrate leaves and capsules on distinct
pedicels have been named S. fragilis (Fig. 5). There are numerous
intermediate specimens in Wisconsin some of which have received
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
245
varietal names. For our purposes it seems best not to attempt to dis¬
tinguish any of these proposed varietal names but rather to con¬
sider S. alba in a broad sense.
Sect. LONGIFOLIAE Andersson
9. Salix interior Rowlee, Bull. Torrey Bot. Club 27 :253. 1900.
Sand Bar Willow Map 9, Fig. 6
longifolia Muhl.
S. interior var. pedicellata (Anderss.) Ball.
S. interior f. wheeleri (Rowlee) Rouleau.
Shrubs 1.5-2 (-5) m tall, colonial, shoots originating from roots;
branches numerous, grayish; branchlets brown to reddish-brown,
sericeous or thinly so, becoming glabrescent. Leaf blade linear to
linear-lanceolate, up to 6,5-10.5 cm long, 0.5-0. 9 cm wide, length/
width 9.4-15, sometimes broader on vigorous shoots, apex and base
acuminate, margin distantly denticulate with glandular, often pro¬
longed teeth 5-10 per 2 cm, immature leaves sericeous, sometimes
glabrate, mature leaves glabrescent, sometimes sparsely pubescent
or densely sericeous, green on both sides; petiole 2-7 mm long;
stipules absent or minute, or up to 3 mm long, caducous. Aments
coetaneous, borne on reproductive branchlets. Staminate aments
2-3 cm long, lateral secondary aments present in 60% of Wiscon¬
sin specimens; reproductive branchlets 0.8-8 cm long; stamens 2,
filaments pubescent on lower half, distinct ; bracts yellow or yellow-
green, curly pubescent, becoming glabrescent. Pistillate aments
loosely flowered, 2-5.5 cm long, lateral secondary aments present
in 22% of Wisconsin specimens; reproductive branchlets 3-6.5
(-12.5) cm long; pistils glabrescent, glabrous or thinly sericeous,
green or reddish, capsules glabrescent-glabrous, slender, 4.5-7 mm
long, deciduous after dehiscence; styles obsolete; stigmas short;
pedicels 0.5-1 mm long; bracts oblong to linear, 3 mm long, yel¬
lowish (green when young), pubescent adaxially, glabrescent
abaxially, deciduous after an thesis (in pistillate inflorescence only) ,
rachis pubescent; gland adaxial, half as long as the pedicel. Based
on 72 staminate, 81 pistillate, and 61 vegetative specimens.
Salix interior is a pioneer woody plant in primary succession
(Lindsey, et al, 1961). It occurs widely in sandy habitats includ¬
ing sandy lake and river margins, sand and gravel bars, the foot of
sandstone cliffs, sand dunes, edges of cultivated fields, railroad
rights-of-way, and along roadsides. Although it has been collected
in bottomland woods and bogs, it seems to be most abundant in
moist, sandy situations.
246 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Leaves of S. interion
1964]
Argus— Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
247
Vegetative propagation is highly developed in this species and
large clones are commonly produced by vegetative shoots originat¬
ing from roots and from prostrate branches. Although this mode of
reproduction (vegetative buds originating on roots) has been sus¬
pected in other Salix, I have not seen it demonstrated for species
outside of Section Longifoliae (S. interior, S. exigua, et ah). Prop¬
agation is not wholly vegetative. I have seen several collections of
seedlings from Wisconsin (N. C. Fassett 1291 1^, 12915, shores of
the Mississippi, near Dubuque and Potosi, 8 Sept, 1930 (WIS)).
The leaves of seedlings of S. interior, including those cited, have an
unusual lobed blade. This lobed leaf form has been reported by Lind¬
sey, et ah (1961) in seedlings which assumed a rosette-form dur¬
ing their first year of grovrth in open exposed habitats, and I have
collected similar seedlings from a sand bar on the South Saskat¬
chewan River (Argus 91-62, Batoche, Sask,). It is probable that
the lobed leaf is the juvenile leaf shape, however, it may also be
related to the rosette habit produced under certain environmental
conditions. This problem requires further study.
Two variants, one based on leaf width and the other on leaf
pubescence, have been recognized by authors in Wisconsin. The
first (var. pedicellaris) is thought to be characterized by leaves
shorter and narrower (6 mm wide) than '‘typical’'. This is a highly
variable characteristic even on a single plant. In some cases short,
narrow leaves can be related to second growth during the same
year. The second variant (forma wheeleri) is distinguished by its
densely and permanently sericeous leaves. As has been noted by
Costello (1935) and others, sericeous leaves are often related to
insect attack; and in virtually no instance have I seen densely
sericeous specimens of Salix interior which did not show some sign
of insect damage, or in which the sericeous leaved shoots were not
initiated during the year of their development (see Salix behhiana
for discussion of a similar situation). It is very doubtful whether
either of these taxa merit formal taxonomic recognition.
The inflorescences of Salix interior are often branched, having
one or more lateral secondary and even tertiary aments borne at the
base of the primary ament (Fig. 6). Branched inflorescences are
common in staminate individuals (occurring in 66% of Wisconsin
specimens), and somewhat less common in pistillate individuals
(occurring in about 22%). A superficial examination of the branch¬
ing shows that a lateral (secondary) inflorescence is sometimes lo¬
cated in the axil of the first, second, or rarely the third bract near
the base of the primary inflorescence. The secondary inflores¬
cence (s) may have a tertiary inflorescence located in the axil of
one of its lower bracts. The bract subtending the secondary inflor¬
escence is usually deciduous soon after the secondary inflorescence
248 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
249
begins to elongate. Not uncommonly, one or two secondary
inflorescences may reach anthesis, however, tertiary inflorescences
have not been observed to reach this stage of development. A de¬
tailed anatomical study of branched aments in Salix interior would
contribute important information concerning the nature of the
Salix inflorescence and the relationship between the ament and the
reproductive branchlet.
A situation which may be confused with the development of
lateral inflorescences occurs when the bud in the axil of the distal
leaf on a reproductive branchlet develops during the same year in
which it was initiated. If this happens, two or more aments may be
produced on a single reproductive branchlet. The second ament in
this case can be distinguished from the above by noting that it is
borne on its own reproductive branchlet. However, if buds on the
reproductive branchlet develop during the year of their initiation
they are usually vegetative.
Sect. CORDATAE Barratt
10. Salix rigida Muhl. Neue Schr. Ges. Nat. Fr. Berlin 4:236. 1803.
S. cordata Muhl. Map 10, Fig. 7.
Shrubs 0.3-3 m tall, sometimes taller ; branchlets reddish brown
to yellow-green, glabrate, or often remaining velutinous for two
years. Leaf blade oblong-lanceolate, 6-10.5 cm long, 1. 2-2.1 cm
wide, length/width 3.7-5-6.2, apex gradually acuminate or attenu¬
ate, base rounded to acute or rarely subcordate, margin serrulate,
immature leaves reddish-purple, thin, densely white pubescent, ma¬
ture leaves glabrate, midrib often remaining velutinous, green
above and glabrate or finely pubescent, light green and becoming
thinly glaucous beneath ; petiole 8-17 mm long, velutinous on inner
surface; stipules 5-9 (-20) mm long, lanceolate to ovate semi-
cordate, margin serrate; buds velutinous to glabrate, inner bud
scale separating from the outer and often clinging to the base of the
shoot. Aments coetaneous or subprecocious, borne on reproductive
branchlets. Staminate aments 1.5-2. 5 cm long; reproductive branch-
lets 2-5 mm long ; stamens 2, filaments glabrous, coalescent at base ;
bracts tawny to dark brown, pilose, 1-1.5 mm long; gland adaxial.
Pistillate aments 3-5 cm long; reproductive branchlets 3-13 mm
long; ovaries slender, reddish or greenish and glabrous, capsules
greenish becoming brown, 4-5 mm long; styles 0.5-0.75 mm long;
stigmas small ; pedicels 1-2 mm long, glabrous ; bracts narrow, light
brown to blackish, long pilose, about 2 mm long, apex reflexed in
fruit; glands adaxial 0.2-0. 5 mm long. Based on 14 staminate, 29
pistillate, and 48 vegetative specimens.
250 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 53
Salix rigida occurs in a variety of habitats from river banks,
creek bottoms, and willow swamps to sedge flats, seepage bogs, Acer
rubrum second growth woods, lake dunes, and waste places such as
ditches and railroad rights-of-way.
The nomenclatural problems surrounding Salix rigida and the
closely related S. cordata Michx. have been discussed by Fernald
(1946). I am following his treatment in using the name S. rigida
and in regarding S. cordata Muhl. as synonymous with it. The en¬
tire complex surrounding these species is confusing to me and is in
need of a thorough study. However, S, rigida in Wisconsin seems to
be a relatively homogeneous species and to represent a single taxon.
Species closely related to Salix rigida in Wisconsin include S.
syrticola and S. glaucophylloides, Salix rigida can be distinguished
from the very rare S, syrticola by immature leaves pubescent and
reddish colored vs. densely sericeous and green, mature leaves ob¬
long-lanceolate vs. oblong-ovate, leaf margins serrulate vs. glandu¬
lar serrate, pistillate aments 3-5 cm long vs. 6-8 cm long, and cap¬
sules 4-5 mm long vs. 5-7 mm long. From S. glaucophylloides it
may be distinguished as discussed under that species. Vegetatively
S. rigida resembles S. nigra; see that species for distinguishing
characteristics.
The pistillate aments of Salix rigida are very distinctive during
flowering and early fruit. At this time the glabrous ovaries project
beyond the bracts and contrast sharply with the long pilose bracts.
The distinctive aspect is lost during the late fruiting stage as the
apex of the bracts becomes reflexed and some of the bracts are
abscissed.
11. Salix syrticola Fern. Rhodora 9:225. 1907.
Sand Dune Willow Map 11, Fig. 7.
Spreading shrubs 1-3 m tall; branchlets grayish tomentose, be¬
coming glabrate. Leaf blade oblong-ovate, 3. 5-9. 5 cm long, 2-6 cm
wide, apex acute or abruptly short acuminate, base cordate or
broadly rounded, margin glandular serrate, teeth often prolonged,
immature leaves densely sericeous, mature leaves pubescent or be¬
coming glabrate, green on both sides; petiole 2-6 (-10) mm long,
pubescent; stipules prominent, 6-15 mm long, semicordate to sub-
ovate. Aments coetaneous, subsessile or borne on short reproduc¬
tive branchlets, Staminate aments 2. 5-4. 5 cm long, subsessile and
subtended by several bracts ; stamens 2, filaments glabrous ; bracts
(in both sexes) oblong, pale brown, villous. Pistillate aments 6-8
cm long; reproductive branchlets about 10 mm long; capsules gla¬
brous, 5-7 mm long; styles 0.7-1 mm long; stigmas small; pedicels
1964] Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51 251
Figure 7. Leaves of S. rigida^ S. syrticola (including- stipules), and S.
glaucophylloides.
252 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol, 53
0.5-1 mm long, glabrous; glands adaxial, small. Based on 1 stam-
inate, 3 pistillate, 3 vegetative specimens, and the literature (espe¬
cially Fernald, 1907, 1946, and 1950).
Salix syrticola apparently is a Great Lakes endemic occurring on
sand dunes and beaches. It is known from only one locality in Wis¬
consin, namely Two Rivers, Manitowoc Co. I have also seen mate¬
rial from the southern end of Lake Michigan at Chicago, Illinois;
the Indiana Dunes State Park and vicinity, Indiana; and New Buf¬
falo, Michigan; and from Big Bay, Bruce Peninsula, Ontario.
In using this specific name I am following Fernald (1946) who
regarded it as distinct from Salix cordata Michx. (S. adenophylla) ,
Whether or not the populations occurring on sand dunes in the
Great Lakes region represent a species different from the closely
related and wider ranging S. cordata Michx. is open to question.
However, this problem cannot be resolved without considering the
entire complex surrounding S. rigida and S. cordata. The determina¬
tion of the true nature and relationships of S. syrticola awaits a
thorough study of this complex (see S. rigida).
12. Salix glaucophylloides Fern. Rhodora 16:173. 1914.
Blue-leaved Willow Map 12. Fig. 7.
S. cordata var. glaucophylla Bebb,
S. glaucophylla (Bebb) Bebb.
S. glaucophylloides Fern. var. glaucophylla (Bebb) Schneider.
Shrubs 1-2.5 m tall; branchlets brown to yellowish, glabrous or
gray pubescent, glossy. Leaf blade elliptic, broadly elliptic, oblong
or obovate, 6.5-8.5-11.4 cm long, 2. 4-3. 5-4.6 cm wide, length/
width 1.9-3 (-4.4), apex acute or abruptly short acuminate, base
obtuse, rounded or rarely cordate, margin serrate or serrate-cre-
nate, immature leaves often reddish, usually glabrous or with cadu¬
cous ferruginous trichomes (the petiole and young branchlet may
be white velutinous), mature leaves glabrate or with persistent pu¬
bescence on midrib, green above, strongly glaucous beneath with
thick layer of wax, often drying black; petiole 4-10 (-14) mm long,
pubescent, dilated at base; stipules prominent, about 10 mm long,
ovate, glandular toothed margin, glaucous beneath; buds glabrous
or pubescent, inner bud scale sometimes clinging to the base of the
branchlet. Aments coetaneous or subprecocious, subsessile or on
short reproductive branchlets. Staminate aments 2-4 cm long, sub-
sessile or reproductive branchlets 2-6 mm long; stamens 2, fila¬
ments glabrous, distinct or rarely coalescent at the base; bracts (in
both sexes) dark brown to black, 1-2 mm long, densely villous.
Pistillate aments loosely flowered in fruit, 3. 5-6.5 cm long; repro¬
ductive branchlets 5-14 mm long; capsules glabrous 4.5-7 mm long;
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
253
styles 1-1.25 mm long; stigmas small; pedicels 1.5-2. 5 mm long;
glands adaxial. Based on 17 staminate, 40 pistillate, and 35 vegeta¬
tive specimens.
Salix glaucophylloides occurs on sand dunes, sandy flats, and in
thickets along Lake Michigan. It is also known from wet prairies,
stream banks, and along railroad rights-of-way.
This species has been considered by Raup (,1959) to be the east¬
ern segregate of a continuous population whose western segregate
is named Salix padophylla Rydb. The approximate area of overlap
between these two taxa, which may have been isolated during the
Pleistocene glaciation in ''eastern’' and "western” refugia, is in
northern Ontario with Wisconsin probably lying within or near the
southern edge of the zone of overlap. If this interpretation is cor¬
rect it may account for the description of the species in Wisconsin
under the variety glaucophylla, a taxon somewhat intermediate
between S. padophylla and S. glaucophylloides. A critical study of
these two taxa and their relatives is required for an understanding
of the problem,
A closely related species in Wisconsin is Salix rigida Muhl. From
this species S. glaucophylloides is distinguished vegetatively by
broader leaves, less acuminate at the apex, the margin serrate to
crenate, not serrulate, and immature leaves less pubescent and be¬
coming glabrescent earlier. The undersides of the leaves are coated
with a thick layer of wax and the blade often dries black. Repro-
ductively S. glaucophylloides is distinguished by more villous
bracts, especially in the staminate inflorescence, generally longer
pistillate inflorescence, and longer capsules and styles.
A small leaved form of the species (var. hrevifolia (Bebb) Ball,
Ohio Jour. Sci. 50:187. 1950) has been collected along the shores
of Lake Michigan at Two Rivers and Oostburg (/. /. Davis, Two
Rivers, Manitowoc Co., 25 July 19,17 (WIS) ; W. Finger, Two
Rivers, 18 Aug. 1902 (MIL) ; and T. F. Gritting er, Oostburg, She¬
boygan Co. 6 July 1961 (WIS) ) . Although the leaves on these speci¬
mens are small (3.8-5. 8 cm long and 1.6-2 cm wide) this feature
seems to be of doubtful taxonomic importance. It should be
observed in the field and its possible ecological significance studied.
Sect. BALSAMIFERAE Schneider
13. Salix pyrifolia Anderss. Sv. Vet-akad. Handl. 6:162. 1867.
Balsam Willow Map. 13, Fig. 8.
S. halsamifera Barratt ex Anderss.
Shrubs 3 m tall ; reported to have a strong balsam-like fragrance ;
branchlets glabrous, shiny, dark reddish-brown, rarely greenish,
drying black. Leaf blade lanceolate, narrowly ovate, ovate or
broadly so, to oblong-lanceolate, 4-6 (-8.5) cm long, 2-3.5 (-4) cm
254 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Figure 8. Leaves and pistillate aments (in early fruit) of S. pyrifolia and
S. Candida.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
255
wide, length/width 1.6-2. 5, apex acute, base cordate to rounded,
margin glandular serrulate on immature leaves, becoming coarsely
serrate or crenate in age, immature leaves thin and translucent,
thinly pubescent or glabrescent, green on both sides or faintly
glaucous beneath, mature leaves subcoriaceous, opaque, reticulate
veined and glaucous beneath; petiole 7-15 mm long, pubescent,
sometimes glandular at the distal end; stipules small, caducous.
Aments coetaneous, borne on reproductive branchlets. Staminate
aments 2.5-5 cm long; reproductive branchlets 5-7 mm long;
stamens 2, filaments glabrous or pubescent at base; bracts (in both
sexes) oblong, tawny, pilose. Pistillate aments loosely flowered,
2.5-6 cm long; reproductive branchlets 0.5-2 cm long, leaves of
reproductive branchlets broad, apex obtuse to rounded ; pistils and
capsules glabrous, up to 5-6 mm long; styles 0.5-1 mm long;
pedicels divergent^, 2.5-3. 5 mm long; glands adaxial. Based on 7
staminate, 26 pistillate, and 22 vegetative specimens,
Salix pyrifolia generally occurs in wet places and is most com¬
monly encountered in Chamaedaphne calyculata-Sphagnum or
Larix-Picea bogs. It has been collected along wet shores and
marshes bordering lakes, in swamps, in the mixed northern hard¬
woods, and in waste places such as railroad rights-of-way and
ditches.
Sect. CANDIDAE Schneider
14. Salix Candida Fliigge in Willd, Sp. PI. 4:708. 1805.
Sage-leaved Willow Map 14, Fig. 8.
Shrubs 0.5-3. 5 m tall; branchlets yellowish to brownish, and
tomentose to floccose when immature, becoming reddish-brown and
glabrescent in age. Leaf blade linear to oblong, sometimes appear¬
ing to be narrowly lanceolate due to revolute margins near the base,
4.7-10.3 cm long, 0.5-2 cm wide, length/width (5-) 7.8-12, apex
acute, base attenuate, margin revolute, entire, undulate, often dis¬
tantly glandular, dull white-tomentose beneath persistent in age,
floccose to pubescent above becoming glabrate, drying dark green
to brown above, midrib prominent and yellowish beneath, veins im¬
pressed above; petiole 3-5-10 mm long; stipules lanceolate, tomen¬
tose. Aments coetaneous, borne on short reproductive branchlets,
Staminate aments 1-1.5 cm long, subsessile, stamens 2, filaments
glabrous, bracts (in both sexes) pale to dark brown, bearded.
Pistillate aments 2.2-5.2 cm long, cylindrical or narrowly so,
densely to loosely flowered; reproductive branchlets 0-15 mm long;
pistils dull white-tomentose, 4-6 mm long, styles about 1 mm long,
red when fresh; pedicels 1 mm long or less; glands adaxial, red
when fresh. Based on 5 staminate, 40 pistillate, and 37 vegetative
specimens.
256 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Salix Candida is a shrub of alkaline Carex-Eriophorum meadows,
sloughs, limestone shores, Larix bogs, and floating Carex-Typha
mats. It commonly occurs in wet calcareous habitats, but it is not
restricted to them.
The distribution of Salix Candida in Wisconsin (Map 14) is simi¬
lar to that of other calciphilous species including Solidago patula
and S. ridellii (Salamun, 1963), Lysimachia quadriflora (litis and
Shaughnessy, 1960), and Gentiana procera (litis, pers. comm.).
Salix Candida principally occurs in eastern Wisconsin, with rare
extensions into northwestern Wisconsin. Its occurrence in Trem¬
pealeau Co., well within the “Driftless Area’', parallels that of
Lysimachia quadriflora (cf. litis and Shaughnessy, 1960).
A glabrate variant of this characteristically tomentose species
has been named Salix Candida f. denudata (Anderss.) Rouleau
(Nat. Canada. 71:266. 1944). Two specimens of this variant from
Wisconsin have been seen (A. M. Fuller 2371, Cedarburg swamp,
Ozaukee Co., Wis., 9 June 1928 (MIL) ; H. litis 17532,1/2 mi. North
of Maplewood, edge of old Larix bog. Door Co., Wis., 9 June 1961
(WIS) ) . Its glabrous or glabrescent leaves, branchlets and capsules
are in marked contrast with the typically tomentose species. Speci¬
mens of typical Candida as well as the putative hybrid S. Candida
X S. petiolaris have also been collected at the Cedarburg swamp
(bog), and it is possible that forma denudata is of hybrid origin.
Other habitats in which S. Candida and S. petiolaris occur together
should be searched for glabrescent hybrids which resemble f.
denudata.
Sect. FULVAE Barratt
15. Salix bebbiana Sarg., Card, and For. 8 :463. 1895.
Long-beaked Willow, Bebb’s Willow Map 15, Fig. 9.
S. rostrata Richards.
S. perrostrata Rydb.
S. hehhianavs^Y. perrostrata (Rydb.) Schneid.
Shrubs or small trees 1.5-6 m tall; branchlets divaricate, reddish
brown, becoming darker in age, gray pubescent, sometimes glabres¬
cent, pubescence commonly persistent for several years. Leaf blade
elliptic, elliptic-obovate, oblanceolate or rarely broadly elliptic, 3-
7.5 cm long, 1. 3-3.3 cm wide, length/width 2-3.8, apex abruptly
acute, rarely obtuse or sometimes tapering, base acute to obtuse,
margin entire to crenate or irregularly glandular toothed, imma¬
ture leaves pilose and ciliate or sericeous-tomentose, mature leaves
pubescent, sericeous-tomentose or glabrate, dull green above, glau¬
cous and often rugose-veiny beneath; petiole (3-) 5-7 (-10) mm
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
257
258 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
long, pubescent ; stipules small, usually less than 2 mm long, decidu¬
ous. Aments coetaneous or subprecocious, borne on reproductive
branchlets. Staminate aments 1.5-2. 5 cm long; reproductive branch-
lets 3-6 mm long; stamens 2, filaments pilose at base, distinct or
partly coalescent; bracts (in both sexes) lanceolate, yellowish to
tawny, thinly pilose to long pubescent, 2 mm long. Pistillate aments
loosely flowered, often lax, 3.5-6 cm long, reproductive branchlets
3-10 mm long; pistils lanceolate, long beaked, gray sericeous, cap¬
sules pubescent, 3-7 mm long ; styles obsolete ; stigmas short ; pedi¬
cels 2-3.5 mm long ; glands adaxial, half as long as the bract. Based
on 44 staminate, 141 pistillate, and 112 vegetative specimens.
Salix hehbiana is a very common shrub in Wisconsin and occurs
in a wide variety of habitats. In northern Wisconsin it is known
from Larix-Picea mariana forests on the edge of open bogs, thickets
of Abies balsamea, Thuja occidentalis, and Picea glauca; in the cen¬
tral portion from rich deciduous woods, Quercus scrub, swamps,
alkaline sedge meadows, and Larix bogs; and in the south from
bogs, willow swamps, and virgin prairie where it may be asso¬
ciated with Andropogon gerardi, Carex, Cornus racemosa, Corylus
americana and scattered Quercus macro carpa. Throughout the state
it is commonly encountered in old fields and along roadsides.
The variation in Salix bebbiana is highly complex. Its extremes
of variation in leaf pubescence and rugosity have been typified by
var. bebbiana which has pubescent and rugose leaves, and var.
perrostrata which has glabrescent and plane leaves. These charac¬
teristics seem to be influenced by the time of initiation and develop¬
ment of the leaves, the stage of leaf development, and the external
environment. Leaves which develop later in the season, especially
on vigorous or sprout shoots, are more rugose and pubescent than
those which developed earlier. Presumably these leaves were initi¬
ated and developed during the same season. Many of the specimens
identified as var. perrostrata are immature and may become more
rugose in age. Individual shrubs, or even branches, growing under
shade conditions often produce leaves which are less pubescent,
thinner, and more plane than usual, and this may account for some
of the leaves of the perrostrata type in S. bebbiana. Insect attack
may stimulate the host to produce densely pubescent shoots and
leaves (see: Cheney 7U7S, LaChapelle to mouth of Brule R., Wis.,
17 July 1897, (WIS, MIL) ) . This condition is also known to occur
in S. interior. Most Wisconsin material represents some stage of
intermediacy between the extremes of leaf pubescence and rugosity
and the recognition of intraspecific taxa on the basis of this varia¬
tion is of doubtful validity. I agree with Raup (1959) and others in
placing S. bebbiana var. perrostrata in synonymy.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
259
Figure 9, Leaves and pistillate aments (in fruit) of S, bebbiana and S,
pedicellaris.
260 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The leaf margins vary from entire to crenate or irregularly
toothed. This variation, similar to that discussed above, seems to be
correlated with the time of leaf development, or perhaps initiation.
The proximal (lowermost) leaves on almost all shoots have entire
margins, and the distal leaves have margins crenate to toothed. It
is possible that the distal, toothed leaves are not only developed later
in the season but initiated during the season of their development.
Evidence supporting this hypothesis is found in the observation that
all the leaves are often toothed on sprout shoots and shoots located
in the axil of the same year’s leaf. For example see F. C. Seymour
IJpSSO, Lincoln Co., Wis., Tomahawk, 10 July 1952, (WIS) ; and
121SU, Lincoln Co., Wis., Pine R., 27 Aug. 1950, (WIS). This possi¬
ble correlation of variation with seasonal development and/or initi¬
ation emphasizes the need for thorough developmental and auteco-
logical studies of Salix hehbiana.
Sect. ROSEAE Andersson
16. Salix pedicellaris Pursh El. Am. Sept. 2:611. 1814.
Bog Willow Map 16, Fig. 9.
S. pedicellaris var. hypoglauca Fern.
Low shrubs 20-70 cm tall, rarely to 2.5 m, loosely branched or
simple, often partly decumbent and rooting along the branches;
branchlets glabrous, yellowish, becoming reddish brown and gray¬
ish in age. Leaf blade oblong, elliptic-oblong, narrowly oblanceolate,
obovate, or oblanceolate, (1. 9-) 2. 5-4.7 (-6.9) cm long, 0.6-1. 3
(-2.2) cm wide, length/width ( 1. 9-) 2.5-4 (-4.9) , apex obtuse to
rounded or acute, base narrowed, obtuse to acute, margin entire,
revolute, mature leaves subcoriaceous, dark green, glabrous, and
with fine but prominent veination above, glaucous and with promi¬
nent midrib beneath; petiole (2-) 3-5 (-6) mm long; exstipulate.
Aments coetaneous, borne on reproductive branchlets. Staminate
aments 0.5-2 cm long; reproductive branchlets 0.5-1 cm long;
stamens 2, filaments glabrous, distinct or partly coalescent, bracts
(in both sexes) tawny, sparsely pubescent on adaxial surface, gla¬
brous abaxially. Pistillate aments loosely flowered, broad, 1.5-3 cm
long; reproductive branchlets 1-1.5 or up to 5 cm long; pistils gla¬
brous, dark red or yellow, capsules becoming yellow to brown, 4-6
(-8) mm long; styles very short or obsolete; pedicels 2-3 mm long.
Based on 7 staminate, 58 pistillate, and 31 vegetative specimens.
Salix pedicellaris is a bog species found in open Sphagnum-
Chamaedaphne bogs, Larix-Sphagnum bogs, Larix, Picea, Pinus
strobus and P. resinosa bogs, and floating bogs. It also occurs along
lake shores and in moist to wet Acer rubrum-Pinus strobus north¬
ern hardwoods.
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
261
In 1909 Fernald proposed names for three variations of Salix
pedicellaris. The commonest variant (var. hypoglauca) had leaves
obovate-oblong and glaucous beneath. The second variant (var.
pedicellaris) was uncommon and although similar to the first had
leaves which were green on both sides. The third variant (var.
tenuescens) was narrow leaved and similar in other respects to
var. hypoglauca. The two names which are most important in Wis¬
consin are var. hypoglauca and var. pedicellaris. Evidence obtained
from Wisconsin specimens suggests that the grounds for distin¬
guishing between these names, i.e. the absence of leaf glaucescence,
in one variety is simply an artifact and not of taxonomic impor¬
tance. It is well known that leaf glaucescence may be driven off in
drying specimens over excessive heat. I have seen 4 Wisconsin
specimens of S. pedicellaris with leaves green on both sides. In one
of these (H. litis t3688, Oconto Co., Wis., Island Lake, 11 July 1959,
WIS) a duplicate specimen (in Argus collection) had leaves which
were partly and irregularly glaucous beneath giving every indica¬
tion that it had been dried over excessive heat which drove off some
of the waxy bloom. The other three specimens may have been simi¬
larly affected.
The material that Fernald cites in his description of var. hypo¬
glauca has been noted by Schneider (1920) to have leaves . .
with at least a partly more or less glaucescent undersurface. ’’ In
the light of the knowledge that leaf glaucescence is, at best, a fickle
characteristic I am not recognizing the name Salix pedicellaris var.
hypoglauca in Wisconsin. A complete study of this species should be
undertaken to finally settle the status of the proposed intraspecific
taxa.
Sect. GRISEAE Borrer
17. Salix petiolaris J. E. Smith, Trans. Linn. Soc. 6:122. 1802.
Slender Willow Map ,17, Fig. 10.
S. gracilis Anderss.
Shrubs 1-3 m tall ; branches slender, dark brown, drying blackish
and glabrate, rarely pruinose; branchlets yellow-green to brown,
pubescent. Leaf blade linear to lanceolate, 3.8-11 cm long, 0.6-1. 9
cm wide on flowering specimens, 3.8-6. 8 cm long, 0.8-1 cm wide on
fruiting specimens, length/width 5-7 (-9), apex acuminate, base
acute, margin serrate with sharp sometimes prolonged teeth, to
irregularly and distantly serrate or subentire, immature leaves
velutinous-sericeous, often with ferruginous trichomes, mature
leaves glabrate or remaining more or less sericeous, green and gla¬
brate above, midrib pubescent, glaucous and glabrate to thinly ser-
262 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
iceous beneath, often drying black; petiole 3-10 mm long, yellow
and pubescent; stipules absent or minute and caducous. Aments
coetaneous, sessile or on reproductive branchlets. Staminate aments
1.2-2 cm long, sessile or reproductive branchlets 1-2 mm long; an¬
thers 2, filaments glabrous or pubescent at base, distinct; bracts (in
both sexes) oblong, 1-2 mm long, brown, pubescent. Pistillate
aments broad and sometimes lax in fruit, 1. 5-3-3. 5 cm long; repro¬
ductive branchlets 3-7 mm long; pistils densely sericeous, capsules
finely sericeous, lanceolate, slender beaked, 5-8 mm long; styles
obsolete; stigmas short; pedicels sericeous, 1.5-4 mm long; glands
adaxial, small. Based on 20 staminate, 98 pistillate, and 102 vegeta¬
tive specimens.
Salix petiolaris is a common shrub occurring in a variety of hab¬
itats from sandy or peaty low prairie (with Sorghastrum, Castil-
leja coccinea, Viola sagittata, and V. lanceolata), sand prairies
(with Artemisia caudata, Viola adunca, and Antennaria), sandy
lakeshores and thickets (including dunes) ; to damp, low, rich
deciduous woods (with TJlmus, Tilia, Acer, Betula, and Quercus
macrocarpa), and northern hardwoods (with Acer rubrum and
Finns strobus, or Abies, Picea, Tsuga, and Acer) ; to lake edge com¬
munities including Juncus-Carex meadows; and peat bogs (with
Picea, Larix, and Sphagnum) . It also occurs in waste places along
roadsides and railroad rights-of-way.
There has been considerable discussion in the literature concern¬
ing the correct name for this species (see: Schneider, 1920:16-19;
Fernald, 1946:46-48; Ball, 1948; and Raup, 1959:84-85). One view
is that Salix petiolaris is an English “tree’^ and has nothing to do
with the North American taxon whose correct name is S. gracilis
(Fernald, 1946) ; the other view is that the type of S. petiolaris was
a specimen introduced from eastern North America into an English
garden and described in a more or less atypical form (Ball, 1948).
Although there is a large measure of subjectivity in both argu¬
ments, Ball’s argument is the most convincing, and it seems most
likely that S. petiolaris was based on material of American origin.
For the time being I will continue to recognize S. petiolaris as the
name applicable to the North American taxon.
This nomenclatural dispute has brought to light the east-west
geographic variation which occurs in this species. A species concept
based on S. petiolaris, whose type is presumably of eastern Ameri¬
can origin, has large leaves (4-10 cm long, 2 cm wide) with promi¬
nently serrate margins. A concept based on S. gracilis, described
from material from Cumberland House, Saskatchewan, has leaves
somewhat smaller (2.5-7 cm long, 3-11 mm wide) and margins
often subentire. Most of the material from Wisconsin is of the east-
1964]
CM
4
3
2
I
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
SALIX PETIOLARIS
263
• • •
• • • • • •
• • • •••
• • Oi
o o c» o • •
O • 0 •
_ LEAF LENGTH _
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II CM
Figure 12, Leaf length and width of Salix petiolaris in Wisconsin. The scatter
diagram compares leaf length and leaf width of fruiting (open circles) and
vegetative (closed circles) specimens. See text for discussion,
ern type (Fig, 12) although there is considerable variation in leaf
size. This variation seems to be correlated with either the stage of
ontogenetic development or a difference in leaf size on vegetative
and reproductive branches. Specimens with subentire leaves are
rare in Wisconsin. A study of population and geographic variation
in this taxon would contribute to an understanding of the intraspe¬
cific variation which may be related to postglacial plant migrations.
A close relationship seems to exist between Salix petiolaris and
S. sericea. However, on the basis of the available material of S.
sericea the relationship cannot be fully explained. These species can
be distinguished by the narrow beaked ovaries, coetaneous aments,
longer reproductive branchlets, and generally glabrate mature
leaves of S. petiolaris contrasted with the blunt ovaries, apparently
precocious aments, very short or absent reproductive branchlets,
and finely sericeous undersurface of leaves in S. sericea.
Specimens of Salix petiolaris with permanently sericeous leaves
do occur in Wisconsin, and they have generally been named S.
sericea, although they are clearly of the S. petiolaris type. These
specimens may fit the concept of S. X subsericea (Anderss.)
Schneid. Ill. Handb. Laubholzk. 1:65, 1904, a hybridogenous taxon
supposedly representing S. petiolaris X S. sericea. I am reluctant
264 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
to regard those specimens with coarsely sericeous leaves as S,
sericea or as the above hybrid. The reasons are two, (1) a more
or less continuous variation in leaf pubescence can be observed in
Salix petiolaris, and (2) typical S. sericea is extremely rare in the
state and unknown from the localities in which the sericeous form
of S. petiolaris occurs.
Specimens which represent the sericeous form of Salix petiolaris
in Wisconsin include: Heyns, Laferriere, Meyer, and Nichols, Co¬
lumbia Co., 29 Apr., 14 May, and 31 May 1960 (a successive collec¬
tion) ; M. Johnson 29, Wood Co., 20 May 1960; F. Seymour 157 US,
Lincoln Co., Pine R., 8 July 1954; U. Gale, et al.„ Oconto Co., Lena,
25 June 1958 ; U. litis 15132, Waushara Co., Wautoma, 1 Sept. 1959 ;
15237, Portage Co., Rosholt, 2 Sept. 1959 ; K. White 708, Columbia
Co., Portage, 30 Aug. 1960; 293, Dane Co., Stoughton, 15 June
1960; U15, Dodge Co., Horicon, 7 July 1960 (WIS).
18. Salix sericea Marsh. Arbust. Am. 140. 1785.
Map 11, Fig. 10.
Shrubs 1-3 m tall; branchlets glabrate, light brown to dark
brown. Leaf blade narrowly lanceolate, 4-10 cm long, 1-2.5 cm
wide, apex acuminate, base acute, margin serrulate, immature
leaves sericeous on both surfaces, mature leaves puberulent to
glabrescent above, silvery sericeous beneath, blackening in drying;
petiole 5-10 mm long; stipules on sprout shoots lanceolate, decidu¬
ous. Aments apparently precocious, sessile or borne on short repro¬
ductive branchlets. Staminate aments (unknown from Wisconsin)
1-2.5 cm long; stamens 2, filaments distinct, pubescent at base;
bracts (in both sexes) dark brown to blackish. Pistillate aments
1-2.5 cm long; reproductive branchlets 2-10 mm long; capsules
blunt, sericeous, 3-5 mm long ; styles obsolete ; stigmas short ; pedi¬
cels 1-2 mm long. Based on 3 pistillate, 4 vegetative specimens, and
the literature.
Salix sericea occurs in Wisconsin in wet, boggy soils and sand
terraces along rivers and on ledges above rivers.
This species is rare in Wisconsin and unequivocal specimens are
known from only the following: Clark Co.: Neillsville, 1915, Goessl
s.n. (WIS) ; Jackson Co. : Ledges along Black River, near Hatfield,
Fassett & Schmidt 15U95 (WIS) ; shrub, moist acid meadow near
the Black River, sect. 36, Melrose Township, Hartley & Hartley
3136a (WIS) ; Richland Co. : sand terraces of the Wisconsin River,
1 mi. south of Gotham, Hartley 523U (lU), A fourth specimen may
have been collected at Beloit, but it is on a sheet with specimens
from New York and the locality is in doubt. Salix sericea is closely
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
265
related to S. petiolaris (see that species) . Pistillate Wisconsin speci¬
mens have a very low level of seed formation suggesting that they
may be hybrids.
Figure 10. Leaves of petiolaris, S. sericea, and S. purpurea. Pistillate ament
of S. petiolaris in fruit.
266 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Sect. CAPREAE Bluff and Fingerhuth
19. Salix humilis Marsh. Arbust. Am. 140. 1785.
Upland Willow, Prairie Willow Map 18, Fig. 11.
S. tristis Ait.
S. humilis var. microphylla (Anderss.) Fern.
Shrubs 1-3 m tall ; branchlets yellow to brown, densely pubescent
to glabrate, dull, drying dark. Leaf blade narrowly to broadly ob-
lanceolate, sometimes obovate, 4-10 cm long, 0.8-1. 9 (-2.7) cm
wide, length/width 3.2-5 (-6.3), apex acute to short acuminate,
base acute, margin subentire, undulate or crenate, revolute, imma¬
ture leaves tomentose, sometimes with ferruginous trichomes, ma¬
ture leaves pubescent to glabrate, gray-green above, rugose, pubes-
cent-tomentose to glabrate and glaucous beneath; petiole (2-) 5-10
(-15) mm long, yellow, pubescent; stipules narrow, deciduous,
3-11 mm long. Aments precocious, sessile. Staminate aments 7-15
mm long, sessile, usually subtended by several light colored, sterile
bracts; stamens 2, anthers often reddish (drying purple), filaments
glabrous, distinct; bracts (in both sexes) 1.5-2 mm long, brown to
black, or often bicolored, long villous. Pistillate aments (0.6-1-)
1.3-4 (-5) cm long, subsessile often on short reproductive branch-
lets with several sterile, light colored or greenish bracts; pistils
gray sericeous, capsules long beaked, 4-7 mm long, thinly pubes¬
cent; styles short; stigmas short; pedicels 1-2.5 mm long; gland
adaxial. Based on 25 staminate, 76 pistillate, and 131 vegetative
specimens.
Salix humilis commonly occurs in wet or wet-mesic prairie where
it has been collected in association with Andropogon gerardi, Car ex,
Cornus racemosa and Corylus americana. It also occurs on sandy
uplands in pine barrens with Pinus banksiana and Quercus, in oak
barrens associated with Quercus velutina and Q. alba, and around
the base of sandstone bluffs. It has also been collected in willow
thickets grading into Carex-Typha “swinging’' mats, and Sphag¬
num bogs.
Salix humilis and the related S. discolor are the earliest flowering
species in Wisconsin and, as a result, they are the most conspicuous
willows in the early spring. These species have precocious aments
and flower in April and early May.
Salix humilis is a variable species which intergrades in one direc¬
tion with S. discolor and in another with S. scouleriana Barratt.
The glabrate leaved form (var. hyporhysa Fern. Rhodora 48:45.
1946) probably represents intergradation with S. discolor (see dis¬
cussion under that species), and the tomentose leaved form (var.
keweenawensis Farwell, Rep. Mich. Acad. Sci. 6:206. 1904) repre-
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No. 51
267
Figure 11. Leaves of S. humilis and S. discolor. Pistillate aments of S, humilis
(upper in fruit, lower in flower) and S, discolor (in fruit).
268 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
sents intergradation with S. scouleriana. The problems in identifica¬
tion which are posed by this variation are of considerable impor¬
tance, especially to ecologists who may be identifying sterile speci¬
mens. The intergradation with S. scouleriana is not of particular
importance in Wisconsin but it becomes an acute problem in south¬
ern Ontario and Manitoba. It may be that this intergradation is due
to hybridization, but this is speculation in the absence of experi¬
mental evidence. The total variation based on population studies is
not yet available for these three species {S. discolor, S. humilis, and
S, scouleriana) and this poses an obstacle to the understanding of
any of these taxa.
A diminutive form of Salix humilis which occurs in Wisconsin
has been named S. tristis Ait., or S. humilis var. microphylla Fern.
It is distinguished from the species on the basis of the small size
of all its organs and may represent a prairie ecotoype or perhaps
an ecophene (a reversible ecological modification). Whether or not
this is so remains to be studied.
None of the forementioned varieties have been distinguished in
this study.
20. Salix discolor Muhl. Neue Schr. Ges. Nat. Fr. Berlin 4:234.
1803.
Pussywillow Map 19, Fig. 11.
Shrubs or small trees 2-3 (-6) m tall; branchlets reddish to dark
brown, pubescent, usually becoming glabrate the same year but
sometimes remaining pubescent ; branches glabrous and sometimes
pruinose. Leaf blade narrowly to broadly elliptic, oblanceolate or
lanceolate, 3.7-8 (-11) cm long, 1.2-3 cm wide, length/width
(2.3-) 3-3.5 (-4.5) , apex acute to subacuminate, base obtuse to
acute, margin crenate to serrate, immature leaves mostly thinly
pubescent composed in part of caducous ferruginous trichomes,
sometimes densely pubescent, blade usually thin and commonly
reddish, mature leaves glabrate and dark green above, glabrate to
puberulent, and glaucous beneath; petiole 7-17 mm long, often
pubescent; stipules present, prominent on sprout shoots. Aments
precocious, sessile or subsessile. Staminate aments sessile usually
with several sterile, yellowish or greenish bracts at the base,
2-3.5 cm long; stamens 2, filaments glabrous or puberulent at the
base, distinct; bracts black, brown or bicolored, 1.5-2, 5 mm long,
acute to rounded at apex, long villous. Pistillate aments densely
flowered, sometimes becoming loosely flowered in fruit (2. 5-3. 5-)
4-7 cm long, up to 9.5 cm in fruit; sessile or subsessile with several
sterile, light colored bracts at the base, rarely borne on a reproduc¬
tive branchlet (see discussion) ; pistils densely sericeous, capsules
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Fiord, No. 51
269
long beaked, pubescent to puberulent, 6-11 mm long; styles 0.5-0.8
mm long; stigmas as long or longer than the styles, up to 1 mm
long; pedicels 2-2.5 mm long, bracts black to brown, broad, 1.5-2
mm long, sometimes oblong and up to 3 mm long, long villous to
pubescent; glands adaxial, 0.5-0. 8 mm long. Based on 24 staminate,
97 pistillate, and 127 vegetative specimens.
Sdlix discolor commonly occurs in willow thickets along rivers,
wet margins of lakes (in Juncus-Carex or Career-grass meadows),
and in Chamaedaphne-Sphagnum bogs. It also occurs in Acer ru-
brum-Betula northern hardwoods, Quercus bicolor-Fraxinus-Acer
saccharinum-Betula nigra bottomland woods, pine barrens, dry
sandy beaches, and prairies. It is a component of the shrub carr in
association with other willows including S. bebbiana, S. interior and
S. petiolaris.
This species is highly variable; however, the factors which in¬
fluence the variation are poorly understood. Two of the many vari¬
eties and forms of Salix discolor which have been described are of¬
ten found in modern literature. The typical variety of S. discolor
is characterized by glabrous branchlets, or, if pilose, soon becoming
glabrate, and leaves early glabrate. The var, latifolia Anderss. (Sv.
Vet-akad. Handl. 6:84. 1867) is characterized by pubescent branch-
lets which remain puberulent in the second year, and leaves puberu¬
lent beneath and often retaining ferruginous trichomes. This varia¬
tion in pubescence is not extraordinary in Salix and has been de¬
scribed in S. bebbiana, S. humilis, S. interior, et al. The pubescent
form of S. discolor (var, latifolia) intergrades with S. humilis (see
that species) and raises the problem of identification of some vege¬
tative specimens and the question of hybridization between S. dis-
270 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
color and S. humilis. Hybridization may be more common than is
suggested by the present circumscription of these taxa and it may
be that specimens referrable to var. latifolia are of hybrid origin.
A parallel situation may exist in relation to the glabrate form of
S. humilis (var. hy porky sa) which is discussed under that species.
The possibility of hybridization between these two common species
deserves careful field study and experimental hybridization. I have
not attempted to formally recognize S. discolor var. latifolia in my
annotations of Wisconsin specimens.
The aments of Salix discolor are usually sessile or subsessile.
However, there are several specimens which have aments borne on
reproductive branchlets 8-25 mm long, and represent exceptions
to this statement. The specimens are: W. Finger, Milwaukee Co.,
21 May 1908 (MIL), 20-25 mm long; W. Derr, K. Rabideau, B.
Smith 27, Iowa Co., Lone Rock, 14 May 1961 (WIS)„ 8-10 mm
long; and P. Wise, Sauk Co., Leland, 19 May 1961 (WIS), 8-10
mm long.
The formulation of a clear concept of Salix discolor has been
handicapped by its precocious nature and the manner in which
collections are made. This species flowers early and the aments are
deciduous before the leaves mature. Therefore, most herbarium
collections represent either fertile or vegetative material, but rarely
both. This problem can be largely eliminated by applying the tech¬
nique of successive collection. Such collections would enable the stu¬
dent to relate fertile and vegetative material and permit a more
meaningful evaluation of putative hybrids or ecological
modifications.
I have examined several vegetative specimens which have been
determined as Salix planifolia Pursh. Their leaves are smaller than
usual for S. discolor, but they are similar to that species in all
other respects. In the absence of flowering or fruiting specimens of
S. planifolia I cannot recognize that species in Wisconsin and I
have referred material so identified to S. discolor.
Sect. VIMINALIS Bluff and Fingerhuth
21. Salix viminalis L. Sp. PI. 1021. 1753. Osier
Introduced shrubs or small trees; branchlets yellowish to red¬
dish brown, puberulent and becoming glabrous. Leaf blade linear
to linear-lanceolate, 12-17 (-25) cm long, 0.5-1 cm wide, apex long
acuminate, base acute, margin entire, revolute, mature leaves dull
green and puberulent above, densely sericeous beneath, midrib yel¬
low; petiole slender, up to 1 cm long; stipules narrow, caducous.
Aments precocious, sessile. Staminate aments 2-3 cm long, sessile;
1964]
Argus — Wisconsin Flora, No, 51
271
stamens 2, filaments slender, glabrous, distinct; bracts (in both
sexes) acutish, black, long villous. Pistillate aments up to 4-6 cm
long, sessile; capsules 4-6 mm long, subsessile, densely sericeous;
styles 0.7-1.2 mm long; stigmas short. 2n — 38 (Darlington and
Wylie, 1955). Based on 2 staminate, 2 vegative specimens (all pos¬
sible hybrids), and the literature.
Salix viminalis is a species introduced from Europe. It is not
known to occur as an escape in Wisconsin.
All of the specimens I have seen from Wisconsin are possible
hybrids. The typical form of the species is unknown in Wisconsin.
Salix incana Schrank, Baier. FI. 1 : 230. 1789
A specimen which may represent this species was seen in the
W. P. Fraser Herbarium (L. H. Skinners, Milwaukee, 10 Aug. 1940
(SASK) . It is an introduced, cultivated species very similar to Salix
viminalis. From that species it differs in being a lower shrub with
shorter acute leaves, pistillate aments shorter in fruit (1-2 cm vs.
4-6 cm long) and pedicellate capsules (Fernald, 1950). This species
is of doubtful occurrence in Wisconsin and is not included in the
keys.
Sect. HELIX Dumortier
22. Salix purpurea L. Sp. PL 1017. 1753.
Purple Osier Map 20, Fig. 10.
Introduced shrubs 1-2.5 m tall; branchlets slender, glabrous, yel¬
low, green to brown, sometimes purplish on immature branchlets.
Leaf blade spatulate to linear, 3.4-6.8 cm long, 0.8-1 cm wide, apex
acute to acuminate, base obtuse, margin entire on basal portion, ir¬
regularly serrulate above, glabrous, glaucous beneath, subopposite ;
petiole 2-6 mm long ; exstipulate. Aments precocious, sessile or sub-
sessile. Staminate aments 2-3 cm long, narrow, sessile or subsessile,
subtended by several yellowish or green bracts, aments usually
in subopposite pairs ; stamens 2, filaments pubescent on lower half,
filaments and anthers often coalescent; bracts (in both sexes) obo-
vate, bicolor or black, pubescent, often reflexed in anthesis. Pistil¬
late aments 2-3 cm long, narrow, subsessile and bracteate; pistils
densely pubescent, capsules pubescent, ovoid, 3 mm long, sessile;
styles and stigmas minute. 2n — 38 (Darlington and Wylie, 1955).
Based on 10 staminate, 2 pistillate, 14 vegetative specimens, and
the literature.
Salix purpurea was introduced into North America from Europe
during colonial times. It is found widely as an apparent escape and
may occur along river banks, lake shores (especially Lake Michi¬
gan), wooded ravines, sandy beaches, or along roadsides and in
waste places.
272 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
This species is characterized by its subopposite leaves and
aments, its coalescent filaments and anthers, and its prominently
bicolored bracts,
Eeferences
Argus, G, W. 1957. The willows of Wyoming-. Univ. of Wyo. Publ. 21:1-63.
Ball, C. K. 1924. The Salicaceae. In: C. C. Deam, Shrubs of Indiana. Dept, of
Conservation, State of Indiana, Publ. 44:35-66.
- . 1948. Salix petiolaris J. E. Smith: American, not British. Bull. Torrey
Bot. Club 75:178-187.
- . 1952. Salix. In: H. A. Gleason, The New Britton and Brown Illus¬
trated Flora of the Northeastern United States and Canada. 2:6-23, New
York.
Costello, D. F. 1935. Preliminary reports on the flora of Wisconsin. No. 35.
Salicaceae. Transact. Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters 29:299-318.
Curtis, J. 1959. The Vegetation of Wisconsin. Univ. of Wis. Press, Madison.
Darlington, C. D. and A. P. Wylie. 1955. Chromosome Atlas of Flowering
Plants, 2nd ed., London.
Fernald, M. L. 1904. Two northeastern allies of Salix lucidia. Rhodora. 6:1-8.
- . 1907. Some new willows of eastern America. Rhodora 9:221-226.
- . 1909. Salix pedicellaris and its variations. Rhodora 11:157-162.
- . 1946. Technical studies on North American plants. II. Difficulties in
North American Salix. Rhodora 48:27-40, 41-49.
- . 1950. Gray’s Manual of Botany, 8th ed.. New York.
Griggs, R. F. 1905. The willows of Ohio. Proc. Ohio St. Acad. Sci. 4:256-314.
Iltis, H. H. and W. M. Shaughnessy. 1960. Preliminary reports on the flora
of Wisconsin. No. 43. Primulaceae-Primrose Family. Transact. Wis. Acad.
Sci., Arts and Letters. 49:113-135.
Lindsey, A., P. Petty, D. Sterling, W. VanAsdall. 1961. Vegetation and
environment along the Wabash and Tippecanoe Rivers. Ecol. Monog. 31:
105-156.
Raup, H. M. 1959. The willows of boreal western America. Contr. Gray Herb.
185:3-59.
Salamun, P. j. 1963. Preliminary reports on the flora of Wisconsin. No. 50.
Compositae III — Composite Family III: The genus S'oKcZa^fo-Goldenrod.
Transact. Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters. 52:353-382,
Schneider, C. 1919-1921. Notes on American willows. IV. Bot. Gaz. 67 :309-
346 (1919), VII. Jour. Arnold Arb. 1:147-171 (1920), IX. ibid., 2:1-25
(1920), X. ibid., 2:65-90 (1920), XL ibid., 2:185-204 (1921),
Seemen, Otto von. 1911. Mitteleuropaische Weiden. In: Ascherson-Graebner,
Synopsis der Mitteleuropdischen Flora, 4:54-350.
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN.
NO. 52. GENTIANA HYBRIDS IN WISCONSIN'
James S. Pringle
Royal Botanical Gardens, Hamilton, Ontario
The species of Gentiana (sensu stricto) native to Wisconsin ap¬
pear to exhibit a remarkable degree of interfertility even among
species morphologically very diverse. The isolation of the species is
probably largely due to such factors as past geographic separation,
phenology (seasonal isolation), and small population size rather
than to genetic barriers. All of the four species indigenous to Wis¬
consin appear occasionally to hybridize within the state. Descrip¬
tions and illustrations of the hybrids known from Wisconsin are
presented here, which, with Dr. Mason’s (1965) descriptions of the
species, will much facilitate the identification of any specimen of
Gentiana likely to be collected in the state.
The Herbarium of the University of Wisconsin contains an ex¬
ceptionally excellent collection of Gentiana which has been most
useful in this study. The private collection and notes of the late Dr.
J. T. Curtis of the University of Wisconsin, who was especially in¬
terested in gentian hybridization, were made available through the
kindness of Mrs. Curtis and have been very valuable. The illustra¬
tions in this paper (Figs. 1-12) are photographs of these remark¬
able collections as they are mounted and labelled in Curtis’ note¬
book. The collection of S. C. Wadmond, late of Delavan, Wisconsin,
in the Herbarium of the University of Minnesota, has also been use¬
ful. The photographs of Dr. Curtis’s specimens are by Mr. Max A.
Gratzl, photographer of the University of Wisconsin Botany
Department.
Key to the Gentiana Hybrids of Wisconsin
A. Leaves glaucous; involucral leaves ascending, enveloping the
lower portions of the calyces ; calyx tubes hyaline _
_ 4. G. X grandilacustris.
AA. Leaves not glaucous ; involucral leaves spreading, not envelop¬
ing calyces ; calyx tubes not hyaline.
B. Appendages of corollas 1.5 mm high or more; corolla lobes
as high as broad, conspicuously exceeding the appendages ;
stems puberulent or glabrous.
^ Contribution No. 3 from the Royal Botanical Gardens, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada.
274 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
C. Appendages obliquely triangular; corollas pale to me- I
dium blue ; calyx lobes slightly keeled _ ;
_ 2. G. X curtisii. '
CC. Appendages nearly symmetrical, bifid; corollas deep i
blue; calyx lobes not keeled _ 1. G. x billingtonii. j
BB. Appendages lower, erose ; corolla lobes broader than high, !
scarcely exceeding the appendages ; stem glabrous _ j
_ 3. G. X pallidocyanea. I
The above key should generally be adequate for Fi hybrids and
most components of hybrid swarms. However, since segregation
following hybridization sometimes results in the production of too
wide a range of variation for satisfactory coverage in such a key, j
Table 1 has been included as an aid in the identification of prob- ^
lematic segregates. The characteristics listed are distinctive for the ■
respective species and thus may serve as indicators of probable '
parentage when encountered in hybrids. ^
Table 1. Specific Traits of Gentiana Useful in Determining Probable
Parentage of Hybrids
Trait
Species
Stems puberulent .
Upper internodes long .
Leaves glaucous, pale bluish- or grayish-green .
Leaves yellowish-green, relatively large .
Involucral leaves ascending, folded, enveloping calyces.
Lower leaves linear-oblong .
Calyx tubes hyaline .
Calyx lobes keeled, pushed to one side in pressing .
Corollas pale, whitish or yellowish .
Corollas banded or suffused externally with green .
Corolla lobes large, ovate, spreading (open) .
Corolla lobes very small, connivent (closed) .
Corolla appendages (plaits) bifid .
Corolla appendages with attenuate divisions .
Corolla appendages symmetrical, broad, truncate .
Corolla appendages low, asymmetrically triangular. . . .
Anthers separate .
G. puberula
G. rubricauLis
G. rubricaulis
G. alba
G. rubricaulis
G. rubricaulis
G. rubricaulis
G. alba
G. alba (and albinos)
G. puberula
G. puberula
G. andrewsii
G. puberula and G. andrewsii
G. puberula
G. andrewsii
G. alba and G. rubricaulis
G. puberula (and sometimes
G. alba)
1. Gentiana X billingtonii Farw. pro sp. (G. puberula Michx. x
G. andrewsii Griseb.)
Gentiana andrewsii and G. puberula are both species of the North
American prairies. In Wisconsin, G. andrewsii is usually found in
moister sites than in G. puberula. The incidence of hybridization
of these species may also be limited by the differences in the forms
of their corollas, since different pollinators may be attracted. The
1964]
Pringle — Wisconsin Flora, No, 52
275
small size and wide separation of the populations in which all of the
Wisconsin species of Gentiana usually occur may function as a
barrier to genetic exchange among all of these species.
As shown in Figures 1 to 6, representing the remarkable hybrid
populations from the low prairies north of Swan Lake in 'Columbia
County, hybrids between G. andrewsii and G, puberula are inter¬
mediate between the parental species in several respects. The stems
of the putative and experimental Fi hybrids are usually sparsely
puberulent. The leaves are oblong-lanceolate, not acuminate, and are
widest near the base. The corolla lobes are intermediate in size and
position, rounded-triangular, and usually 2 to 7 mm long. The calyx
lobes are often longer and more foliaceous than those of either of
the parent species. Both G, andrewsii and G, puberula have well-
developed, subequally bifid corolla appendages (corolla plaits).
Those of the hybrids are likewise bifid, with the divisions less at¬
tenuate than those of G. puberula. The corollas of both the parent
species and their hybrids are characteristically deep blue. In some
localities, a wide range of intermediates between these two species
has been encountered.
The type specimen of G, x billingtonii is Farwell 5678 (BLH; a
numerical duplicate is in GH but this was never identified as ''G.
billingtonii” by Farwell) . The type specimen, from Squirrel Island,
Lambton County, Ontario, appears likely to be an Fi,
In some areas, mostly west of the Mississippi River from
Saskatchewan to Missouri, populations of G, andrewsii occur in
which the corolla lobes are not so much reduced as is usual in east¬
ern populations. This variant, G, andrewsii var. dakotica A. Nels.,
may have arisen through the introgression of genetic material from
G. puberula into G. andrewsii. Although occasional specimens from
hybrid swarms in Wisconsin resemble this variety, e.g., that shown
in Fig, 3 (Curtis No. 25 9/15/52 not opening, plicae not visible
on exterior. Backcross to Andrewsii?''), no uniform populations of
this variety appear to have formed in this state. In comparison to
the specimen illustrated in Fig, 3, characteristic var, dakotica from
the Dakotas or Iowa would be expected to have more rounded
corolla lobes.
Wisconsin: Columbia Co,: prairie at Hwys SS and P, Town of
Springvale, Curtis s.n., 13 Sept, 1953 (WIS) .
Green Co,: ''Milwaukee" RR w of Brodhead at Park Road, Fell
58-825, 3 Sept. 1958 (WIS) ; ibid,, Fell 58-889, 58-891, 27 Sept.
1958 (WIS) ; s of Belleville between County Road CC and rr track,
Mason 1387, 17 Sept. 1950 (WIS) ; along rr track, Exeter, S 32,
R8E, T4N, Mason 1393, 17 Sept, 1960 (WIS) ; Belleville, 1 mi s of
village, Gale s,n,, 2 Sept, 1949 (NHA),
276 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
Sauk Co.: Aldo Leopold shack north of Baraboo, McCabe s.n., 8
Sept. 1945 (WIS) ; shack, Sec. 34, T13N, R7E, Leopold s.n., 8 Sept.
1945 (WIS).
Walworth Co.: in prairie habitat, along rt-of-way of CMStP &
Pac RR just ,w of Delavan city limits, Wadmond s.n., 29 Sept. 1935
(WIS).
Curtis collection: 21, Exeter; 2Ip, 25, 26, Swan Lake; 29, Pardee-
ville; 30, 31, s of Belleville; 35 through 52, experimental; 32, 35,
1964]
Pringle — Wisconsin Flora, No. 52
277
Figures 1-12. Calyces and corollas (cut longitudinally and flattened) of speci¬
mens of Gentiana in the collection of J. T. Curtis, X %• Figure 1. An experi¬
mental Fi, G. puherula X G. andrewsii. Figures 2-6. Components of a hybrid
swarm involving G. puherula and G. andrewsii from the low prairies north
of Swan Lake, Columbia County, Wisconsin. Figures 7-12. Components of a
hybrid swarm involving G. puherula and G. alha, also from Swan Lake. Leg¬
ends on photographs are in the hand of Dr. Curtis.
Exeter; 33, presumably experimental (Mason’s # S 52-30) U3, 44,
45, experimental ; unnumbered leaves.
2. Gentiana X curtisii Pringle^ (G. puherula Michx. x G. alba
Muhl.)
2 Gentiana x curtis^ii Pring le, hyb. nov., inter Gentiana puherula Michx. et G. alha
Muhl. Caules aegre puberulentes. Foliae lanceolatae. Corollae pallido-cyaneae. Lobae
corollarum suberectae, triangulae, conspicue reticulatae, 5—10 mm longae. Appendicies
corollarum oblique triangulae, parviores quam lobae.
Typus : along Chicago & Northwestern Railroad, S 34, T2N, R13E, Rock County,
Wisconsin, 20 Sept 1951, Mason 1^70 (WIS).
278 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
The hybridization of Gentiana puherula Michx. and G. alba Muhl.
{G. flavida Gray) is also relatively frequent in southern Wisconsin.
This hybridization is of special interest, since G. puberula is one of
a group of species with large, bifid corolla appendages, open corol¬
las, and ciliate leaves, while G, alba is one of a group with low, tri¬
angular appendages, closed corollas and nearly entire leaves. Both
G. pubemla and G. alba are prairie species, and their ranges are
nearly coincident except that G. puberula extends further north;
however, in Wisconsin G. puberula is usually found in drier situa¬
tions (e.g, sand prairies, xeric hill prairies) than is G. alba,
though in moist calcareous prairies, such as south of Kenosha,
both may occur together. Reproductive isolation may be effected
by the differences in color and closure of the corollas of these
species, since different pollinators may be attracted, and by the
somewhat earlier blooming of G. alba. The infrequent occurrence of
G. alba in Wisconsin, where it approaches the northern limit of its
range, is doubtless also partly responsible for the rarity of its hy¬
brids in this state.
The leaves of these hybrids are usually lanceolate, widest near
the base, and intermediate in size and shape between those of the
parent species. Some trace of the carinate condition of the calyx
lobes characteristic of G. alba is usually present. The corolla lobes
are pale blue, somewhat erect, usually 5-10 mm long, triangular,
conspicuously veined like those of G. alba. The corolla appendages
are usually longer than those of G. alba, but obliquely triangular,
scarcely bifid, and smaller than the lobes. There is often a minute
deflexed projection at the juncture of each lobe with the appendage
clockwise from it, as in G. alba. The difference in the shape of the
corolla appendages is most useful in distinguishing hybrids involv¬
ing these species from those involving G. puberula and G. andrewsii.
Hybrid swarms, in which a wide range of intermediates between
these two species are present, have occasionally been encountered
in Wisconsin and elsewhere. Specimens from one such swarm col¬
lected by Curtis on the low prairies north of Swan Lake are shown
in Figures 7 to 12. A wide range of colors may be found among
the corollas of plants in such hybrid swarms. Most of the corollas
are pale blue, or white suffused with blue on the exterior of the
upper parts of the petals ; however, occasional segregates have pink
or rose-violet corollas.
The name G. x curtisii recognizes the contributions of the late
Dr. J, T. Curtis of the University of Wisconsin to our knowledge
of hybridization in Gentiana, a genus for which he had a lifelong
affection. His studies of the hybridization of G. puberula with G.
alba are especially excellent.
1964]
Pringle — Wisconsin Flora, No. 52
279
Wisconsin: Rock Co.: along Chicago & Northwestern Railroad,
Sec. 34, T2N, RISE, Mason 1470, 20 Sept. .1951 (WIS) .
Curtis collection: 48, Swan Lake; 49 Brodhead (Green Co.) ; 50;
Swan Lake; 51, 52, 58, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62 through 69, Swan Lake.
(54, 59, and 60 were interpreted as being of same origin, but I
suspect that G, andrewsii is involved.)
3. Gentiana X PALLIDOCYANEA Pringle^ {G. andrewsii Griseb. x
G. alba Muhl.)
Hybrids between Gentiana andrewsii and G. alba have been col-
ected less frequently than those previously mentioned. As noted
by Mason (1965), G. alba generally blooms somewhat earlier than
G. andrewsii in Wisconsin, These species also differ in corolla color
and closure.
The crossing of G. andretvsii, which has short corolla lobes and
rather long appendages, with G. alba, which has rather long lobes
and short appendages, results in plants with corollas relatively even
across the summit, appearing as though broken off. The lobes and
appendages are about equal, neither often exceeding 2 mm. The
lobes are triangular, the appendages shallowly erose. The corollas
are pale blue , often with white appendages. The calyx lobes are us¬
ually slightly keeled. Both the parental species and their hybrids
have glabrous stems and ovate-acuminate leaves.
Wisconsin: Sauk Co.: vicinity of Kilbourn (Dells of Wisconsin
River) on the Wisconsin River, Steele 19, 25 Aug. 1909 (US).
Sheboygan Co.: Plymouth, Goessl s.n., 29 Aug. 1930 (MIN.)
Waukesha Co.: between Hartland and Pewaukee, along RR, Cull
s.n.,2S Sept. 1945 (WIS),
4. Gentiana X grandilacustris Pringle^ (G. andrewsii Griseb. X
G. rubricaulis Schwein.)
Hybrids between Gentiana andrewsii and G. rubricaulis are rare.
The range of G. andrewsii is largely south of that of G. rubricaulis;
in addition, as indicated by Mason (1965), G. rubricaulis usually
blooms considerably earlier than G. andrewsii in Wisconsin.
3 Gentiana x pallidocyanea Pringle, hyb. nov., inter G. andreiosii Griseb. et G.
alba Muhl. Caules glabri. Poliae ovatae acuminatae. Lobae calycium ovatae, plus
minusve carinatae. Corollae pallido-cyaneae appendicibus saepe albis. Lobae corollarum
triangulae parvae, appendicies aegre superantes. Appendicies corollarum paulae, irreg-
ulare erosae.
Typus; Between Hartland and Pewaukee, along R.R., SE 14, Sec. 1, T7N, RISE,
Waukesha County, Wisconsin, 23 Sept. 1945, Irene Cull s.n. (WIS).
^ Gentiana x grandilacustris Pringle, hyb. nov., inter Gentiana andrewsU Griseb.
et G. rubricaulis Schwein. Caules glabri purpurascentes, internodis superioribus elonga-
tis. Poliae glaucae, inferiores anguste oblongae, superiores ovatae. Poliae involucri
adscendentes et conduplicatae. Calyces tubis hyalinis, lobis oblongis. Corollae paene
clausae lobis circa 2.5 mm longis, appendicibus laceratis.
Typus: Squaw Lake, Sec. SE-NW 5, Twp. 143, R 36, Clearwater County, Minnesota,
3 Sept. 1935, Grant 6747 (MIN).
280 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 53
No specimens from Wisconsin are very clearly intermediate be¬
tween these two species. However, a few specimens of G. andrewsii
from the northern part of the state, which have rounded rather
than mucronate corolla lobes, have foliage which suggests intro-
gression of genetic material from G. rubricaulis into G, andrewsii.
One specimen from Minnesota (see footnote 4) and one from
Wisconsin cited below appear almost certainly to be hybrids be¬
tween these two species. Their vegetative organs and calyces re¬
semble those of G. rubricaulis. Their corolla lobes, smaller than
those of G, rubricaulis, are about 2.5 mm long. Their appendages
are longer than those of G. rubricaulis and more lacerate. The
1964]
Pringle — Wisconsin Flora, No, 52
281
corollas appear to have been nearly closed. Their color, which is
well preserved, is a deep violet, the petals themselves darker and
bluer than their appendages.
Wisconsin: Bayfield Co.: popple — white cedar and sandy beach
of L. Superior along Boyd Creek, e of road 13, s of Barksdale,
Zimmerman, Ugent & Weber s.n., 8 Sept ,1959 (WIS).
The name Gentiana saponaria has occasionally been applied to
various Gentiana hybrids of the United States (Mason, C. T., in
Brittonia 10:40-43, 1959), True G. saponaria L. is a southeastern
species, readily distinguished from any of these hybrids by its dark
green leaves, which are widest near the middle, by its oblanceolate
to spatulate calyx lobes, and by its bright blue, ventricose corolla. It
has not been collected in Wisconsin, but approaches the state line
rather closely in northeastern Illinois.
Literature Cited
Mason, C. T. 1965. Preliminary Report on the Flora of Wisconsin No. 53. Gen-
lianaceae-Gentian Family and Menyanthaceae-Buckbean Family. Transact.
Wise. Acad. Sci., Arts, and Letters (in manuscript).
Postscript
The following collections of G. X hilling tonii were inadvertently left out of
text and map: Dane Co.: Madison, T. O. Hale s. n. ca. 1860 (WIS). Pierce Co.:
River Falls, Weinzirl s.n. Sept. 23, 1892 (WIS).
OFFICERS OF THE WISCONSIN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES,
ARTS AND LETTERS
President
Walter E. Scott
Assistant to the Director
Conservation Department
State of Wisconsin
Vice-President (Sciences)
John Thomson
Professor of Botany
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Vice-President (Arts)
William Earners
Assistant Superintendent of
Schools
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Vice-President ( Letters )
Walker D. Wyman
President
Wisconsin State University,
Whitewater
President-Elect
Harry Hayden Clark
Professor of English
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Secretary
Eugene M. Roark
Conservation Department
State of Wisconsin
Treasurer
David J. Behling
Northwestern Mutual Life Ins. Co.
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Librarian
S. Janice Kee
Secretary
Free Library Commission
Madison, Wisconsin
APPOINTED OFFICIALS OF THE ACADEMY
Editor — Transactions
Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr.
Department of Speech
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Editor — Wisconsin Academy Review
Chairman — Junior Academy of Science
Jack R. Arndt
Extension Division
University of Wisconsin-Madison
THE ACADEMY COUNCIL
The Academy Council includes the above named officers and officials and
the following past presidents of the Academy,
Paul W. Boutwell
A. W. Schorger
H. A. Schuette
L. E. Noland
Otto L. Kowalke
Katherine G. Nelson
Ralph N. Buckstaff
Joseph G. Baier
Stephen F. Darling
Robert J. Dicke
Henry Meyer
Merritt Y. Hughes
Carl Welty
J. Martin Klotsche
Aaron J. Ihde
Cover Design by Art Division
Democrat Printing Company
Madison, Wisconsin
Additional copies of this monograph are available at $2.50 per copy from
Walter E. Scott, 1721 Hickory Drive, Madison, Wisconsin 53705
Volume LIII
Part A
1964
GOODWIN F. BERQUIST, JR.
Editor
1
This publication was made possible through the generous
financial assistance of Dr. Harry Steenbock, Patron of the
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, Emeritus
Professor of Biochemistry at the University of Wisconsin,
and Founder of the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation.
ii
THE NATURAL RESOURCES
OF NORTHERN WISCONSIN
A Wisconsin Academy Profile
A special monograph based upon a series of addresses on
natural resources presented at the 94th Annual Meeting of
the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters,
Wausau, Wisconsin
May 1-3, 1964
OFFICERS OF THE WISCONSIN ACADEMY OF
SCIENCES, ARTS AND LETTERS
President
Walter E. Scott
Conservation Department
State of Wisconsin
Vice-President (Sciences)
John W. Thomson
Department of Botany
University of Wisconsin-Madison
V ice-President ( Arts )
William Earners
Assistant Superintendent
Milwaukee Public Schools
V ice-President ( Letters )
Walker D. Wyman
President
Wisconsin State University,
Whitewater
President-Elect
Harry Hayden Clark
Department of English
University of Wisconsin-Madison ,
Secretary
Eugene M. Roark
Conservation Department
State of Wisconsin
Treasurer
David J. Behling
Northwestern Mutual Life Ins.
Co.
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Librarian
S. Janice Kee
Free Library Commission
Madison, Wisconsin
APPOINTED OFFICIALS OF THE ACADEMY
E ditor — T rans actions
Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr.
Department of Speech
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Wisconsin Acadamy Review
Chairman — ^Junior Academy of Science
Jack R. Arndt
Extension Division
University of Wisconsin-Madison
THE ACADEMY COUNCIL
I
The Academy Council includes the above named officers and officials and
the following past presidents of the Academy.
Paul W. Boutwell
A. W. Schorger
H. A. Schuette
L. E. Noland
Otto L. Kowalke
Katherine G. Nelson
Ralph W. Buckstaff
Joseph G. Baier
Stephen F. Darling
Robert J. Dicke
Henry Meyer
Merritt Y. Hughes
Carl Welty
J. Martin Klotsche
Aaron J. Ihde
iv
Table of Contents
PREFACE
IX
THE BRANDYWINE: A WATERSHED AT WORK
1
(Keynote Address)
Clayton M. Hojff
Executive Vice-President, Forward Lands, Inc.
Wilmington, Delaware
WATERSHEDS OF NORTHERN WISCONSIN—
The Wolf River
9
Arthur A. Oehmcke
Fish Management Area Supervisor
Wisconsin Conservation Department
Wayne C. Truax
Game Management Area Supervisor
Wisconsin Conservation Department
Our Neighbor: The Wisconsin River 21
Robert C. Wylie
Vice-President and General Manager
Wisconsin Valley Improvement Company
The Chippewa-Flambeau Rivers 27
Ernest F. Swift
Consultant
National Wildlife Federation
The St. Croix-N amekagon Rivers 35
Sigurd F. Olson
Consultant
U. S. Department of Interior
MINERALS, WATER AND SOILS IN NORTHERN WISCONSIN 41
George F. Hanson
State Geologist and Director
Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey
THE FOREST RESOURCES OF NORTHERN WISCONSIN
John A. Beale
Chief State Forester
Wisconsin Conservation Department
45
v
I
49
LAKE MANAGEMENT FOR RECREATIONAL USES
Edward Schneberger, Superintendent
Research and Planning Division
Wisconsin Conservation Department
C. W. Threinen, Supervisor
Lake and Stream Classification
Wisconsin Conservation Department
SOME ASPECTS OF WILDLIFE AND HUNTING
IN NORTHERN WISCONSIN 57
Robert A. McCabe
Chairman, Department of Wildlife Management
University of Wisconsin-Madison
NORTHWESTERN WISCONSIN RECREATIONAL POTENTIAL 67
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr.
Regional Coordinator
U. S. Department of Interior
THE RESORT INDUSTRY OF WISCONSIN 79
L. G. Monthey
Extension Specialist, Travel-Recreation Industry
University of Wisconsin-Madison
A COMPREHENSIVE LONG-RANGE PLAN FOR RESOURCE
DEVELOPMENT IN NORTHERN WISCONSIN 95
Walter K. Johnson
Deputy Director
Wisconsin Department of Resource Development
AN INDUSTRIAL APPROACH TO RESOURCE MANAGEMENT 101
M. N. Taylor
Executive Director
Trees for Tomorrow, Inc.
Merrill, Wisconsin
NATURAL RESOURCES: A HISTORY IN HUMAN TERMS 105
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.
Director
Wisconsin State Historical Society
L. P. Voigt
Director
Wisconsin Conservation Department
THE SPENT SULPHITE LIQUOR PROBLEM:
PROGRESS REPORT FOR 1963 111
Averill J. Wiley
Technical Director
Sulphite Pulp Manufacturers Research League
Appleton, Wisconsin
VI
119
COMPETITIVE USES OF PUBLIC WATERS
L. A. Posekany
In Charge, Rivers Survey Section
Wisconsin Conservation Department
WILDLIFE HABITAT AND THE MANAGED FOREST 123
Forest W. Stearns
Research Forester
Lake States Forest Experiment Station
Wilham A. Creed
Biologist
Wisconsin Conservation Department
LAND FOR LEARNING: A PROPOSAL FOR A STATE-WIDE
OUTDOOR INTERPRETATION PROGRAM 131
James H. Zimmerman
School Forest NaturaHst
Madison Public Schools
I THE NORTHERN WISCONSIN SETTLER
RELOCATION PROJECT, 1934-1940 135
L. G. Sorden
Assistant to the Director, Agricultural Extension
University of Wisconsin-Madison
^ DETERGENTS IN WISCONSIN SURFACE WATERS 139
Gerald W. Lawton
Professor of Preventive Medicine
State Laboratory of Hygiene
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Theodore F. Wisniewski, Director
and
Richard Zimmerman, Chemist
State Committee on Water Pollution
FORTY YEARS AMONG THE TREES 147
Edward W. Blackford
Wisconsin Tree Expert Company
Wausau, Wisconsin
I
vii
Copies of THE WISCONSIN ACADEMY LOOKS AT
URBANISM, the Academy's 1963 special monograph, are
available at $2.00 per copy through: The University Book¬
store, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, 53211.
vm
Preface
The Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters is a ninety-four
year old society dedicated jointly to original research and to the dissemination
of new knowledge. The Transactions of the Academy is an inter-disciplinary
research annual designed to publicize the original investigations of Academy
members. New knowledge is disseminated from time to time by means of
special monographs like this one.
Mr. Walter Scott, current president of the Academy, suggested the con¬
ference theme of the 1964 Annual Meeting: "‘The Natural Resources of North¬
ern Wisconsin.” The significance of this theme was stressed in memorable
fashion by United States Senator Gaylord Nelson. Among his impromptu re¬
marks to Academy members at the Annual Meeting, Nelson spoke as follows:
... I think the subject matter that you re talking about really is the most
important issue that confronts the country. As long ago as 1906, when Teddy
Roosevelt called the Conference of Governors in Washington, D. C., one of
the lines in his remarks to the governors at that time, more than 50 years ago,
was that the most significant domestic issue in America is the conservation of
our natural resources. He had the foresight to see it then. More than a half
century has gone by and a vast majority of the people in this country don't
recognize it yet. . . . Time is running out on us. I think that unless we move
with some massive programs in the next decade or decade and a half, we
will have lost our opportunity. I think this calls for leadership at all levels
and all walks of life, and the one I’m concerned most about in this field is
the question of political leadership.
The late President Kennedy saw the significance of the problem and last
fall took a conservation tour of the country. I had discussed the idea with him
several times. I told him I thought nothing short of a federal appropriation
of at least a billion dollars a year over and above all the expenditures we are
now making-nothing less than that— would make a significant dent in the
problem of acquisition of park areas, seashore, wilderness areas, and all the
other things we’re concerned about. I think that he was interested and con¬
cerned about it. I told him that I thought probably you’d have trouble with
the Congress on a billion dollars right off the bat, but I thought you could
really get through a 500 million dollar a year bill with 250 million of it for
matching funds to go back to our various conservation departments in the 50
states for development of their own programs.
I think it’s going to require this kind of a massive investment and we’ll
only get it if the public is aroused enough and people like you who are con¬
cerned are able to make the Congress feel the need for this kind of an invest¬
ment. It does seem to me quite a tragedy when we see that it is so easy to pass
ix
other kinds of legislation on the floor of the Senate. I remember last fall, the
day we left on the conservation tour from the White House, to Pennsylvania,
then here to Wisconsin. That day the defense budget came to the floor of the
Senate. That specific budget had 46 billion dollars in it for national defense.
I would have to go back to check the Congressional Record to be exactly ac¬
curate, but my memory is that we spent about 200 minutes on a 46 billion
dollar bill. This is an important investment for the country. But, even though
we passed through the Senate an air pollution bill, a water pollution bill, a
land and water conservation bill, a wilderness bill, all of them have gone to
the House of Representatives where they still sit in a committee without ac¬
tion. No one of these bills really cost very much money and yet you don't see
the public aroused about it. In fact, I got very little mail if any- — oh, a couple
dozen letters — on the wilderness bill. I was on the subcommittee on water and
air pollution — half a dozen letters on that— none on the bill that would raise
additional fimds.
I think that's a failure on the part of all of us to develop the concern and
understanding at the local level which would cause legislative bodies to sup¬
port the kind of appropriations that are necessary ....
It is hoped that this publication will prove useful in the on-going cam¬
paign to conserve America's great and natural resources.
Each of the twenty-one papers which follow was presented during the
course of the Academy's Annual Meeting in May. Each was the work of a
specialist intent upon explaining his area of specialization to the intelHgent
layman. Together the twenty-one form, in the opinion of this writer, an im¬
pressive profile of our natural resources.
Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr. Milwaukee, Wisconsin
K
THE BRANDYWINE: A WATERSHED AT WORK
Clayton M. Hoff^ Executive Vice-President
Forward Lands, Inc.
This is the story of a valley, the Brandywine Valley, and of how people
worked together to make their Valley a better place in which to live, work,
and play.
The Brandywine Valley is not large, only 330 square miles. It is not
heavily populated, only about 200,000 inhabitants. But this Valley has been
important in the political and industrial history of our country and it con¬
tinues to be important because of its remarkable program for the conservation
of natural resources.
It all began back in March, 1945, when thirty-five interested citizens
representing the many varied interests of the Valley met at the Mansion House
Hotel in West Chester, Pennsylvania. The purpose of the meeting was to dis¬
cuss the depletion of natural resources in the region. After seeing, through the
medium of Kodachrome slides, the polluting effect of industrial and sewerage
waste, the decrease in the yields of crops and the lower fertility of the farm¬
land due to soil erosion, the damage done to forests through improper lumber¬
ing, pastoing of woodlots, and forest fires, the diminishing game and wildlife
due to loss of food and shelter, the sacrificing of fishing and other forms of
recreation due to polluted and flooded streams — after seeing all these things
and how they affected the health and welfare of Valley residents, the group
decided to act. A committee was formed to study each of these problems in
depth. Shortly thereafter, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania incorporated the
Brandywine Valley Association, a private, non-profit educational organiza¬
tion concerned wiA the restoration and preservation of natural resources in the
Brandywine watershed.
There was nothing unusual or novel in the procedure thus far unless it
was the effective use of visual education at the group's first meeting. What
became unique were the principles followed in the later program of the Asso¬
ciation. Association members believed that a watershed represented a more
logical unit to work with than a political division. They further felt that it
was the responsibility of the local people of the watershed to initiate and prose¬
cute their own program of conservation. In addition to self-help, every step
was taken to secure the assistance of available local, state, and federal agencies,
especially with respect to technical assistance. The Association digently
avoided competing with any existing agency, but if a needed agency did not
exist, one was created. Another basic principle followed was that work should
be done simultaneously on all problems and all resources. The financial assist¬
ance of every interest in the VaUey was solicited and obtained. Successful
watershed associations elsewhere adhered closely to these same principles.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
1
2
Clayton M. Hoff
As mentioned earlier, the work of the Association is primarily educational.
Broadly interpreted, this includes fact-finding research, the dissemination of
public information, area promotion, and the encouragement of cooperation
among the various agencies working in the watershed. Here are some typical
Association projects: measuring the rainfall, discharge, and silt content of the
Brandywine (by means of a cooperative agreement with the United States
Geological Survey) ; determining the cumulative effects of pollution through a
limnological survey of the Brandywine waters (by means of an agreement with
the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences); measuring the amount of top¬
soil to determine the degree of soil erosion (with the help of the Agricultural
Extension Service and the Soil Conservation Service of the United States De¬
partment of Agriculture); and securing a comprehensive water and land use
survey of the entire Valley (through the help of the Soil Conservation Service,
United States Department of Agriculture) .
In the educational field the Association relied heavily on visual education.
Illustrated talks employing Kodachrome shdes were presented to audiences of
over 700,000. These talks were a very important part of the educational pro¬
gram because they provided speaker flexibility and could be easily kept up-to-
date. To meet the demand for more illustrated talks than the staff was capable
of presenting, a twenty-seven-minute, 16mm. sound-color film, entitled “The
Brandywine — ^A Watershed At Work”, was prepared with the assistance of
the Department of Forests and Waters, the Department of Agriculture of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and the motion picture laboratory of the
Pennsylvania State University. Thirteen prints of this film, distributed both by
the Brandywine Valley Association and the Department of Forests and Waters
of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, have enabled hundreds of organizations
and thousands of people in and out of this watershed to study the program.
The Association for almost all of its lifetime has participated in one conserva¬
tion workshop for teachers and has instigated the formation of two more; one
at the University of Delaware and one at West Chester State Teachers Col¬
lege. These workshops have provided the opportunity for over 100 teachers
each year to study the conservation of natural resources in the field and to
equip themselves for teaching the subject in their schools.
Hundreds of conservation tours have been conducted by Association
staff members, (usually by bus) for teachers, schools, society clubs, service
clubs, civic organizations, educational and other groups.
Among other important educational projects was the Gregory Farm
Demonstration, which was planned in cooperation with the Agricultural Ex¬
tension Service and the local Soil Conservation District. This was a project
in which a rather comprehensive face-lifting program on a farm was wit¬
nessed by over 10,000 people. Similarly, a sanitary landfill demonstration was
arranged in cooperation with four townships. Hundreds of people could see
and study the various new methods of rubbish and garbage disposal.
The “Watershed News”, a quarterly publication of the Association,
is regularly sent to all of the 2,000 members. Other Association publications
are distributed from time to time. The staff has presented weekly and monthly
radio broadcasts, and telecasts are arranged to cover interesting events or
activities of the Association. In fact, the Association has maintained a con-
The Brandywine: A Watershed At Work
3
tinuous educational or public information program, using all available media
ever since its founding.
Once the need for a non-existent organization was determined, the Asso¬
ciation took steps to help the local people secure one. Thus was formed the
Soil Conservation District for Chester County. Its staff has cooperated with
both the New Castle County, Delaware, Soil Conservation District and the
Chester County Soil Conservation District in a broad program to combat ero¬
sion and improve farm practices and yields.
Likewise, sensing that little progress could be made on reduction of pollu¬
tion in Delaware unless that state had some pure stream laws, steps were taken
to prepare a Pure Stream Bill for Delaware, and the Association assisted in
its passage by the Legislature and since has cooperated with the Water Pollu¬
tion Commission of Delaware and the Sanitary Water Board of Pennsylvania
in the reduction of pollution from industrial and sewage waste.
In order to improve the harvesting of forest products from farm wood-
lots in the Brandywine Valley, the Association promoted the organization of
Woodland Products, Inc., and Forestry Services, Inc. A cooperative sawmill
was soon in operation.
For a more thorough study of the present and future needs of water
supplies in the Valley, the Association organized the Brandywine Water Re¬
sources Committee, membership of which consists of the major water users of
the entire Valley. This committee directed the survey of the present and
future needs for water in the Valley, the water now available, and the means
for reconciling the two.
The Association has worked very closely with all the schools and col¬
leges in this area and has participated in many local, state, interstate, and
■ national meetings and activities with mutually profitable benefits. It has co¬
operated directly and indirectly with most community, township, county, state,
and federal agencies. It has fostered the interest and support of other organ¬
izations in conservation activities, such as interesting the Chester County
Bankers Association and the Delaware Bankers Association in sponsoring and
financing the Future Farmers of America Annual Conservation Contest.
A rather comprehensive evaluation of the results of the activities of the
Association was made after the first ten-year period of its existence. As of
October 1955, over 55% of the farms were under conservation plans with Soil
Conservation Districts and 70% of the farms were following good conservation
practices. Over 20,000 acres were in contour strips and some 18,000 acres had
been converted to grassland farming. The conservation activities included over
thirteen miles of diversion terraces and 145 new farm ponds, with the result
that the runoflF has been reduced by about 30%, as measured by our series of
rain gage, flow-gage and silt-sampling stations. There has been over a 60%
reduction in silt discharge. As a result of conservation practices and better
farming methods, there has been a 37% increase in farm income in the Valley
during this period.
Insofar as forestry is concerned, over 2,200 acres of woodlots were har¬
vested under the supervision of a farm forester and over one and one half mil¬
lion new trees, planted in reforestation projects. While the woodlot owner has
been the greatest beneficiary. Forestry Services, Inc. and Woodland Products,
4 Clayton M. Hojf
Inc. both have prospered and are continually expanding and rendering greater
service to the community.
Due to a decrease in the pasturing of forests, the burning of woodlots,
and the burning of grass, and also due to the fact that over twenty-one miles
of multiflora rose living fences have been planted, game and wildlife have
increased.
With the creation of the Delaware Water Pollution Commission, progress
has been rapid in the reduction of pollution. The City of Wilmington has spent
$18,000,000 on a new sewage treatment plant and other communities in the
Valley have spent $4,000,000 on expanding or improving their plant facihties.
Valley industries have spent over $1,100,000 on waste disposal equipment.
The net result of this is that there is now installed in the Valley equipment for
handling about 95% of the sewage and industrial waste. Of course, this means
that fishing is rapidly getting better in the Brandywine, not to mention the
additional fishing in the farm ponds. Facilities for recreation are rapidly im¬
proving. The water of the Brandywine is now classified as a satisfactory source
of domestic water supply by the Water Pollution Commission of Delaware in
their report dated June 24, 1954.
Water Supply and Flood Control Project
There was a definite reason for reporting the progress for the first ten
years ending with 1955, for about this time there occurred a considerable
change in the Association’s major activities. This was precipitated by two
years of severe drought periods and by a period of two years in which exten¬
sive drought and flood damages were experienced. Industries were forced to
curtail production, citizens of communities where the municipal water supply
was low were requested to refrain from washing cars, sprinkling lawns, etc.,
and many farmers, in order to salvage their withering crops, resorted to sup¬
plemental irrigation thus decreasing the level of water in the wells and the
flow of water in the streams. Following these periods of drought there were
usually torrential rains resulting in terrific flood damage again to industry, com¬
munity and to agricultural land, not to mention highways, utilities and water
supplies.
The extremes of these conditions can be best illustrated by referring to
the flow measurements at the dam of the Wilmington water supply intake. For
several days the flow of the Brandywine was below 38,000,000 gallons per
day, of which industry consumed 5,000,000 (normal consumption 15,000,000
gallons per day) and the City of Wilmington 33,000,000 gallons per day,
leaving not a trickle flowing over the Water Works dam. In fact, children were
using it for a playground. Then— -the cloudburst^ — ^and approximately 10 bil¬
lion gallons of water went over this same dam in two and a half days, enough
to supply the City of Wilmington for almost one whole year. It was obvious
that we were not managing our water as well as we should. The simple answer
was to save some of this water during flood periods and use it during periods
of drought. This led to a comprehensive Water Supply and Flood Control
Project for the Brandywine VaUey.
Preliminary surveys, made by staflF members, soon indicated that this job
was one far beyond the facilities of the Association. Assistance on flood damage
The Brandywine: A Watershed At Work
5
BRANDYWINE WATER SUPPLY AND FLOOD CONTROL PROJECT
surveys was requested from the Soil Conservation Service under the provisions
of Public Law 566, and help was asked from the Department of Forests and
Waters of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for determining the present and
future requirements for water supplies for all users in the Brandywine Valley.
The surveys were soon extended to determine the structures necessary and the
cost thereof to establish a satisfactory degree of flood control and to provide
for storage of water and downstream releases to meet the needs of community,
industry, agricultural irrigation, and recreation for fifty years in the future.
Engineering-wise, this project resolved itself into twelve structures quite
well-distributed throughout the upper part of the Brandywine Valley. Seven
of these structures were primarily for flood control, with supplemental recrea-
6
Clayton M, Hoff
tional facilities, and five were primarily for water supply, but including recrea¬
tion and flood control facilities and to be operated as multipurpose reservoirs.
The gratifying part about this project was the assurance by the Soil Con¬
servation Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture that it would build
the flood control reservoirs, and by the Department of Forests and Waters of
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania that it would build and operate the water
supply reservoirs, if the local people of the Valley would purchase the neces¬
sary land, acquire the easements, and stand the cost of the necessary relocation
of utilities, such as highways, raihoads, pipehnes, telephone, and power lines.
The total cost of this comprehensive Water Supply and Flood Control
Project for the Brandywine Valley is estimated at $11,445,600 and the sug¬
gested distribution of this cost is as follows:
Local People of the Valley . . . $3,824,800
State of Pennsylvania ............................ 6,122,600
Federal Government (S.C.S., U.S.D.A.) .............. 1,498,200
At first glance the cost to the local people (almost $4,000,000) seems like
a large amount but, on the basis of a twenty-year amortization, it is believed
that this project would cost the local people $1.00 per year, per person, over
a period of twenty years, which is pretty low cost water supply and flood
protection.
This project would provide two things-— flood protection and water sup¬
ply — ^flood protection to the extent of a reduction of 77% of the existing flood
damages in the Valley, and water supply in the amount of fifty-five million addi¬
tional gallons per day. Now there would be enough water even for a 90-day pe¬
riod of drought in the vicinity of Coatesville, Downingtown and West Chester
and almost this amount at Wilmington. In other words, water supplies would
now be ample to meet the needs of industry, community, agriculture, and rec¬
reation for fifty years in the future. Currently progress is being made on this
project on aU fronts.
Financing. Bonding Houses have been consulted and they speak very
optimistically about the financing of this project by issuing bonds at moderate
rates of interest. In fact, they have stated that the multipurpose features of this
project are somewhat novel in the financing field and strongly appeal to them.
Legal. The commissioners of one of the counties involved indicate that
they are agreeable to creating an authority for implementing this project if
they are assured of the cooperation of all principal interests in the watershed,
or more correctly stated, the principal beneficiaries. Conferences between the
Attorneys General of the two States and other state ofiicials representing de¬
partments or commissions involved have indicated the desirability of an in¬
terstate compact between the States of Delaware and Pennsylvania for man¬
aging the water supplies on the interstate streams. The participation of the
various communities in this project does not seem to involve any unsolvable
legal problems.
Legislative. The proposed interstate compact, once prepared, must be
passed by the legislatures of both states and sent to Washington for approval
by Congress before it becomes effective. Furthermore, it seems essential tiiat
The Brandywine: A Watershed At Work
7
a Water Resources Commission be established for the State of Delaware in
order that the State may have one official body responsible for the water re¬
sources, who would also have the responsibility of cooperating with similar
official commissions in other states. Delaware at present lacks the counterpart
of the Department of Forests and Waters of Pennsylvania. However, Senate
Bill #81, providing for a Delaware Water Resources Commission has been
prepared as a result of almost three years' study and will soon be introduced
into the legislature for action. While this matter is not as urgent in Pennsyl¬
vania, there is need for additional water rights legislation in the Common¬
wealth and steps are being taken to remedy this situation.
Allocation of costs. Carrying out one of the basic philosophies of the As¬
sociation — that the cost of such a beneficial project should be shared by those
benefiting and in proportion to the benefits — studies are now being directed
to determine more accurately the relative benefits of flood control and water
supply to each of the beneficiaries, and to apportion the costs of the respective
projects.
Engineering. When the allocation of costs has been accepted, authorities
created, and the method of financing approved, a start will be made on the
detailed design engineering. Then contractor bids will be made, subject to
legislative approval, authorizations and appropriations. Only after all these
steps will construction work be started.
While of economic necessity, most of the land involved must be pur¬
chased or optioned now, the period of completion of all stages of this project
may be extended over a period of ten, fifteen or even twenty years, depending
upon rate of demand due to increased populations, expanded industries, etc.
When completed, this project will provide urgently needed water sup-
pHes, flood control and recreational facilities for the people of the Brandy¬
wine Valley. This project is but one more example of the power of people
working together and the benefits of constructive community action on a
watershed basis.
The Brandywine has been important in the nation's political and indus¬
trial history. The people of the Brandywine Valley are now building the future
history of the Valley.
ii:
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THE WOLF RIVER
Arthur A. Oehmcke, Fish Management Area Supervisor
Wayne C. Truax, Game Management Area Supervisor
Wisconsin Conservation Department
Introduction
The early picture of northern Wisconsin, so aptly portrayed by our state
historians, largely reflects the beginning of the development of the entire
Wolf River Basin. This river system was an integral part of the mass resource
exploitation (otherwise categorized as ‘progress”) for which men labored in
the pineries of Forest, Langlade and Shawano Counties, and then in the fields
and factories after the wood was gone.
As a major tributary to the Fox-Winnebago waterway, the Wolf River
Basin was first traversed by French explorers, fm- traders and missionaries, all
compatriots of Jean Nicolet who came to the Green Bay area in 1634. After
the French (1763) and then the English (1815) relinquished control of the
region, the first Wisconsin settlers moved into the upper Wolf River Basin.
The first permanent white settlement appeared at the outlet of Shawano
Lake in 1843. Here, Charles D. Wescott contructed a sawmill for Samuel
Farnsworth. The sawmill was adjacent to the site of “Shawanaw”, then an
Indian village on the Wolf River. This point in upper Wolf River history was
important to the economic expansion of the Fox-Winnebago area which is
importantly linked to the lower Wolf.
Steamboats and other river navigation on the lower Wolf during 1849 to
1854 were instrumental in spearheading settlement and, subsequently, the
fabulous logging operations on the central and upper Wolf River Basin.
Wolf River log drives reached their destination at Lake Poygan where
timber companies made up rafts of logs which were floated to Oshkosh. In
1873, at the peak of logging, 217,000,000 board feet of lumber were sawed in
mills in Oshkosh, which was properly named the “Sawdust City”.
The entire length of the Wolf River was utilized for the transportation of
saw logs. Remnants of small impounding structures and rafting dams, con¬
structed in the mid-19th century at fifteen different sites on the main stream
to flush logs over shallow stretches, are witness to the extent to the early log
drives.
Not all saw timber was driven downstream to Lake Poygan. Railroad and
wagon road penetration into the upper watershed by 1870 and 1880 aided in
the development of local mills at Hiles, Lily, White Lake, Red River, Langlade,
Pearson and many other sites on the main stream and tributaries.
The reputation of the upper Wolf River system as prime trout water is
weU established. Before the turn of the century this region was the destination
for anglers from many midwestem states. Trout fishing on the West Branch of
the Wolf River is described in an article in the magazine Forest and Stream,
by Dr. Alfred Hinde of Chicago, in 1894. Dr. Hinde reported his railroad trip
to Matoon, via Oshkosh and Aniwa, where he
Drove by team to Phlox (a distance of four miles). Went half way
toward W. Branch of Wolf. Two miles through virgin woods to an
Wia. Acad. TRANS. Vol 53 (Part A) 1964
9
10
Arthur A. Oehmcke and Wayne C. Truax
Indian sugar camp on the Menominee Indian Reservation . . . Found
fishing rough, fighting brush, mosquitoes, etc. Stream had to be
waded, too deep at some places. Had to use worms, fly fishing im¬
practical. First day 95 trout . . . 334 trout in 312 days (3 men) —
largest I/2 poimds. Found the trout small, the river diflBcult to fish
and too inaccessible for comfort.
Thus, even virgin fishing had its critics. But its supporters frequented the inns,
fishing camps and small hotels in nearby sawmill towns and the city of Antigo.
Although initially dependent on the upper watershed, the later economy
of the Lower Wolf-Fox-Winnebago area experienced a different trend in
growth resulting, in the main, from its geographic position. The proximity to
the fertile bottom lands of Wisconsin's Central Plain, to low cost transportation
and, consequently, necessary raw materials, were among more important
factors of opportunity which were eagerly seized by the early citizens of this
locahty. Their initiative is well documented and presently in evidence by the
great complex of paper mills in the adjacent Fox River Valley and the prosper¬
ing urban areas between Oshkosh and Green Bay.
The economy of the upper Wolf River Basin transformed directly from
pioneer land clearing and lumbering to dairying. There was no intermediate
wheat growing era prior to implementation of dairying as in the more southern
counties of the state. The watershed of the upper Wolf has not prospered at
the same rate and to the same extent as the larger area of its lower basin. But,
the lack of natural resource “development” in the upper watershed might
possibly be considered a blessing to the state as a whole. Many of the
original natural endowments on the upper Wolf have not been obliterated or
despoiled although some have been considerably altered. Thus, many features
and resources remain for our wise use and/or enjoyment; some by chance,
others by deliberation.
The River
Several characteristics of the Wolf River are common to other classic
Wisconsin streams. The precipitous drop of the central Wolf is duplicated on
the Menominee, Popple, Pine and Peshtigo Rivers. The Wolf River has a total
vertical drop from source to mouth of 903 feet, contrasted with the 1,018
foot fall of the Peshtigo River.
The Northern Highland ground moraine gives birth to the Chippewa-
Flambeau, Brule-Menominee and the Wolf River systems. From this gravel-
covered granite perch, all four streams flow down to lowland areas of the
Mississippi River and Lake Michigan.
The Wolf tumbles, riffles and meanders through 220 miles of terrain of
eight counties from its source in Little Pine Creek north of Hiles, less than
twenty-five miles from the Wisconsin-Michigan boundary, to Lake Poygan.
The forested headwaters of the Wolf are distinctly slow moving. Not until the
Wolf has coursed through about twelve miles of northern Langlade County
does it begin its spectacular lurch to Keshena Falls. In this stretch alone the
Wolf descends nearly 700 feet.
After leaving tne granitic-crystalline upland, the pace of the Wolf slows
down considerably, falling only about fifty feet in its 100-mile course from
Shawano to Lake Winneconne.
(3^ WAYKA RIPS
® KESHENA FALLS DAM
® HIGHWAY KESHENA, WIS.
@ SHAWANO HYDRO¬
ELECT. PLANT
RED RIVER
SHAWANO LAKE OUTLET
SHAWANO DAM
SEMPLES BRIDGE
SCHROENROCK
LAKE CREEK
Wolf River Profile
MENOMINEE, LANGLADE
AND SHAWANO COUNTIES
HOR. SCALES EACH SQUARE— 6 MILES
VER. SCALE; EACH SQUARE = 40 FEET
12
Arthur A. Oehmcke and Wayne C. Truax
Gauging stations on the Wolf River operated by the United States Geo¬
logical Survey for nearly fifty years indicate an erratic flow from seasonal high
water levels caused by prolonged periods of precipitation and heavy runoff.
During drought years (viz. 1961-1964), the level of the lower Wolf drops
to such an extent that walleye and northern pike are prevented from reaching
their natural spawning marshes. The average volume of flow in the Woff
River is 1,734 cubic feet per second. Annual precipitation in the watershed
varies from an annual high average of 43 inches to a low of 23 inches.
Fish populations in the lower warm water sections include game fish,
panfish and rough fish. The more important species of these groups are lake
sturgeon, walleye, largemouth bass, northern pike, white bass, catfish, perch,
bullheads, crappies, bluegill, carp, sucker, sheepshead, eelpout, and garfish.
The fishing in the Wolf above Keshena Falls for a distance of sixty miles
consists predominantly of brown trout, but rainbow and brook trout are taken
early and late in the season.
Another warm water fishery exists at the headwaters and is made up of
species similar to those found in the lower Wolf with the exception of the
sturgeon, white bass, catfish, sheepshead and carp. While muskellunge are
present in the lower Wolf, they are much more abundant in the headwaters,
particularly in the Post Lake area.
The flat, expansive flood plain of the Wolf River below Shawano and the
characteristics heterogeneous habitats in the sub-watersheds provides a variety
of wildlife species for hunting and observation. Deer and grouse are abundant
while farm game occupies the habitat along the forest edges. About 27% of
the 1,169,720 acres in the lower basin is forested, amounting to 316,650 acres.
The remainder is made up of extensive open wetlands, largely incapable of
being drained, and farmland. Thousands of acres are in fur farms for the
production and harvest of muskrats, mink and otter. The degrees of manage¬
ment vary greatly, depending on the resources of the private owner, the natural
attributes of the land and the fur market.
Waterfowl traditionally use the lower Wolf in their spring and fall migra¬
tions. Summer residents are largely teal and mallards, and other species occa¬
sionally nest along the sloughs, in the muskrat ditches, and on the shores of
the adjacent lakes.
A discussion of the scenic and aesthetic values of the Wolf River generates
another encore to that splendid central portion with its white water, foaming
cascades and the beautiful gorges in Menominee County called the Dalles.
Hardly any other Wisconsin canoe route offers a trip on one of the more im¬
portant trout streams which, in Langlade and Menominee Counties, is con¬
sidered to be one of the state’s most scenic, exciting, rugged and dangerous.
The precaution that it is not recommended for inexperienced canoemen is
sufficient commendation for this stream. To comfort present day "voyageurs”,
numerous unimproved campsites are found on the river along with adequate
put-in and take-out spots. Since no rapids or dams are found in the lower
stretch of the Wolf, a trip in this section is ideal for novice canoeists.
One must indulge in fishing, canoeing, boating or hiking to appreciate
to its fullest extent 5ie beauty of the Wolf River. The northern hardwood
stands and age-old conifers lining its banks, have already disappeared from
most Wisconsin streams.
The Wolf River
13
An erroneous reputation of being the least “dammed” stream in the state
has been awarded the Wolf. Actually, there are five dams upstream from the
City of Shawano. The Shawano, Upper Shawano, and Keshena dams are used
for electric power generation and have a capacity of 1,590 kilowatts. The Post
Lake and Little Rice Flowage dams in Langlade and Forest Counties are pri¬
marily recreational and water storage reservoirs.
The Feeders
Six major tributaries drain the 3,750 square miles of the Wolf River Basin.
The post-glacial drainage pattern displayed by the Evergreen, Red, West
Branch, Little Wolf, and Embarrass Rivers on the west and northwest portions
of the basin account for most of the runoff from this large area. Only the small
subwatershed of the Shioc River is of any consequence east of the main stream.
The contribution of the Lily River and Nine Mile Creek in the upper Wolf
River of Langlade County is significant to the trout management program of
the upper river system.
All of the Wolfs feeder streams have their origin in springs, spring seeps
and natural exposed aquifers in the glacial sands and gravels. The fact that
nearly every stream in the feeder system sustains a trout population confirms
the quality of the water.
With several exceptions, almost all branches of the Wolf have moderate
to high gradients. However, spruce-cedar shelves on the Nine Mile, Evergreen
and Lily have provided excellent locations for beaver to impound water.
Thus, problems in management programs develop since the feeder
streams, with very few exceptions, are high grade trout waters. An increasing
trend in beaver populations is occurring on the headwaters of the sand country
streams of Waupaca and Shawano Counties. Beaver numbers in the forested
portions of the upper watershed are gradually being controlled through special
regulatory management.
Among the best producers of trout, the Wolfs tentacles in Waupaca and
Waushara Counties are heavily fished for trout and are noted for their high
capacity for natural reproduction. The reputation of the Tomorrow, Little
Wolf, White and Waupaca Rivers for their ability to maintain themselves
without stocking are a few examples.
Northern feeder streams of some repute include the Evergreen River, Nine
Mile Creek, Spring Creek, and the Hunting River. Because of past extensive
beaver damage, these streams are not as productive as they were in previous
years. They are nonetheless meeting present fishermen demands by a heavy
“put and take” trout stocking and stream habitat improvement program.
Many miles of scenic tributary waterways can still be found on the Wolf
watershed but farming, logging and general habitat changes have transferred
the present feeder stream scene from one of continuous stream cover to a
broken pattern of farm-woods-field. Exceptions, of course, appear on the main
stem and branches of the West Branch of the Wolf, the Red and Evergreen
Rivers in Menominee County. Here, the preservation of wilderness and at¬
tendant values to a stream are demonstrated in Wisconsin’s last big timber
stand.
Even though the main Wolf can boast of fewer dams than other state
streams of similar size and importance, not as much can be said of its feeders.
The Wolf River
15
This fact is particularly true of the Embarrass River where five dams have been
built and still operate. Ponds in back of these barriers support, for the most
part, warm water fish populations. Constructed originally for sawing lumber
and grinding feed, they no longer serve such purposes. Most sites have been
used as hydro-electric plants but several have been abandoned in the past
fifteen years.
In their entirety, the 1,352 miles of feeder streams, making up the sub¬
watersheds of the upper Wolf River, drain 790,041 acres, or 32.3 per cent of
the 2,438,900 acres in the watershed as a whole and offer varying character¬
istics. Those in the upper portion of the watershed originate in forested sub¬
watersheds which provides habitat for typical forest game species including
deer, ruffed grouse and snowshoe hares.
Watersheds which the feeders drain, and which are west of the main
stem of the Wolf River below Menominee County also have typical forest
game species. Marginal farming and other factors produce a bio-ecological
complex conducive to forming habitats occupied by a greater variety of game
species including farm game along with forest species.
East of the main stem the sub-watersheds are fewer and larger, draining
better soils. Forest cover is lacking and farming is more predominating than
elsewhere in the Wolf River Basin. This gives rise to farm game habitats with
forest species in the more or less isolated forest coverts. Wildlife is less abun¬
dant in this region than elsewhere in the basin, but the area has considerable
potential as will be discussed later.
The Lakes
Three significant inland lake areas appear in the Langlade, Menominee,
Shawano and Waupaca County portions of the Wolf River Basin. There are
over 400 lakes of glacial origin which vary in size from several acres to over
10,000 acres, but most contain less than 100 acres of surface area. Lakes
Poygan and Shawano are the largest and the most prominent natural lakes in
the Wolf watershed. They are also classified among the twenty largest lakes
in the state.
The nature of the substrate from the northern to the southern extremes of
the basin influences the fertility of the lakes. Those lakes formed in or adjacent
to glacial drift containing limestone and dolomite, or near sedimentary rocks
of a calcareous nature, have a high proportion of nutrients. The crystalhne-
granite sands and gravel of the northern section of the watershed contribute
hardly any material of a soluble nature and as a result the lakes in this region
are not very fertile and consequently less productive. Generally speaking, the
clarity and lower temperatures of the water in the northern lakes make them
highly desirable for water recreation activities whereas the lower watershed
lakes warm up considerably and, due to their higher fertility, lack the clarity
desired for general water-centered activity except fishing.
All fish species listed for the north and south sections of the main Wolf
River are also common to lakes of these sectors of the river basin.
Thus, the factor of fertility points up the productivity of the lakes in the
basin, and, although there is danger in any generalization, one can safely say
that good fish producing areas are generally found in the better farming areas.
16
Arthur A. Oehmcke and Wayne C. Truax
Forests and Lands
Almost all of the original forest is gone from the Wolf watershed but a
remarkable recovery has taken place in the present woodland area which
covers about 46% of the entire Wolf River Basin. Agriculture, urban areas,
water and highways absorb the remaining surface area.
Our foresters tell us that this region contains over 1,000,000 acres of com¬
mercial forest land, 61% of which is privately owned by small landowners.
The only remaining choice pine is found in Menominee County, but these
species have been replaced in other counties predominantly by dense hard¬
woods and aspens. Mixed hardwoods and lowland hardwoods in the lower
portion of the basin and oak in the sandy, well-drained soils of the western
section is typical. Farming is the major land use in the southern half of the
watershed with livestock and livestock products the more important source of
farm cash income.
The use of lake and stream frontage for rest and recreation has grown
considerably. Much river frontage on the main Wolf north and south of
Shawano has been platted and is being sold and developed. Many small land
parcels have been acquired by trout fishermen and hunters on this extensive
water system. Riparian lands in public ownership on this river show a much
healthier ratio to private holdings in Forest, Oneida and northern Langlade
Counties. South of the village of Hollister, however, the picture changes
drastically and private ownership of downstream river frontage runs higher
progressively.
Highways to all portions of the river basin are not only adequate but of
excellent quality. General public access facilities to the Wolf ranges from fair
to good except for Menominee Enterprises, Inc. lands in Menominee County.
Access to major lakes is fair but is poor to non-existent on many lakes under
100 acres.
The People
Census figures from 1960 show that the human population of the Wolf
watershed has decreased by nearly 3,000 people since 1950. This decrease
appears to parallel similar rural area population trends in Wisconsin and the
United States.
The various sectors of the river basin have very low population densities.
Only 2,600 people, mostly Menominee Indians, inhabit Menominee County,
one of the less populated vicinities in this river system.
Problems and Potential
During periods of abnormal rainfall, high water has created an incessant
problem in the lower Wolf River and damaging floods, particularly in the New
London area. The Corps of Engineers of the United States Army contend that
most lower Wolf River lands will flood because of the nearly flat slopes of the
river’s natural cross section and that the high flow during flood stages cannot
help but spread out over the lowlands below Leeman. While this may be con¬
sidered a problem, it perhaps is not greater in scope than any other lowland
river area. The frequency of flooding leaves one to speculate that possibly
changes in land use and land use patterns and less emphasis on river channel
The Wolf River
17
improvement would be eflFective and economical. It is noted that only 39,000
acres of the total watershed area are subject to floods. It would appear that
local planning could devise some system of eliminating areas of this type with¬
out creating additional problems throughout the watershed.
Paradoxically, drought influence on trout habitat and the effect of irrigation
during periods of low rainfall present as much of a dilemma to administrators
as the flood situation in the lower watershed. Low flows and excessive irrigation
on feeder streams have caused warning of water and destruction of trout
habitat.
The anxiety of the people in the more economically distressed areas of
Forest and northern Langlade County to broaden their tax base and “develop”
has generally led to problems in “over-development” and destruction of fish
habitat along lake and stream banks. The cover in many instances has been
ruined in the so-called “cleanup” of stream banks and lake shores and has
resulted in a look of artificiality. When one considers that there are over 150
spring seeps and spring ponds on the Wolf River from the County A bridge
to the Menominee County line, it is understandable that the problem must be
acted upon at once.
The development of the upper watershed has also been challenged by
well-meaning individuals who feel that the construction of a dam will pro¬
vide greater water recreation opportunity regardless of the general nature of
the impoundment. It is understandable from the planner’s viewpoint and the
governmental officials’ outlook that extremely heavy use and increased public
traffic will be the picture in the future. The recent controversy over the pro¬
posal to establish a dam on a slow-moving portion of the Upper Wolf River and
more recently the proposal to establish a dam in the Leeman area has aroused
the ire of many sportsmen and other individuals who feel that the quality of
the remaining stretches of the Wolf River, which now run unimpeded, will be
injured. The proponents contend that the deleterious effects to the other por¬
tions of the Wolf River will be minimal and the benefits from new impound¬
ments will far outweigh any damaging effects. The Wisconsin Conservation
Commission has opposed the construction of such dams on the basis that trout
values would be ruined on the upper Wolf and spawning migrations of stur¬
geon and other species of game fish on the lower Wolf would be lost and
the effects would be felt on the Winnebago-Fox area as well.
It is obvious that increased boat traffic will create additional demands on
the river. It is hoped that unnecessary speed and excessive horsepower can be
held to a minimum so that there will be no menace to future canoeing, on the
lower Wolf particularly.
Feeders to the Wolf River are generally the problem areas and will con¬
tinue to be plagued with problems of pollution, destruction of land cover and
irrigation. Although the main stem of the Wolf provides the name and the
glamor, trouble usually centers on the feeder streams. The pollution from
creameries, cheese factories and in some instances municipalities has made
it necessary for the State committee on water pollution to issue orders for
cleanup. This was accomplished in 1951, and it appears that good compliance
is being made. On the brighter side, it has already been mentioned that the
future of trout fishing, particularly in the sand country area, is improving. This
outlook is enhanced by the land acquisition program on the feeder streams in
18
Arthur A. Oehmcke and Wayne C. Truax
these areas. If the construction of dams can be prevented and cover can be
restored and protected, it is quite evident that stabihzed flows and improved
quality of water would be a reality.
What the future might offer for lake areas in the upper watershed is dem¬
onstrated by the intensive development around Shawano Lake and the more
southerly lakes of the basin. Future demands on water recreation will be just
as intense in this watershed in the future as it is in the more populous localities
of the state today. Fewer people appear to be in pursuit of fishing opportu¬
nities, and the quest for swimming, sight-seeing, and relaxation is being
substituted.
While the lakes furnish about 8 times more water area in the basin, the
larger streams offer much more available frontage and hence will require
zoning or some other control measures to provide for protection as well as
orderly development.
Natural inland lakes cannot be replaced by artificial impoundments. The
creation of artificial water areas generates additional problems of warming and
siltation. This should be avoided.
Present forest inventory information on the watershed shows a real po¬
tential for increasing tree growth rates to one half cord per acre per year.
Foresters claim a step-up of this nature could provide most of the wood for
Fox River Valley mills.
In order to realize the full potential of the forest lands, woodland grazing
— ^presently a number one offender — ^must be curtained drastically.
The well-forested watershed will retard runoff, promote infiltration and
generally contribute to improvement of the economy.
Wildlife management is conducted as a two-pronged attack, using both
public and private funds. The long-range objective is public ownership of
some 10,000 acres consisting of the larger wetland areas offering choice de¬
velopment possibilities. These are to serve for demonstration as well as public
hunting grounds and resting areas. Waterfowl and furbearers will be given
top priority along with other resident species which occupy the edges. Water
control and manipulation by gravity or pumping is planned.
Private wildhfe management is a vast untapped potential in the water¬
shed. The key to exploiting this tremendous resource is—technical advice!
Game management planning and supervision is underway on more than a
dozen private projects.
In summary we envision a network of strategically located public areas
surrounded by numerous satelhte management projects, privately owned. All of
the game habitats mentioned are within an hour’s drive of the populous lower
Fox River Valley. Accessibility, along with the excellent wildlife potential of
the basin, will make the Wolf River Basin an increasingly important hunting
area.
Pressures from increased population in and near urban centers outside
the Wolf watershed are being felt. The cry is for more recreational
“lebensraum” and for more freedom in achieving it. Such forces are met with
counter-pressure from within the river basin to “broaden the tax base” by sub¬
dividing private lands and platting. Interior forces in the watershed are also
The Wolf River
19
active in coercing town and county boards to release desirable watershed
frontage land for private acquisition.
Much ready capital is needed to stimulate and carry out long-range pro¬
grams for forest plantations, woodland management, resort and service busi¬
ness development and general recreation^ — -vacation centered business. A great
deal of local talent and knowledge is lost annually from migrants out of the
upper watershed to the cities because of lack of opportunities and inadequate
financing possibilities at home.
Public administrators at all levels of government within the Wolf Basin
are required to analyze divergent public opinion on perplexing issues. For
instance, the land developers and real estate people want to create lakes by
building dams while trout fishermen, sports clubs and conservation groups
want to retain the original status of the river. A fly Ashing only area is accepted
by only half the residents of the area since it “discriminates” against the worm
fishermen.
Many citizens are clamoring for more long-range planning while others
maintain that we must develop lands now to increase the tax base.
A fine project in stream habitat improvement work on the Evergreen
River is criticized on the grounds that the “state should get out of the land
business.” Thus, the official in the watershed responsible for planning reaches
an impasse trying to determine how to improve any of the basin area without
adequate control of the land.
The attitudes must change or no improvement will grace the Wolf water¬
shed. Future demands of the river basin, particularly those of recreation,
must be met with an unselfish outlook. Local sacrifices must be made and state
aids will perhaps be necessary. But outside help will never replace the “boot¬
straps” of local patience and initiative.
Where the Wolf River was an important factor in the economy of north¬
ern Wisconsin in the past, a reversal appears imminent if its future role in
Wisconsin’s development follows a planned course. The opportunities offered
by the northern portion of the Wolf watershed are so great that little time
should be wasted in getting on with a program.
Many ideal waterfront sites are available for youth camps in the Langlade,
Forest and Menominee County sections of the basin. New groups are becom¬
ing interested in canoeing and by 1975 this sport will have many more sup¬
porters. Historical sites offer spendid opportunities for entertaining and/or
educating the tourist. Such locations should be marked by signs and the his¬
torical value of the logging era should be stressed. Wherever possible old
log flumes and other non-interfering structures should be resurrected in the
streams as they originally applied to the lumber industry.
Finally, a sincere effort by all citizens and government officials in the
Wolf watershed should be made to bring about an agreeable and equitable
zoning system for river and lake frontage lands. Such zoning should include
adequate building set-back provisions and assure protection of cover along
stream banks and shorelines to perpetuate wilderness aspects.
Planning is essential in the over-all development of the resources of the
Wolf River watershed. The Wolf River Basin Regional Planning Commission
was authorized and began functioning less than two years ago. It can and
20
Arthur A. Oehmcke and Wayne C. Truax
must serve as a catalyst for the many government resource agencies, the people
living in the watershed and those who will benefit from the development of
its resources. Coordinating this monumental task are three commissioners from
each of the eight counties comprising the Planning Commission. Their leader¬
ship must be bold — ^yet diplomatic, courageous — ^but compromising, far¬
sighted — ^but practical. They are the foundation of the resource planning and
development structure. Failure in the foundation or any of the agencies form¬
ing the superstructure will topple the whole.
Success is essential to the orderly, logical development of all the resources
of the basin. The alternative is chaos! Mismanagement to date is apparent to
anyone who wishes to view it. Witness the shacks along the banks, die house
trailers on the subdivisions, the draining, the filling and a host of other helter-
skelter cultural atrocities.
On the other hand picture, if you will, the clean, clear water, the man¬
aged woodlands, abundant wildlife, scenic drives, zoned land-uses, attractive
cottages, a flourishing recreation industry, overlook parks, historical sites, white
water, and lastly— a happy people!
References
Andrews, Lloyd M., Black, John J., and Threinen, C. W., Surface Water Resources
of Menominee County — ^Wisconsin Conservation Report — 1963.
Austin, H. Russell, The Wisconsin Story — The Milwaukee Journal — 1948,
CNRA Report, Citizens’ Natural Resources Association of Wisconsin, Inc., Menominee
Report — 1956.
Durand, Loyal Jr., and Bradbury, L. M., Home Regions of Wisconsin — New York,
1933.
Hinde, Alfred, 1894. “Fishing the Wolf’, Forest 6- Stream — October and Novem¬
ber.
Martin, Lawrence, The Physical Geography of Wisconsin, Wisconsin Geology and
Natural History Survey, Bulletin No. XXXVI. Second Edition, 1932.
Neupert, Carl N., M.D., Wisniewski, Theodore I., State Board of Health and
Committee on Water Pollution, 1952. Findings of Fact, Conclusion and Order
Alleged Pollution of the Wolf River and Its Tributaries.
Threinen, C. W., et al. Wolf River Watershed — ^Wisconsin Conservation Depart¬
ment Report — November, 1962.
Williams, Ann C., et al. The Wolf River Basin — ^A report to the Water Resources
Committee of the Wisconsin Legislative Council, 1960.
Wisconsin Conservation Department, 1963. Wisconsin Water Trails.
- 1941-1964 — Department Files
- - 1959 — Report on Land and Water Use (Coordinating Committees for
Conservation Needs.)
Wisconsin Conservationist, The, 1919. Trout Fishing in Langlade County, Vol. 1,
No. 2, May, Page 10.
Wisconsin State Department of Agriculture Crop & Livestock Reporting Service, 1957
Wisconsin Rural Resources (Langlade, Forest, Oneida, and Shawano Counties.)
Wisconsin State Planning Board, 1945. A Picture of Wisconsin, Bulletin No. 16,
August.
OUR NEIGHBOR: THE WISCONSIN RIVER
Robert C. Wylie, Vice-President and General Manager
Wisconsin Valley Improvement Company
Life History of a River
How do you describe a river? A river that is neither primitive or unde¬
veloped enough to be included in the present investigations of our nation’s
wild rivers or imruly enough to gain national prominence in the news each
year for the heartache and monetary destruction it causes by overflowing its
banks.
I have tried many times to describe the Wisconsin River and have always
been impressed with its human-like characteristics and the manner in which
its life parallels the experiences of human Hfe. Now, nobody really believes
that a river is human, but allow me to point out the many similarities.
Birth
The Wisconsin River was born many centuries ago. Its parents were the
great glaciers whose mighty force shaped and moulded the face of our state
and whose melting waters, along with the vast quantities of runoff that have
occurred since, helped to carve the path that the infant was to follow. This
child started life in Lac Vieux Desert and as the history of the state unfolded
it became apparent that it was to Hve its whole life within the borders of the
state. It was only one of a large number of rivers in this and adjoining states
that joined togemer to create the well-known Mississippi family. In this family
it is interesting to note that the Wisconsin River is the largest child living en¬
tirely within one state, even though it is 430 miles in length. In all of the
other great river families of the nation, there are only three other rivers of
greater length which live in only one state—the Brazos, Colorado, and Trinity,
all of which are in Texas. This new child was destined to do and see great
things in its hfetime. Even as an infant it was expected to do its share of
the family chores and drained 12,280 square miles, or about 25% the area of
the future state of Wisconsin.
Infancy
Infancy is a time for phenomenal growth, great discoveries and marvelous
adventures. There was no exception to this in the life of the Wisconsin River,
which was a water highway for the Indians and other primitive people long
before the coming of the white man to North America. The early explorers,
such as Radisson, Allouez, Marquette and Johet, made good use of the Wis¬
consin and its close proximity to the headwaters of the Fox River in their
explorations more than 300 years ago. All of those who followed these ex¬
plorers, such as the voyageurs in the 1700’s, and the lumbermen in the 1800’s
were to play a large role in opening up the wilderness, and the Wisconsin was
to be one of the main arteries of further discovery and a means of transport¬
ing settlers, the necessities of life, and the products of their toil.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
21
22
Robert C. Wylie
Childhood i
1
After infancy, each experience in childhood takes on specific meaning j
that can be related in later life to the overall development of tiie child and his ;
niche in life. Some of the great experiences in the childhood of the Wisconsin
Biver were the formation of this great state and the timber logging era of the j
1800’s. II
The river was a favorite means of transportation for the fur traders, :
loggers, and even the farmers who used the Wisconsin-Fox waterways to send
Wisconsin wheat to the eastern markets. However, the river was often an “
unpredictable and un wieldly child, not always obeying its elders. It was ;
recognized that the river had great potential in the transportation and power |
industries, and some attempt was made to develop that potential.
The logging industry prepared great quantities of logs and lumber each i
winter for shipment to the markets downstream. However, there were some |
rough spots in the river’s path that even the bursts of stream flow each spring i
couldn’t float the logs over. Therefore, the loggers temporarily harnessed some j
of the youthful energy by storing rrmoff water in holding ponds during most '
of the year and releasing it during the high flow spring season to help speed |
the logs on their way. ;
I suppose you could say they were spoiling the child, by giving it is own j
way and increasing its flow tantrums. However, a good portion of this unruli- i
ness was aheady a habit, probably due to the child’s heritage and origin. Many |
tributaries of the river originated in glacier deposited soil types that exerted J
no natural control over their actions. Rain and snow draining from these water- I
sheds ran unrestrained and the soils held nothing in reserve for future stream
flow needs. This helped to create conditions of flooding during the spring and |
fall of each year and paved the way for drought conditions at other seasons.
Other pioneers began to develop communities along the river and harness
its power in other ways. The first dam on the river was built at Wausau in
1840 and used for milling wheat. Some years later in 1889 the first electricity
in the valley was generated at a dam in MerriU.
As the state and the child grew, their way of life changed and became
more refined. Homes needed greater conveniences and industry needed a more
reliable source of power. The use of the river as a means of transportation
began to wane. The forests were utilized for pulpwood in the new paper mills
that were destined to become one of the major industries in the valley.
The child and its neighbors were growing up.
Teens
The coming of teen-age brings with it the reahzation that it won’t be
long before we are to become a man, and now is the time when we must
begin to plan if our lives are to have meaning and purpose. In the late 1800’s
and early 1900’s, the river was in the same position as other teen-agers and
needed understanding and guidance.
The paper mill industry and hydro-electric industry were making great
strides forward and many plants were being constructed along the river. The
businessmen who were investing heavily in these plants realized that the river
Our Neighbor: The Wisconsith Rimr
23
was a great natural resource and a potential source of great energy if properly
channeled and guided. They were willing to become teachers and furnish
guidance for this teen-ager because they knew that those young people who
study their lessons and plan for the future will be the good citizens of to¬
morrow. They will be the backbone of our nation and the stabilizing force in
our economy.
Our teen-ager s teachers realized that we must become useful — not just
ornamental. People and resources are meant to be utilized and we know that
they both work better if they are encouraged and not mistreated. In order to
lead meaningful hves, people and resources must have a goal and need to be
gainfully employed. This is what the teachers of yesterday had in mind for
flie Wisconsin River.
However, as is the case today, there are always a few of the teen-agers
who, because of their behavior, give the rest of die crowd a bad name. A
number of the western tributaries of the Wisconsin had terrible tempers and
at the least provocation, because of rain or saturated ground conditions, were
prone to loose a torrent of water through the valley, disrupting classes for the
day, and getting everybody upset. Experience has shown that small amounts
of control judiciously applied to key figures in a group can result in complete
cooperation of the whole group. This the teachers knew.
They also knew that the river needed to have a reliable coordinator, or
guidance director, with the authority, physical facilities and responsibility to
help this teen-ager and its tributaries apply their knowledge for the benefit
of all.
In 1907, the businessmen along the river, who were on their way to be¬
coming teachers, convinced the state that they should be allowed to create a
guidance director for the Wisconsin River.
As usual there were those who didn*t agree that this was the way to
train the child. Some, of course, felt that the child was incorrigible and not
ment to be trained, or that it was not possible to retrain a wayward teen-ager
to the important things in hfe. Others claimed that child labor was to be ex¬
ploited for the great gain of the industrial barons, accompanied by a great
theft of their water resources, ravaging of the north’s scenic beauty, and a great
detriment to the state’s interest. One particular article that was written de¬
nouncing the idea poetically described the Wisconsin River and proposed
reservoir system with its title, ‘‘White Coal Fields and Water Farms.”
Fortunately, the good judgment of the public and state legislature pre¬
vailed and the guidance director, known as the Wisconsin Valley Improvement
Company, was created.
A special chapter of the state statutes was passed granting the authority
needed, listing all special conditions under which the interests of the people
were safeguarded, including the placing of the overall company activities
under the jurisdiction of the Public Service Commission.
The teachers had planned well, and determined that the best means of
river control was to train those few tributaries that gave the whole river a
bad name. They also knew that early habits were more easily broken than
those that were well-established; therefore, it was important to control the
headwater tributaries of the drainage system before they gathered bad habits
on their way downstream.
24
Robert C. Wylie
The teachers’ plan to be carried out by the guidance director called
for the establishment of storage reservoirs on the river and its tributaries to
store the excess water when there was an abundance of stream flow and re¬
lease it for use when the natural energy of the river began to droop. In this
way the destructive seasonal floods could be averted and the river would ;
become a solid citizen throughout the entire year.
Maturity
The river was beginning to mature now. It had a plan in life. Many of ’
the storage lakes used during the logging days were acquired by the Improve¬
ment Company and sixteen of them became “natural” reservoirs. It soon be- '
came apparent that these reservoirs were not sufficient to hold the great quan¬
tities of excess water that not only were available each spring but were neces¬
sary to sustain stream flows during the long, dry summers. Therefore, the *
Improvement Company began to enlarge its storage capabilities, and during
the first 30 years of operation constructed five new reservoirs which now hold
75% of the total system storage. As the teachers had predicted, it was only
necessary to exert some influence on a few unruly ones to bring the entire ;
group into line so that useful, predictable stream flows could be maintained. !
For example: '
The average annual runoff of the Wisconsin River at the Muscoda gauge
is 6,160,000 acre-feet and yet the annual storage and release of the reservoir
system is only 470,000 acre-fee, or 7.6% the Muscoda yield. '
The teachers’ theory in early training paid off, too. It was found that the
control of the headwater tributaries not only was the most effective means of
controlling floods but reduced the cost of control to each user because the
water could be used throughout the entire length of the river. The net effect of
the reservoir system was to reduce most flood flows by as much as 50% and
increase dry season flows by as much as 100% or more.
The teacher-businessmen also felt some responsibility to this youngster
and his education in terms of financial assistance. As a result they agreed to
assume all the liabihties of the Improvement Company so that, while the river '
supplies the energy and water, it is kept functioning and useful through con- '
tinned maintenance and repair of its control structures. In other words, busi- '
nessmen, through their support of the guidance director, have paid for the
education and graduate work of the pupil. And, of course, like any other pri¬
vate businesses, they have paid their share of the taxes that support our
governments.
Through the years, the Wisconsin Valley Improvement Company has con¬
tinually checked the pulse of the river and tested it. Any variations in behavior
have immediately been corrected and additional lessons have been taught so
that the full effectiveness of the training could be reahzed. In this way and •
with this guidance, the youngster has reached adulthood.
Adulthood
The river has come of age. It has remembered the lessons it learned as
a youngster and is well along the way to becoming a good citizen. Its life has
meaning now and it is gainfully employed at 26 hydro-electric dams along its
Our Neighbor: The Wisconsin River
25
course. It helps the valley paper mills and utilities provide employment for
10,000 people who receive a payroll of $62/2 million each year. During its
lifetime, the river has attracted industrial development along its banks and
has been a major factor in the continuity of the paper mills and utility plants
that now pay taxes each year totaling $23 million. The river’s director, the
Improvement Company, pays its own way with taxes of $110,000 each year
and an annual payroll over $100,000.
Don’t get the idea, however, that this river is a dullard and is only inter¬
ested in working. It does find time to play, too, and provides many recreational
opportunities for its neighbors. Some of the best known vacation areas in the
state— Wisconsin Dells, Minocqua, Rhinelander, Tomahawk, Eagle River,
Land O’Lakes— are located along the river, and are highly dependent on the
river and its reservoir system as a source of recreational facilities. Although
not a dramatic river in the terms of whitewater, scenic falls, wilderness vistas
and hungry trout, the Wisconsin does have its moments of solitude, stretches of
enjoyable canoe water, and enough changes of scenery to satisfy all but the
most seasoned river traveler.
The river industries recognize the need and the value of hunting and
fishing in our health and economy. They also recognize the part that their
industrial forest lands, reservoirs, hydro-ponds, and bordering lands can play
in providing this and other types of recreation. As a result of this concern,
more than 900,000 acres of land and water owned by the businessmen who
trained the river are open for use by the general public.
Thousands of acres of water in storage reservoirs or lakes behind hydro¬
plants are prime fishing areas and are available for use. The majority of these
lakes have been man-made, and accurate sportsman’s guide maps to each lake
and its rugged shorelines are appreciated by the fisherman and boater. Thou¬
sands of such maps have been provided free-of-charge as a service of the
industries.
Like most adults, the river tends to stray now and then, and may even
revert to some of its childhood traits. Its guidance director, the Improvement
Company, recognizes that some of the river’s tributaries are still capable of
raising some doubt in peoples’ minds as to whether the river really has ma¬
tured. It is common knowledge among those who are concerned that five tribu¬
taries draining only 22% of the headwaters area and only 7% of the entire
basin can periodically throw the entire river flow regulation out of balance.
These tributaries need some control exerted over them and the Improvement
Company is proposing the construction of a storage reservoir on each stream
to accomplish that control.
Whereas, the present reservoir system covers 67,000 acres, stores 17/2
billion cubic feet of water, and was built with an investment of about $2
million, the five new reservoirs would cover 13,000 acres, store 5/2 billion
cubic feet and also cost about $2 million. All of which goes to prove that the
longer you put off training the child the more troublesome and expensive it
becomes.
As an adult the river has to learn to accept changes. Many adult lives
are wasted because of inability to forget old ways and habits, and adapt to
new ways and changing uses. The increased leisure time available to most
workers today has increased the pressures on our waters through recreational
26
Robert C. Wylie
uses and lakeside developments. The expanding utilization of irrigation prac¬
tices in agriculture has put new dmands on our water supplies. Increased per¬
sonal and industrial use of water has made some people fearful for the future
water supplies of our state and nation. Through it all, however, the Wisconsin
River has shown an aptitude for adjusting to all uses and pressures, and has
shown that foresight and continued planning and development will help us
avoid the problems of the future.
The mature adult learns to weather the times of adversity, not to get over¬
confident in times of good fortune and to pursue a steady course. This is also
true of the river and its reservoirs. No river control system is perfect and it is
impossible to foresee or build for all eventualities. Experiences of recent
months have shown that a change in time-areal-quantity distribution of our
available precipitation can cause temporary shortages and inconveniences.
Behind it aU, however, 57 years of reservoir operation has shown that the
steady, relentless course is the best and will eventually prove to be the great¬
est benefit to all concerned.
Of course, everyone doesn’t always agree with what you and I do as
adults and the same is true with the river and its operation. There is always
the problem of educating the other fellow as to our true intent. In these days
of big government and biUion dollar water schemes, it requires sound think¬
ing and a knowledge of past accomphshments to reahze that a private company
can effectively develop, control and conserve a major natural resource. It re¬
quires continued education to convince others of the need for fluctuating
water levels in the storage reservoirs and the part this plays in effectuating
stable river flows, reliable power production, steady employment, reduction of
flooding and just a plain, basic, sound economy in a river valley.
Perpetual Life
The river has lead a long and useful hfe. It has learned its lessons well
and grown up to be a solid, dependable citizen, playing a major part in the
way of life of its neighbors. It has even become the teacher in many in¬
stances. By example, one of the best ways of teaching, it has shown how water
conservation can effectively be carried on while serving the multiple needs of
all our water users.
The similarity between the river and humans now begins to disappear.
Humans are mortal and will soon be gone, to be replaced by others with
similar ideals and goals. But the river has the quality of perpetual life and
will continue to serve man as it has learned in the past.
The state of Wisconsin can be proud of its citizen and we should be
thankful for our neighbor — the Wisconsin River.
THE CHIPPEWA-FLAMBEAU RIVERS
Ernest F. Swift, Consultant
National Wildlife Federation
This is the story of the Chippewa River, called the Riviere Des Sauteux
by the French, and its main tributary the Lac Du Flambeau. This is the story
of two rivers whose turbulent history is symbolized by the once sullen power of
their falls and rapids, and by the primitive solitude they watched over; rivers
which demanded craftsmanship from those who dared to trespass. Craftsman¬
ship or death; mediocrity was not tolerated. Like many rivers of their kind
they begat a people of stoic courage and truculent individualism.
The Chippewa finds its source by the joining of two forks, one from the
northwestern lake region, the other in the north-central highlands. Some of
Wisconsin’s finest lakes give their waters to make the Chippewa a majestic
stream. The Flambeau, also with two forks, flows south and west from the
north-central highlands; and at one time was one of the most beautiful rivers
of the mid-west. Other watersheds feed the Chippewa, such as the Red Cedar,
the Jump and many lesser tributaries of some individual distinction. There was
a time when the rivers, those ancient highways of man, were the only prac¬
tical wav to penetrate this lonesome and austere north country.
Old time lumberjacks in the embrace of John Barleycorn used to brag
that they helped Paul Bunyan gouge out the channels for the two rivers, but
long before the riverpig grew ten foot tall in song and legend, another breed
of daring men had called the Chippewa and Flambeau their own.
At the time the Pilgrim Fathers were timidly probing the Cape Cod sand
dunes, intrepid Frenchmen with a genius for geography had penetrated as far
as Lake Superior and proclaimed the Continental heartland as part of their
Empire.
Radisson and Groseilliers supposedly wintered on a tributary of the Chip¬
pewa, Lac Court Oreilles about 1659; called Lake of the Short Ears by them
and Ottawa Lake by the Indians. Some of its first known residents were Ot-
tawas, kin folk of the Ojibwa. Both tribes in their westering migration during
the fifteenth century had established themselves around the Apostle Islands;
and then moving South and West began to displace the Sioux. It was during
the winter at Lac Court Oreilles that Radisson recorded dire famine and
starvation.
Father Rene Menard was on the Black and the head waters of the Wis¬
consin in 1661 and no doubt touched the Flambeau and Chippewa on his
agonizing trip back to Chequamegon Bay. And to give flavor and geographic
significance to the Chippewa and Flambeau, the panorama of other waterways
must be woven in; of long portages, heartbreaking snowshoe treks, and of
famous trading centers such as Mackinac, Fort William, La Pointe, Prairie Du
Chien and faroff Montreal, where trade goods started and furs returned.
One can only speculate on the many bold adventurers who followed Radis¬
son, Menard, Allouez, Hennepin, Duluth, Brule, in their sojourns. Le Sueur
knew of the Chippewa, and Perrot with a fort below Lake Pepin had some
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
27
28
Ernest F. Swift
knowledge of this wilderness watershed. But there were many lesser stars in
this firmament, voyageurs with long rifles and gay sashes and an Indian family,
with canoes ladened with trade goods seeking new beaver country and with
the impelling urge to explore; finally poling back up the sullen current of the
Riviere Des Sauteux and portaging to Gitchee Gumme with bales of sweet,
greasy beaver plews. And there were Jesuits on endless treks to save heathen
souls for the glory of God and the Empire.
After the French regime came the English, and one of them explored
northwestern Wisconsin and parts of Minnesota as far west as the Red River
of the North. His name was Johnathan Garver. He had been commissioned
shortly after the French and Indian War to inventory captured trading posts
and report on the fur trade.
In his extended wanderings he poled up the Chippewa, and took space
in his diary to comment on the herds of buffalo, elk and deer in and around
where the Chippewa joins the Mississippi. He visited Lac Court Oreilles, por¬
taged to the Namekagon and finally arrived at La Pointe.
Although the French lost their Empire their half-breed descendants re¬
mained as a potent force in the mid-continent, and when the dour Scots from
Montreal took over the fur trade these hardy natives were the key to success.
With only a daily measure of cracked corn or peas and bear grease as sub-
sistance, and through hardships beyond description, they paddled and por¬
taged the huge trade cargoes for thousands of miles for their bourgeois. Much
later their offspring became mastercraftsmen of the log drive.
In 1671, Monsieur Cadeau, a man of some breeding, arrived in the Supe¬
rior country. He married the daughter of an Ojibwa Chief, and in so doing,
helped create some of the great fur trade traditions of Minnesota and the Chip¬
pewa and Flambeau regions. His two grandsons, Jean Baptiste and Michel
Cadotte also married Indian wives, became “Marchand Voyageurs” and fur
traders and dominated the above mentioned regions for years to come. When
the Northwest Fur Company was organized they joined it.
With headquarters at La Pointe, Jean Baptiste operated in what is now
northern Minnesota, while Michel, using Reserve on Lac Court Oreilles as a
base, traded on the Chippewa, Flambeau, Red Cedar, Namekagon and tribu¬
taries. Among his several posts he established one in 1784 on the Namekagon
about two miles south of the present village of Hayward. He traded as far
south as the Falls on the Chippewa. He was just twenty years old when he
became a bourgeois.
These early traders of necessity developed a keen sense of geography and
knew all lines of travel. Goods were brought to the Interior from La Pointe by
the way of Fish Creek to the White River, then a portage to Long Lake (Lake
Owen), another portage to the Namekagon, and the last carrying place to Lac
Court Oreilles and Reserve. Another trade route was up the Bad-— -the French |
called it the Mauvais — then up the Bruinswieller, a portage to the West Fork ,
of the Chippewa, down the West Fork and up the South Fork of the Chief,
and then a long portage to Reserve. This was the most diflBcult route with f
several pauses. .
Of course furs were taken out these two routes, but sometimes they went ,
up the Flambeau with a portage to the Montreal River, and then to Lake
Superior and finally to Montreal. i
The Chippewa-Flambeau Rivers
29
After the War of 1812 the English traders were pushed north of the new
boundary between the United States and Canada, and it was now the Ameri¬
cans who were exploring the trade possibilities as had the English when they
took over from the French.
The American Fur Company of John Jacob Astor became established at
Mackinac, La Pointe, Green Bay and Prairie Du Chien. The Cadottes joined
Astor.
Other names still faintly haunt the two rivers. In 1818, two Yankee
brothers of Mayflower background appear on the scene. They were Truman
and Lyman Warren. They married daughters of Michel Cadotte, and even¬
tually took over the fur business from their father-in-law. Then there was James
Ermatinger, another trader of note after whom Jim Falls was named.
James Doty traveled the trade routes of the Chippewa tributaries and
made a report to the Territorial Governor, Lewis Cass in 1820. Henry School¬
craft was appointed Territorial Indian Agent and preserved in his writings
much of the lore of the Great Lakes and the Chippewas. His journals inspired
Longfellow to write HIAWATHA.
From Prairie Du Chien other Frenchmen of the American Fur Company
made their way up the Chippewa, and the influence of Wisconsin's first mil¬
lionaire, Hercules Dousman, was felt on the river. Jean Brunet, who built the
first saw mill at Chippewa Falls in 1836, was one of Dousman's agents. Some¬
time later Brunet migrated up river and built a trading post at a falls which
bore his name and is now buried under a concrete dam. Here stands the village
of Cornell.
Probably the most controversial man on the river at one time was Ezra
Cornell. With the passage of the Land Grant College Act, ofiicially known as
the MoriU Act, in 1862, Cornell came to Wisconsin and purchased 500,000
acres of finest pine land in the valley from public domain with script supplied
by the federal government. Much of it was bought for 80 and 90 cents an
acre and some "'forties” cruised a million feet of timber. This so-called land-
grab caused much bitter feeling among local people; and when sold the funds
were used to found Cornell University.
In the beginning there were the two rivers in all their virgin beauty,
with massive pines, hemlock and yellowbirch arching over the falls and rapids
and deceptive currents, where muskellunge as long as an oar breasted the
turbid waters. But the rivers were ideal for driving logs and when dammed
would run sawmills.
In the 1840's, Yankee and Canuck loggers swaggered over the horizon
with axes on their shoulders, a cud of tobacco in cheek, and plenty of sand in
their gizzards.
Back east the slashings were getting bigger, the smoke of forest fires
thicker, and the green chunks whittled smaller. Looking up through the long
shadows to the green crowns, they calculated that there was enough cork
pine in Wisconsin to patch hell a mile, to last forever. And when they got to
the Chippewa Valley and saw the majestic sheen stretching over sylvan hills,
even these case-hardened timber beasts paused and removed their battered
head-gear in respect for the accomphshments of the Almighty. This reverence,
however, was soon forgotten when with Yankee shrewdness they started to
estimate these fabulous riches, for after all, the Valley had about one fifth of
30
Ernest F. Swift
the pine of the entire state. And made to order was a growing market — ^the
western prairies were filling up with sod-busters, and they were demanding
railroads, grain elevators, stores, schools and churches; there was a great hue
and cry for lumber. Manifest destiny was not to be denied.
By the early "50's, the economic, social and geographic atmosphere of the
Chippewa watershed was rapidly taking on new dimensions. Not only was it
a bonanza for bold enterprise, but along with other timber regions was becom¬
ing a proving ground for new methods of logging, river driving and milling
machinery.
The onslaught was ruthless and wasteful beyond reason because timber
was thought inexhaustible, and competition became a deadly, bare-knuckle
brawl with little regard for human, social or legal niceties. Tlieft of govern¬
ment timber was common, had little stigma, and was justified in the name of
progress. Timber inpectors received no local support, little from the courts,
and considerable abuse from some Congressmen for being so assiduous to duty.
Labor was cheap and equipment and transportation expensive; and lastly
there was a greedy market on the prairies. Present generations would have
done much the same under like conditions; and some are still trying.
In all, the pine era spanned about 50 years, but lumbering continued
with hardwoods, hemlock and a growing paper industry. But those pine days,
what hell-roaring times they were!
First came government surveyors, cruisers and landlookers, using the
rivers as highways for exploration. Then followed bateaus with supplies for
small camps. At first logs were cut along stream banks and skidded by travois
and oxen. But soon the distance increased from timber to river. Costs had to be
cut and so logging technology came into its own Twenty-man camps grew to
accommodate 100 or even 200 men. Equipment improved rapidly and sleighs
were built with 14 foot bunks. This necessitated better hauling roads and so
some genius tried icing the ruts with a water tank on runners.
Summer crews were sent up river to build dams on the tributaries for a
water supply to sluice millions of feet of logs down on the spring floods. Horses
replaced oxen for hauling and skidding, and the bateau was gradually aban¬
doned for taking in supplies when tote roads began to parallel the rivers. Big
lumbering fom-horse tote wagons following end to end carried plunder and
grub from Chippewa Falls as far north as the Namekagon in Bayfield County,
and up the East Fork to Chippewa Crossing, now the village of Glidden.
Time and adversity developed a breed of men who rivaled any on the
American frontier; French and Scotch-Irish from “Canadaw,” and blue-bellied
Yankees from down East. At a later date there was a great influx of Scandi¬
navians. The American lumberjack was about as tough an animal as ever
walked on hindlegs.
They were a highly selective lot due to the processes of primitive sur¬
vival. Nature would tolerate no mediocrity in these unshorn sons of the saw
log. They were craftsmen par-excellence, with axe, saw, canthook, peavy,
bateau and caulked boots; the latter often being used as weapons for rough
and tumble fighting.
Logging at best was a dangerous, back-breaking job. The true lumber¬
jacks were a laconic, proud lot, indifferent to long hours, muzzle-loading bunks,
lice and the miseries of arctic winters and icy rivers. There was a standing
The Chippewa-Flambeau Rivers
31
joke that the only time the camp was seen in daylight was on Sunday. By
the time there was daylight in the swamp they were at work, and were not
back in camp to gorge their evening meal until after dark.
Sometimes working for slave wages, they were, nevertheless, fiercely in¬
dependent, but also loyal to any man suflBciently tough and seasoned to handle
them. It was in the Lake States where Paul Bunyan and Babe, his blue ox,
reached the peak of their mythical fame, and along with them a vernacular
developed which only woodsmen could comprehend. It was earthy, highly
picturesque and to the point, be it at times profane.
When the iron hand of winter gave way to the spring breakup, the great
spectacular got under way— the log drive. Immense rollways along the river
banks were broken out by men with peavies, the logs cascading into the ice-
filled water, and the pull of the current starting them on their journey to the
mills.
This is where the whitewater burlers reigned supreme. There were long,
long hours and miles of river trail to hike; there was rain, sleet and ice, and
there was the everlasting danger from tons of grinding logs that could pull a
man under as the riverpigs rode them down stream. They had a chanty they
sang when the going got too rough for even their stoic souls: ""No matter how
cold and wet I am, Tm always warm and dry!”
Some who started from the upper reaches of the Flambeau or the Torch,
Moose or Chief would not hit the sorting booms at the Falls or Eau Claire
until July. And ever more logs with their crews poured into the main river
from side streams to form a vast carpet of restless, churning timber from
bank to bank and miles on end.
But there were always some who never made it back to the sinful de¬
lights of Whiskey Boulevard, There was always the risk of a widowmaker, a
broken wrapper or a swamphook letting go. And the sullen river was always
watching to pull a careless driver under the logs. Sometimes even the best went
under; as an example; on July 8, 1905, eleven men drowned at Little Falls —
now Holcombe— trying to break up a center jam.
But those that made it hit town with an explosive energy beyond the
comprehension of ordinary mortals. They wanted whiskey, they wanted women
and they wanted to howl. After they had rimracked the town, as so quaintly
expressed, they returned to the forest solitudes at peace with the world. With
several hundred healthy young Americans wanting the same thing, it can be
well understood why the physical, moral and social standards of a sawdust
town had to be rather flexible. Yes, it took a lot of sourdough pancakes, beans,
pork and Norwegian condition powder— Copenhagen snuff— to get a log as
far as the endless chain at the mill.
Each year there were more miles of slashings, each year fewer green
crown of majestic pines to grace the denuded hills. Each year the primeval
wilderness retreated like a wounded animal; and fires seemed to forever flare
and languish or explode into a holocaust, until the smoke hung on the air from
spring thaw to fall snow. And the ruby sun would stare down through stream¬
ers of smoke like the evil eye of perdition.
Sawmills were built where there was a river and a falls for power. Saw¬
mills begat boarding houses, company stores, shanty towns and evil dives for
the workers. Out of this came villages and sometimes cities. The town, the
32
Ernest F. Swift
river, the mills, and later the railroads, were merely segments of the tradi¬
tional sawdust trail which commenced in Maine and ended on the Pacific. It
spanned a Continent, and in the making was one of the greatest sagas of
American history.
Such was the history of Chippewa Falls, Eau Claire and many other
towns that started on rivers. The pattern was standard, mills chewing up logs
24 hours a day during the cut, with two eleven hour shifts. Wages were about
$1.50 a day.
No story of the rivers would be complete without mention of the
""Stopping Places” that followed the loggers, and provided housing for men and
beasts, alcoholic refreshments and on occasion, feminine companionship. A few
of these also became famous in song and story, stops of brief relaxation and
opportunities for fabricating garish yarns that were the sheer genius of fantasy.
And there was the pioneer farmer who also became very much a part of
the Valley history. As the timber disappeared from the river banks and the
back country, small patches of clearing also followed the loggers. They were
painfully grubbed out by sober, God-fearing settlers. They proved a mighty
impact to the Valley’s economy as can be attested by their descendants with
their fine farms and herds of dairy cattle. But the headwaters defied their
efforts and for decades remained wild, and still are to a degree.
I once knew a genuine 23 jewel woods boss who said that he had gone
up the Chippewa and seen its pine forests when they were still on the hoof. I
didn’t see the beginning but I saw the end; the last pine drive to go down the
swirling crest of the Chippewa in 1917.
It was the last big cut of virgin pine and came from the Lac Court
Oreilles Indian Reservation above the two forks. It was removed to make way
for a big reservoir and more hydroelectric power. It marked the end of an era.
Dams were beginning to clutter up the headwaters of both rivers.
Nostalgically I so vividly remember where all this happened, the old
Indian Trading Post with its enormous pines shading the log cabins and birch
wigwams, where old Indians sat and smoked kinnikinnick and the women
scraped summer deer hides and scolded naked children. Ponies grazed the
dancing ground, and birch canoes graced the river bank. For over forty years
this touch of pure Americana has been under water.
But what a country it was when I first saw it through the eyes of youth.
There was much cut-over, but still many miles of green hemlock and yellow-
birch, spreading out between the two forks of the Chippewa and extending
east to the Flambeau. There was ground hemlock in those days and lacy ferns
whose giant fronds stretched higher than one’s head. There was the silent
beauty of virgin lakes, the churning of whitewater over rock faults, and in
those days the occasional howl of a timber wolf; and most important there was
solitude. By learning woodscraft I felt I had earned the right to call it my
own, and that others had that right only through the same rugged lessons.
Thus came to fruitful fulfillment a deep and abiding passion for wilderness
places; those two rivers left their mark. Then ask me why I mourn?
Today people virtuously condemn their forebears for the havoc and de¬
struction of those early logging days. Of course things will never be the same,
but, nevertheless, the cry of "Timber’ is again heard in the woods. After
austere years of rehabilitation, forests are again coming back to become an im-
The Chippewa-Flambeau Rivers
33
portant part of Wisconsin’s economy, and converting raw wood a billion dollar
industry in the state.
But in another way this generation is duplicating the sins of past genera¬
tions. It is now well recognized that timber is not inexhaustable, but it has not
been recognized that outdoor recreation has definite limits. The recreationist
can easily overgraze his pasture, and is being encouraged to do this by federal
and state bureaus with no attendant responsibilities demanded of him. He is
being taught that picnic table conservation is both an economic and recrea¬
tional solution.
Up and down the two valleys as in many other areas, invasion of the
sophisticated city image is rapidly destroying the last vestige of primitive
elements which are the only true foundation for an outdoor experience. Com¬
mercialized recreation has taken over, in fact being governmentally subsidized,
with the same thoughtless greed once attributed to the old time logger. Al¬
ready there are too many roads, too many cottages, too many leaky septic
tanks, too much irresponsible bug spraying, too many speed boats, too much
shore filing, too many unappreciative people. It is smugly called develop¬
ment, a faceless, factitious term which generally means those things just listed
and seldom true enhancement.
Although there is still much wanting in forest management, especially
small holdings, the forests of Wisconsin will continue to thrive to furnish an
economic base, but the esthetics which should be part and parcel of them is
being destroyed, and in a large measure by recreational demands. Commercial
recreation puts a price tag on all natural elements; and esthetics — so called —
are now being sold by the pound. Now we are calling upon people steeped in
unearned leisure to assume managerial responsibilities of values they do not
understand or appreciate.
The primitive charm that once made the Flambeau a famous canoe stream
is all but gone, and the acrid smell of chemicals floating down stream from
a paper mill is an offense to nature. The State of Wisconsin has all but lost
its opportunity to save a tattered bit of the Flambeau as a wilderness area;
and at best it would only be a pleasing illusion of an uncut fringe along the
river and elimination of numerous access roads. At least the logger left solitude.
But if you ever knew the Chippewa or Flambeau in the old days, ghosts
will dog your footsteps as you look for the scenes of yesterday, and with a
little imagination you can visualize a pageant of long ago; of half -naked In¬
dians, Jesuits, traders in buckskins, and rivermen in stagged pants and caulked
boots poling their canoes and bateaus up the swirhng crests of the two rivers.
And if you are still in this mood and are on the upper reaches in the pre¬
dawn cold winter morning, you can still faintly hear the melodious call of the
shanty boy from out the distant past: “R-o-o-11 Out! R-o-o-11 Out! Daylight
in the Swamp!”
1 r.i i'r.vr ' .-ii^ivlj
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THE ST* CROfX^NAMEKAGON RIVERS
Sigurd F. Obon, Consultant
U. S. Department of Interiof
' I want to thank you, Dr. Ihde, and all those who during the past months
have sent me material on the St.Croix-Namekagon complex, which I read
with great interest and profit. It would he presumptuous to add to it, so I will
merely speak from my own personal experience and draw a few general con¬
clusions. I have been intrigued by the papers which preceded mine— a wonder¬
ful backgrO'und for the river proposals this panel is considering. I feel happy to
be asked to be a member of this panel because I Ve had a love affair wiA wild
rivers most of my life.
I tried to fly in yesterday but tibe weather didn't permit my landing, so I
came down on a bus from Ashland coming through country which at one time
I knew very well. I thought of my early Wisconsin experience and how it
would apply to what Tm going to say this morning.
I thought of a little creek which so far as I know has no name even today,
where I caught my first brook trout, somewhere out of the Phillips-Prentice
area which I came through last night. I wasn't more than seven or eight when
I caught that trout, a tender age, but catching that trout and seeing a wild
little creek affected my life. That's where my love affair started.
The last few days iVe been in Hayward, which is close to the head¬
waters of the Namekagon. Living at Ashland for a while and Hayward, I be¬
came familiar with the country Ernest Swift described so vividly. In my
memory are strange names such as the Chippanazee Creek, Big Brook, Branch
Brook, the Mosquito, the Ounce, the Tobitik, not Totogotik as it is on the map,
but Tobitik, countless little streams and tributaries of the upper Namekagon.
Those streams are woven into my life and they have colored my whole attitude
toward wild rivers. I fished the Namekagon fifty years ago when it was full
of brook trout before the browns came in and when it was unusual to catch a
Northern or a bass.
I made a sixteen day canoe trip once from the Kettle River at Sandstone,
Minnesota, down to the St. Croix and down the St. Croix to Stillwater and be¬
yond. Ill never forget that trip. There were no portages on the rivers in those
days, and I ran the famous Kettle Rapids; six miles of white water with no
chance of getting out, and I broke quite a few ribs in my old canoe in the
process.
While at the University of Wisconsin, I spent a summer on the Wisconsin
Geological Survey under Mr. Bean, who was state geologist at that time. Our
headquarters were Stanley and Danbury. I surveyed the Yellow River at that
time, waded all the way from its beginning to where it joins the St. Croix, got
to know it and its tributaries well. Since then my love of rivers has carried me
into many strange places. I have followed the great Canadian rivers from the
International Border up to the Arctic Coast, rivers with such names as the
Churchill, the Athabaska, the Great Bear, the Slave, wild and inaccessible,
even today. In July, I followed the Gods River and the Hays down the fur
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol 53 (Part A) 1964
35
36
Sigurd F. Olson
trade route from the north end of Lake Winnipeg to Old York Factory on
Hudson Bay. My involvement with rivers has been a lifetime affair. Wherever
there's water, I have a penchant for getting into a canoe to explore them. Just
a year ago I made a canoe trip down the Swanee River from the Big Okefeno-
kee swamp in Georgia down to the sea. The year before that I made a trip
down the Lewis and Clark section of the Missouri. IVe canoed the Current
River in Arkansas and Missomri, known the Allagash in Maine. Last year, I
followed the Namekagon from the headwaters to Hayward, a sentimental j
journey for me. |
These trips have given me a feeling fcir wild rivers, a sense of their im¬
portance. Rivers were the first highways of America — ^first the Indians, then the
French and American fur traders, finally the loggers and the settlers. Rivers are i
woven into our lives. Many here today can trace river travel in the history of
their families.
The first highways of America — paths of exploration, trade and develop¬
ment; now we re looking at rivers to see if they have other values. The very
fact that the first morning of this important meeting of the Wisconsin Academy
of Sciences, Arts and Letters is devoted to the preservation of wild rivers is
significant.
Yesterday morning I walked down to the banks of the Namekagon. Mrs.
Olson's old home is on its banks between Hayward and Cable. I had brushed ^
out a trail down to the river some years ago, a lovely trail, paralleling a little
creek rising in a swamp and following the river for probably half a mile. It
was a misty morning. I stood down there by the river and listened and
looked. It hadn't changed much in fifty years. The water was fast and high and
flecked with foam from rapids above. There was constant movement. The
birds were singing. The white throats weren't back yet but the chickadees
were giving their mating calls and a flock of red winged blackbirds were in a
tall tree. Then I heard a mallard coming down the river, a greenhead. It lit in
the river in front of me; I was hidden behind a big cedar root. Soon it was
joined by two others and then there were three greenheads there. They
paddled around in the river and watched the foam, picked up an occasional bit
of food (I couldn't tell what), dove, swam upstream and down for about an
hour. Standing there by the river watching these mallards, listening to the
flow of the water, I thought: the Old Namekagon epitomizes the interest and
the love of people for all wild rivers. Here was the same silence I had known
as a boy. Across from where I stood were two old cedars. I used to catch a
trout there once in awhile, a real brook trout. There was movement and alive-
ness and silence. I could hear cars occasionally on Highway 63 but the sound
ebbed and flowed. Most of the time was the feeling of wilderness that the i
Namekagon used to have. I thought to myself as I stood there, and this part
of the Namekagon is not included in the study, how wonderful it would be if
others could come back as I had done fifty years or so to hear and see what
I saw.
Walking back to the house I took a different trail, wound up on a road,
and there was a sign: River Front Properties For Sale. The Namekagon, the
Wolf, the Chippewa, the Flambeau, and the St. Croix are disappearing before
our eyes. The rivers are not disappearing, but their wild quality is changing
fast.
The St. Croix-Namekagon Rivers
37
I am glad that the St. Croix-Namekagon complex has been given me to
talk about this morning. The St. Croix boundary hne between Wisconsin and
Minnesota was a suitable subject because IVe lived part of my life in northern
Wisconsin and part in Minnesota, so am qualified, I think, to speak for the
project. The river has the same kind of history that other rivers have. It"s a
large river, larger than most being considered, about sixty-five hundred square
miles, roughly five million acres for the watershed. It too was once a famous
highway for the Indians. It had Indian villages, battle grounds between the
Sioux and the Chippewa, and early fur trading posts. During the logging era,
when five and one half billion feet of logs were sorted in the Stillwater area,
it was the great highway. From the standpoint of size and significance this
complex is worth considering.
Just how the Interior Department study teams arrived at their conclu¬
sions I do not know, but I know they started out with six hundred and fifty po¬
tential streams. After a great deal of research, many meetings and pairings,
they cut this vast number down to sixty-four, and this sixty-four eventually to
twelve. What guided the committees in their final choices was national signifi¬
cance. The St. Croix is a large river, has important history, and is still untamed
enough to qualify as a wild river.
I have a gi'eat deal of respect for the study teams and the work they are
carrying on. The more I study the material that has aheady come out, tentative
ideas, surveys, and suggestions, the more I am impressed with the tremendous
amount of research going into these projects. Here is a challenge never faced
before in the preservation of wild country. Trying to figure out the ownership
pattern of a national park, a national recreation area, or an historic area is
simple compared to what these teams face in their study of rivers. Here are no
solid blocks of land, but long ribbons along the rivers which may be from one
hundred to two hundred miles in length. Here they face different kinds of co¬
operation-federal, state, county, with a complex of private ownership that's
sometimes baffling, legal complexities which will take all the ingenuity, brains
and analytical ability the study teams possess.
The twelve national rivers were chosen because of their proximity to
great populations and their recreational potential, as well as beauty and charm.
There are many other factors going into their choices for the kinds of rivers
picked for this first study. I merely want to say to these teams; do not under¬
estimate the importance of your studies. Those of us who know, recognize
the tremendous difficulties you're faced with. If you come up with fairly firm
conclusions by the end of the year, which is your hope, remember that you are
laying the groundwork for a new system to be called "‘The Wild Rivers of
America", something different than has ever been done before.
“The Wild Rivers of America" is a challenging concept. I'll never forget
when Secretary Udall came into office. He had a big map of America laid
out before him, had marked in red dozens of rivers, most of them the head¬
waters of huge drainage systems. He said, “I hope the day will come when we
can save a few of these rivers in a wild or wilderness condition, when the
American people will realize that some rivers are more important from the
standpoint of aesthetics and recreational use than as sources for power and
water storage. We'll have to move fast because these opportunities are
disappearing.”
38
Sigurd F. Olson
In the Department of Interior, with its various agencies — the Bureau of
Outdoor Recreation, the National Park Service, the Fish and Wildlife Service,
Reclamation, and other, and with the cooperation of the Department of Agri¬
culture the Forest Service, there has finally come into being a definite deter¬
mined program to save some of these rivers while there is still time. I hope that
the twelve which are now being studied in depth will be increased shortly to
maybe twenty or thirty. I hope those that the federal government is not study¬
ing will be studied by the states, the counties, and local governments.
I hope the day will come when such beautiful rivers as the Wolf, if it
does not fill the criterion for national designation, wiU somehow have woven
around it a protective design. Back in the thirties I made a survey for the
Bureau of Indian AflFairs of all the Lake States’ reservations, spent considerable
time on the Wolf and had a delightful assignment to also fish the Evergreen
which up to that time was denied to white people. You can imagine how diffi¬
cult it was for me, being an old trout fisherman, to go into Sie Evergreen
with an Indian friend with the express purpose of seeing what was there.
It’s hard to make comparisons, diflBcult to compare one river with an¬
other. They’re all different and worthwhile. An encouraging thing about this
wild rivers movement is that studies are being made by men as conscientious
as any I’ve ever known — ^men who have an emotional involvement in rivers as
I have. If these men didn’t have a deep feeling for rivers, if they didn’t wear j
their hearts on their sleeves so to speak in the work they’re doing, their work
would not be significant. Joseph Wood Krutch of Arizona said once, “Conserva¬
tion without love is a meaningless activity.” I am sure all of you embrace that
philosophy whether it’s the wild rivers program or any of the many facets
which may be discussed here today. AU conservation is the same, and all con¬
servation work done by people such as you and the organization you repre¬
sent, is done for love and the deep feeling you have for the land, and your
envronment — ^not only rivers, but forests — and swamps — and fields, the total '
hmnan environment we’re trying to save. Wild river studies are part of this
pattern. I
An old Greek philosopher said, “Life is a gift of Nature, but a beautiful
life is a gift of wisdom.” How right he was. A beautiful life is a gift of wis- !
dom. What we’re trying to do in this wild river study is to gain wisdom, wisdom
on how to cope with all the technical problems confronting such preservation. '
In order to have wisdom we must have knowledge, studies in depth that have
to do with the physical terrain through which a river flows, the kind of stream
it is, the kind of water, ownership patterns, legal complications, federal, state
and county divisions, the complexities of zoning, purchase of easements, and
other facets that are part of the overall effort. !
I want to sound a few precautions regarding rivers. Let’s never try to bal¬
ance the economic potential of wild rivers against the dollars and cents of
economic statistics so easily available. I’ve always felt in any of these strug¬
gles that to talk of aesthetics, intangible value and the spiritual, the emo¬
tional impact on people, with the complex of the dollar sign, is a losing battle.
We cannot ignore the dollar sign, but let’s not try to make any wilderness
reservations justify themselves from the standpoint of economy alone.
Secondly, I would say the important thing in protecting rivers is to save
the streamsides by the creation of inviolate strips along them. How wide they
The St. Croix-Namekagon Rivers
39
should be depends on the terrain itself. A river shorn of its trees is a changed
river, a river logged to its banks, a diflFerent ecology from what it was before.
Thirdly, let us not overdevelop these priceless rivers. As I stood by the
Namekagon yesterday, alone in the mist watching those mallards and listen¬
ing to the birds, I thought of what maximum recreation use could do to a river
like that, I thought of thousands of canoeists coming down the Namekagon,
not only canoeists but boats with uptilted motors, and I thought,” Why stress
this matter of maximum use? Why not face up to the real issue, the preserving
of something wild for its own sake, for the days when our population will be
three hundred million instead of one hundred and ninty?” We must look to the
future not the next decade, a future of fifty, one hundred years, or a thousand.
I was delighted to see you at this meeting. Senator Nelson. I thought Td
said goodbye this morning but evidently the planes are not flying. I want to
compliment you for your vision, for the leadership Wisconsin took in its fifty
million dollar natur^ resource fund. I must also tell you that due to our
jealousy regarding the lead Wisconsin took, we did the same thing in Minne¬
sota. You set an example which is being followed all over the United States.
I couldn't be here last night to see the Brandywine film which I viewed
some time back, but I did want to hear the speaker again; nor did I make it to
see the Apostle Island films because my planes weren't flying either. I saw the
film in Washington and was impressed. Living at Ashland I knew the Apostle
Islands, once was storm bound there on a little sand spit of Long Island for
several days with nothing to eat. I know the Kaukaugan sloughs and the Che-
quamegon sloughs at the end of the bay. It would be a wonderful thing if the
dream of providing protection for this unusually historic complex of islands,
rivers, and sloughs would come into being.
I don't think any of us still face up to the fact that time is running out,
that we're faced with a population and industrial expansion which will destroy
many of these things we're talking about unless we move now. That's why
this meeting is important. There is an urgency that cannot be avoided. The
day is going to come when any place of wilderness will be so precious to our
people that even to go there and look is enough without having to paddle down
it, swim or water ski, or catch fish. The important thing is to save places with
wilderness quality to which the people of the future can repair for their spirit¬
ual well being.
I remember Justice Douglas on our C & O Canal hike of ten years ago
when we walked one hundred eighty nine miles from Cumberland to Washing¬
ton. He and I were on a radio program one night when he said, '‘We establish
sanctuaries for deer and ducks and fish and all sorts of creatures, but what we
really need to do is establish sanctuaries for men.”
MINERALS, WATER AND SOILS IN NORTHERN WISCONSIN
George F. Hanson, State Geologist and Director
Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey
Geologically speaking, Northern Wisconsin is the very heartland of the
state. It is here that the rocks of the so-called “basement complex” have been
uplifted and exposed at the surface by erosion.
These rocks are extremely complex and record over 2,000,000,000 years
of geologic history. They record the presence of ancient seas whose boundaries
have long since been obliterated but whose deposits are represented by sand¬
stones, now quartzites, such as we see in Rib Mt., and by other marine de¬
posits now so highly altered that their origin is often barely discernible.
They record the activity of volcanoes, some quietly extruding basaltic
lavas that covered hundreds of square miles, others erupting with explosive
violence and emitting deadly clouds of incandescent dust such as annihilated
the inhabitants of Pompei and St. Pierre. They record periods of intense crustal
deformation when mountains were built, and periods of quiescence when the
mountains were reduced to plains on which rose hiUs of more resistant rocks
such as quartzite. During the final minutes of the last scene glaciers covered
the land leaving on their retreat a blanket of debris which all but obscured the
underlying rocks and which radically changed the preexisting featmres of the
landscape.
Such then is the geologic setting of our mineral resources, our water re¬
sources and our soils.
Of all the mineral resources of the north none have been more important
historically than iron ore. This was originally deposited as a marine sedi¬
ment and consisted of thin, alternating layers of silica and iron carbonate. As
these sediments were subjected to various geologic stresses with the passage
of time, their nature changed; in some areas the iron and silica combined to
make iron silicate minerals; in others the iron carbonate changed to magnetic
iron oxide and in others to non-magnetic iron oxide; locally the silica was
leached away, leaving masses of high-grade iron ore scattered as plums in a
pudding. It was in these high-grade ore bodies that the iron mines on the
Penokee-Gogebic Range were developed. The first production was in 1884
from the Colby mine in Michigan, and two years later the Montreal and Cary
mines in Wisconsin began production.
Although the iron-bearing formation itself was extensive, the high-grade
ore bodies were scarce, and as early as 1924 work was started to produce a
high-iron concentrate from the low-grade iron formation or, as it is commonly
called, “taconite”. At first this was uneconomical, but as mining and concen¬
trating techniques improved, and as the cost of mining the high-grade ore
rose, the cost-benefit ratio began to favor the production of taconite. Imported
ores of exceptionally high-grade also appeared on the market. It became ap¬
parent that die iron mines of the Penokee-Gogebic Range, some of which were
operating from 3-4000 feet xmderground, would soon be unable to compete
economically. In 1962 the Montreal Mine was abandoned after having pro-
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
41
42
George F. Hanson
duced almost 45,000,000 tons of ore, and although the Cary Mine is still pro- I
ducing, its future is most uncertain. ,
The era of high-grade iron ore mining in Wisconsin is drawing to a close
and the future lies in “taconite”. Substantial quantities of ‘‘taconite” are known
to be present on the west end of the Penokee Range near Mellen; in the vicin¬
ity of Butternut, in southern Ashland County; at Pine Lake, south of Hurley I
in Iron County; and at Black River Falls in Jackson County. It is very possible I
that there are imknown deposits awaiting discovery. Although it is imcertain
when taconite mining in Wisconsin wiU become a reality, I have little doubt
that it will ultimately be of as great, or greater, economic importance to the
north as has the mining of high grade ore.
Although iron is the only metallic mineral that has been produced from
the northern part of the state, it was another metal, copper, that captured
men's imagination at the turn of the century. It had been shown that the same
geologic formation that was host to the rich copper deposits of the northern
peninsula of Michigan extended across northern Wisconsin to Minnesota; some
outcrops showed traces of copper mineralization, and on the basis of this in¬
formation a full-fledged copper boom was promoted. Mining companies pointed |
to the fabulous success of die Michigan mines and sold stocks with the assur- j
ance that ‘‘all risks had been eliminated.” This rosy picture was clouded when,
in 1900, the state survey issued a report stating that although some copper min¬
eralization was apparent there was no evidence from the outcrops and test
holes that had been examined that ore bodies of commercial magnitude were ,
present. This report created an intense furor but it has stood the test of time,
and although there has been exploration during recent years by some of the
world's largest copper producing companies, we still await the discovery of a
commercial ore-body. In spite of these discouraging results, I feel certain that
such ore-bodies do exist and may be discovered in the future as new explora¬
tion techniques are developed.
Although metals have much popular appeal, non-metalhc minerals are of ,
no little importance. Among the non-metallics produced in northern Wisconsin
are large quantities of sand and gravel for highway and other construction
purposes. Crushed stone for roofing granules is produced in Marinette county
and also at Mosinee just north of Wausau. Quartzite is quarried for abrasives :
at Rib Mountain. Wisconsin granites are known throughout the nation and
indeed there are none finer. Occurrences of some rather exotic minerals such
as talc, molybdenite, asbestos, zircon, thorium and the rare earths are also
known and may point to the discovery of deposits of commercial grade.
The soil and water resources are both legacies of the Ice Age. Our in¬
formation is insufficient to reconstruct the pre-glacial physiography with anyt
degree of accuracy. The topography was probably somewhat more rugged;
there was certainly a well developed drainage system with few, if any, l^ies;
groimd-water supplies would have been hard to obtain as the crystalline rocks
store negligible amounts of water, and the residual soil would have been highly
leached of its nutritive elements.
The material that was deposited by the ice sheet consisted of imsortedi
debris composed of fragments, scoured from the rocks over which it passed,
ranging in size from large boulders to rock flour. In general these deposits are
quite high in nutrients. As the ice receded, streams took up new courses and
Minerals, Water and Soils in Northern Wisconsin
43
lakes were formed in the depressions created by dammed valleys and the
melting of stagnant ice blocks buried in the glacial debris. In many places
the glacial sediments were redistributed by water from the melting ice and
sorted into various sizes depending on the velocity of the current. Coarse ma¬
terials such as sand and gravel were deposited in broad, flat, “outwash” plains
close to the margin of the melting ice; the finer materials were carried greater
distances and were deposited in the still water of lakes, which were then of
much greater extent than those of the present day. In some areas a fertile layer
of wind blown silt, called “loess”, covered the ground to a depth of several
feet. Thus a brand new landscape, new soils and a new water regimen were
created.
The sands and gravels act as a highly permeable sponge to soak up rain¬
fall, store it temporarily as ground water, and release it slowly to streams to
maintain cool and steady flows. In such areas wells can be drilled to yield
large quantities of water. However, in areas where sands or gravels are lacldng,
and especially where the glacial deposits are thin, ground-water may be ex-
‘ tremely difficult to obtain, even in such limited quantities as are necessary for
' domestic and hve-stock use. If surface water supplies are readily available
these may be developed, but quite often they may be highly polluted or may
I lie far enough away that the cost of obtaining, processing and transporting
! the water is beyond the economic capabilities of the communities involved.
In such areas the lack of water may seriously limit the growth potential. Thus,
' although northern Wisconsin is water-rich overall, the local availability of
water for domestic, municipal, industrial or agricultural use may vary from
that of extreme plenty to that of critical shortage.
The soils of the northlands are by and large quite fertile, and in 1921 the
I state survey issued a bulletin extoUing their virtues. However, the agricultoal
boom, like the copper boom, failed to materialize. Although some areas sup-
: port a healthy dairying industry, the growth of diversified crops is limited by
the short growing season. Within recent years, however, a significant new de-
! velopment has taSken place, namely growing specialized crops, such as potatoes,
I on the sandy soils with the aid of supplemental irrigation. This activity is bound
I to increase in the future, and, hopefully, attract processing plants that will
further add to the economic base.
I do not, in this extremely brief discussion of the mineral, soil and water
! resources of the northern part of the state, wish to leave the impression that
we know all there is to know about the subject.
I In the field of bedrock geology, much could be learned from an aero-
j magnetic survey. This technique measures differences in the magnetic attrac-
I tion of rocks even when deeply buried. Such work recently delimited a large
I iron ore body in Missouri and possible ore bodies in Iowa and southeast Min-
I nesota. We have done some reconnaissance along these fines and will at-
I tempt to obtain support for continuing the work.
The needs for information on water resources are legion. Detailed work
! should be done in areas of water shortage to locate sand and gravel beds that
: may fie in buried valleys; information is needed on the relationship of ground
: water to surface water and of streamflow characteristics to geology and
! climatology; the biologic effects of pollution and the aging of lakes demand
44
George F. Hanson
study. A bill to initiate such studies passed the Wisconsin Senate without a
dissenting vote during the last session, but is currently held up in the Assembly.
Agricultural studies on soils will always be important, but the emphasis is
shifting towards interpreting data on soils for many other uses, such as their
engineering properties for highway construction; suitability for on-lot sewage
disposal systems, for recreational uses, game management, timber production
and scores of other purposes. We intend to devote a major part of our rather
meagre funds for soil surveying to the study, mapping, and classification of
Wisconsin soils for multiple purpose uses.
In short, northern Wisconsin has a potential that is far from well known,
but we shall continue to work to obtain the necessary support to enable us to
contribute to a fuller understanding of its basic resources.
THE FOREST RESOURCES OF NORTHERN WISCONSIN
John A. Beale, Chief State Forester
Wisconsin Conservation Department
It is most appropriate at this meeting, with its theme of ‘‘The Natural
Resources in Northern Wisconsin,” to consider a resource which at one time
was the North's number one industry— the forest resource. It is unlikely that
the industries using the wood resource will ever again completely rule Wis¬
consin business, but they are presently a much larger force in the economy of
the North and the State than most people realize. It is apparent, too, that
they will remain one of the dominant segments of the Wisconsin business
community in the future. The forest resource is the most important resource
in the North, yet it is synonymous with the so-called depressed areas of our
state.
To serve as background material, I would like first to outline the present
status of the forest resource in the North— its volume, growth and changing
character. Secondly, I would like to mention some of the principal problems
and goals in management of both public and private forest lands. And third,
I deem it appropriate to discuss the present forestry program in the North,
both public and private — or, in other words, what all types of land managers
are doing to solve their problems and meet the needs of the future. Finally, I
would like to touch on the outlook for the resource as it affects northern Wis¬
consin and to offer a few suggestions for speeding up the process of rehabilitat¬
ing the forests of the North.
Presently, 69%, or ten and one half million acres, of the northern twenty-
one counties is in forest land, and the total volume of wood in these forests is
just about sixty-two million cords. If cut in eight-foot sticks, it would fill 3,000,-
000 railroad gondola cars; and if stacked up four feet high, it would make a
continuous pile alongside 47,000 miles of road in the state. If the resource were
static, that is, if it could be banked, with no change, it would supply the paper
industry for nearly thirty years at the present rate of consumption.
Unlike some other resources, however, forests are dynamic — ever-growing
and ever-changing. The nonstocked, cutover forest area in the North has
steadily declined with successful fire protection and forest plantings over the
past twenty-five years. The acreage of sawtimber has decreased from the
days when Paul Bunyan traveled these parts. The acreage of small seedling and
sapling stands has decreased markedly; and the acreage in pole-size timber,
that is trees from five to eleven inches in diameter, has doubled in the last
twenty years. Today, northern Wisconsin is covered with a young, changing
forest and is shaking itself free from the results of the logging done at the
turn of the century and the fires that followed.
The species composition of these northern forests has changed also. The
acreage of aspen, paper birch, white pine and balsam fir has decreased; the
acreage in maple, hemlock, yellow birch and black spruce has remained about
the same, and the acreage in jack pine and red pine has noticeably increased.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
45
46
John A. Beale \
The volume in sawlogs has increased within the last twenty years, but the
trees are smaller in size and of poorer quality than the original stands. We
have less sawtimber in the more desirable species such as sugar maple, yellow ,
birch and hemlock but more in oak, basswood and elm. The pulpwood volume ,
is mainly concentrated in these northern counties of the state. The northeast
and northwest areas have about equal volumes, and together they account for
about four-fifths of the available pulpwood in the state. The forests of the
North are growing rapidly. The net increase is about 2.4 million cords annually
or somewhat more than the yearly harvest. This might seem to be a pretty good
sign for the future for this area, but the average growth rate is only about one- ■
fourth of a cord per acre. With more intensive management, growth of one
cord per acre is easily possible. So we have a long way to go to reach full pro- '
ductivity, and this is one of the major goals of forest managers in the northern
counties.
This, then, is what we have to work with in Wisconsin's "north woods”-™
a growing forest, but growing only about one-fourth as fast as it could; mostly
hardwood, mainly in the five to eleven inch diameter class; a small but in¬
creasing volume of sawtimber, small in tree size and low in quality; between
500 and 600 thousand acres of planted forest, mostly pine; a pulpwood in¬
dustry with a healthy appetite to satisfy; a lumber and veneer industry in need
of quality logs to remain competitive; and the more recent concern that the
forests of the North are important not only for timber supplies but also for
water, wildlife and recreation. Those are the pieces of the puzzle that we are
trying to put in their proper places to achieve full benefits from the forest
resource for the people of the northern community, for the industries depend¬
ent upon the forest resources, and for the people who use the forest for other
activities.
What about our aims? What are we shooting for tomorrow or 1980 or
2000? Basically our goals are much the same as they were thirty-five or forty ■
years ago-reducing fire losses, improving forest management and having the j
forest resource of these northern counties contribute more to a better way of |
life for the people in the area. Besides these goals, though, we look forward
tm
1. The increased growth of a highly integrated and automated forest in¬
dustry based largely upon Wisconsin-grown wood and producing a wide vari¬
ety of finished products, some of which we do not even conceive at this time.
The Conservation Department has seen fit to put a utilization and marketing
specialist to work full time to help the industries and counsel new industries !
in an orderly expansion of the vital wood-using industries. '
2. The increased growth of a modernized, commercial recreational in¬
dustry based on clean water and an attractive forest background. This en¬
deavor should not be the responsibility of the state alone but is one where we
are willing to offer noncompetitive cooperation so all lands and landowners can
play a key role in shaping the economic health of the North. This is compatible •
with growing and harvesting timber and is an added benefit and source of
income that must be developed.
3. Advances in technology and research in equipment and in trained man¬
power to open the way toward better management of the available forest area
with less expense. The wood products harvested in the North in the next 30
The Forest Resources of Northern Wisconsin
47
years must come from trees presently growing in the forests of the area. The
advances made in management and utilization of this crop will determine the
resource base that local forest industries can tap for raw materials in the
future.
In the attainment of these goals, a number of new or accelerated accom¬
plishments must come to be:
1. Increased and modernized forest fire protection as the timber stands
grow up and the hazards of crown fires are magnified.
2. Reduction or elimination of excessive taxation of forest land — a prob¬
lem since the early logging days and still with us.
3. New uses for wood and improvement of existing manufacturing and
marketing methods so annual allowable harvest can be utilized.
4. A speedup in the program of intensive forest management which will
result in a greatly increased output of available forest products, providing a
firm basis for the economic growth of the North.
5. Modem transportation methods have done much to bring the distant
timber supplies close to the mill. Despite increased mobility, freight rate
stmctures and highway shipping limits are deterrents to full utilization. These
increased competitive costs need study and change.
6. Improvement of safety conditions in woods work to lessen the cost of
necessary insurance programs for woods workers and the industry.
7. Improvement in the detection and control of forest pests, both diseases
and insects.
8. Improve conservation education or, rather, I should say, resource
management education to mold public understanding of the importance of
conservation in general and especially the forest resource. This need was most
apparent to me in the recent election when a referendum to increase the mill
tax for forestry purposes was defeated by the electorate. Voters in only three
northern counties favored the change, and they are the recipients of most of
the benefits. Too many of our so-called conservationists are concerned only
with the frosting on the cake— -the fish, ducks and deer, while they are either
unaware of or choose to ignore the rest of the cake, the real basic elements of
resource management— water, soil and forests — ^without which there would be
no frosting.
These then are the major goals and some of the problems we face in reach¬
ing them. The question next is: What are we doing now to meet our goals,
to solve our problem, and what else should we be doing? This list is not as
long as we might like, but it shows that the forest acreage of the northern
counties is some of the most intensively managed, studied, manipulated and
most promising land in the state. Let’s take a close look at some aspects of
progress in the management of the timber resource of the North.
1. We have a forest fire protection program that is of prime essence to
the growing of renewable timber crops and justifies the expenditure of time,
money and materials in a forestry program.
2. We have a cooperative agreement with the northern counties in the
management of nearly 2 million acres of forest land that last year alone pro¬
duced over 2.6 million board feet of sawlogs and nearly 100,000 cords of
48
John A. Beale
puipwood. In addition to supplying raw materials to the industry, these figures i
represent jobs for people in this area and money that is earned on a year-
round basis, not seasonal in nature.
3. Reforestation is moving ahead at an encouraging rate. All landowners,
state, federal, county, industrial and private, have been actively engaged in
restoring the production of the area to stands of timber which will assure the
forestry future of the North.
4. An increasing number of acres in all ownerships are being managed
under intensive multiple use. These acres are producing raw materials for the
local industries, recreation for tourist, and increased levels of wildlife for sports¬
men or for that segment of the public that merely wants to see the animals |
of the forest.
5. The forest survey and timber resource data are constantly being evalu¬
ated and used by industries interested in planning plant locations and expan¬
sions. I might add here that we had hoped to update this survey in the near
future, but the failure of the recent forestry referendum has dimmed chances
of this because of the shortage of funds for this purpose.
6. The forest research program has given us answers to many problems
directly related to growing timber and protection against insects and diseases.
This type of research must continue. We must also find answers to prob¬
lems of marketing, forest taxation, utilization of low-grade wood and less ex- |
pensive methods of timber management.
Contrary to much that has been said about the economic future of the ;
forest areas of the North, I am inclined to be optimistic. It is apparent, I hope,
to many of you that we have not been sitting on our hands for the past 30
years. We must realize that over a period of about fifty years from the Civil
War to World War I, the North was relieved of a timber resource so great that
the original timber supply is hard to comprehend. Such a resource is not to
be restored overnight, but it can be restored and it is being restored.
What about the future? So far, I have talked about what has been and
is happening in the forests of the North. A look at what we can expect by
1986“0nly twenty-two years away which is relatively short by our time
schedule— -shows an expected 43% increase in timber volume. Timber cut
will be 40% higher than in 1964. This looks promising for the North but I feel
we can and should do even better. With expansion of the forest industries of
the state a substantially higher proportion of the wood they need will come
from Wisconsin forests. It is also my belief that we will be doing a better job
of forestry in the woods. This means more growth and more timber available
for cutting, more jobs and more residents earning a suitable livelihood.
All forest owners, public and private alike, must make a greater effort to
recognize the inherent public interest in all the forest lands of the North and
manage these lands to provide wood products for our state industries, jobs
for the residents of the North and a more stable, flourishing economy for the
entire northland. Much has been happening in the forests of the North. The
outlook is good if we continue to progress as we have during the past 25 years.
It can be excellent if we put a little more effort into it. We are determined to
do just that.
LAKE MANAGEMENT FOR RECREATIONAL USES
Edward Schneberger, Superintendent
Research and Planning Division
C. W. Threinen, Supervisor
Lake and Stream Classification
Wisconsin Conservation Department
Wisconsin is a humid state with large amounts of surface waters moving
from the higher elevations to the major water courses. Wisconsin is endowed
with thousands of pits or blocked drainages as a result of glacial action and
man’s works. With much water running off in streams and collecting in pits
or impoundmentS“better known as lakes — it is only natural that waters are an
important part of our landscape and that they are the focal point for an im¬
mense amount of recreation.
What are the types of water recreation sought and what are their require¬
ments? Knowledge of this kind is essential to chart the course of future sm'-
face water management to provide the pleasures desired. Most analyses of
water recreation have simply viewed water as unlimited space to which only
the parks and accesses need to be opened up, under the assumption that then
aU the bounty can flow from this opening. But there is more required than
that. Every duck that is shot, every fish caught, every boat anchored and
every beach appropriated for swimming has space requirements, which may be
in conflict with other requirements.
The primary recreational activities on water may be lumped in these
categories: fishing, boating, swimming, hunting and trapping, esthetics, aquatic
life study or observation. Besides recreational activities there are numerous
nonrecreational activities which utilize surface waters such as irrigation, naviga¬
tion, dilution of wastes, power generation and industrial uses of water, aU of
which can be competitive with and often are detrimental to surface water use
for recreation, through in some certain instances they are complementary. In
the following paragraphs we shall define these activities and furnish a picture
of their requirements. With such a background, waters classification comes into
focus.
Fishing
From the standpoint of welfare there is no finer participating sport than
angling. It takes the individual outside and it furnishes “a pleasureful use of
time not spent at work” during all seasons of the year. It furnishes healthful,
moderate exercise, offers a mental challenge, provides an element of chance
and, as a bonus, it can provide meat on the table for the skillful (or lucky)
fisherman. Clearly with all these values we need to provide just as much fish¬
ing as we possibly can.
The requirements for fishing have several dimensions, beginning with the
space or habitat requirement for rearing the fish. The first essential will be to
provide water with qualities acceptable to fish. Space does not permit a dis¬
cussion of the various types of poUutants and the effects of pollution on water
quahty. It will, therefore, suffice to state that every effort must be made to
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
49
50
Edward Schneberger-C , W. Threinen
protect our surface waters from these destructive forces. Where waters are
polluted it should be public policy and civic pride to clean up the situation as
soon as possible.
If w© are to maintain quality fishing, a minimum requirement will be to
keep the BOD (biochemical oxygen demand) of our waters as low as possi¬
ble. Subtle changes can occur if we fail to do so. In the clearest and deepest,
cold-water fish such as cisco and trout will disappear. Important invertebrate
food can be lost to the environment, and pleasant weeds can be displaced by
filamentous and bluegreen algae. Lack of attention to water quality will result
in a harvest of less desirable fishes instead of the highly prized game fish such
as walleye, muskellunge, bass, perch and bluegills.
The second requirement is adequate habitat. For some species this will
be cover in the streams, stable water levels dmring rearing periods, weed beds
for nursery areas, unmolested spawning grounds, adequate food resources and
many other not-easily recognizable requirements, A sampling of some require¬
ments will partially illustrate this point. The muskellunge and northern pike
spawn in shallow marshy bays. What will happen to these spawning grounds
when these areas are filled in for cottage sites? The trout fingerlings hatched
in midwinter are completely at the mercy of the stream cover. If cows have
stripped all the cress beds, water buttercup clones or over-hanging brush or
grass, their lot is simply food for others. Even big trout face the same problem
— having escape cover---when attacked by otter, merganser or heron.
There is subtle interplay among all species of fish. If the habitat is shifted
slightly in one direction or another, a different species may be given advantage.
Reduction of weed cover favors plankton eating species such as crappie. The
crappie is commonly the most abimdant species in relatively weecUess flow-
ages with fluctuating water levels and in lakes which have had vegetation
reduced by carp action. We shall reap a harvest of the types of fish the en¬
vironment will produce. This can be a high value crop or a low value crop.
The fishing space required by fishermen is a subtle thing. Fishermen
seldom appreciate having others around them. It will never do to have two
trout fishermen on the same hole. On lakes an angler systematically working a
few acre weed bed for muskellunge will be intolerant of another invader.
Many uses of water can interfere with fishing without actually destroying
the fish themselves or damaging the habitat. For example, some pollutants can
and do contaminate the flavor of the fish so that they are unpalatable and
thereby decrease the value of the fish population as a recreation resource.
Many municipalities find that surface water courses are either needed to
*"flush” water off the landscape or store water in times of peak runoff. The
former requires a ditched and straightened stream and perhaps one that is
cemented in. The storm sewer belching unsavory water into streams or lakes is
not an asset. Agricultural enterprises also find it convenient to ditch many
streams that have a fishing value. Water which is used for power purposes is
not in itself seriously harmful, rather it may do some good. Many waters were
created or enlarged primarily for power production. The Chippewa Flowage
is the largest of our flowages and has provided much to the recreational assets
of the area. Water is stored for subsequent industrial use. There are several
similar flowages, but much smaller in size. Considerable study and research is
Lake Management for Recreational Uses
51
needed on these flowages to clearly understand how to manage them so that
industry and recreation are in concert to the best advantage of both.
Irrigation is a consumptive use that takes water away from fish. This con¬
flict is especially keen on trout streams mainly because the geography that
provides trout streams is also the geography that favors an irrigable crop,
mainly potatoes. The first and almost immediate eflFect is felt by the trout
fishermen.
Other activities on water can subtract from the fishing experience. The
presence of numbers of motor boats, especially when associated with water
skiing, will drive fishermen oflF the water. It is common to watch fishermen
leave the water when their solitude is broken by the whirring, wave-creating
motorboat and the “splish splash” of the water skiers.
Swimming
Although swimming, as a sport in the open air and pursued on surface
waters, is confined to the warm months, usually from Memorial Day to Labor
Day, it is a favorite sport of many. The requirements for swimming are clear
water and sandy beaches, and therefore shore property owners willingly pay
twice as much or more for firm frontage with sandy beaches as for water
frontage with soft bottoms. Estimates indicate 45 or more percent of the public
indulges in swimming and the greatest number of participants is among young
age groups. Swimming and its counterpart sunbathing are healthful activities,
gentle, complete, and relaxing, and should rightly be favored by public policy.
Swimming can be most easily adversely affected by water quality. A
heavy algae bloom or water that is too turbid will be shunned by the swimmer.
This sport has been hurt on some waters in this state by water enrichment,
notably in lakes below sources of sewage effluent. It has also been hurt by
the industrial wastes. Sewage contamination frequently requires the closing
of swimming beaches. Health authorities generally use as a basis for pollution
a B. Coll, count of 1,000 per cc.
Interference with swimming aside from diminution of water quality is
not great. Only fast boating pursued close to shore and use of shore for marina
facilities can be cited as causing interference. Use of shore for cottages is a
means of providing relatively exclusive swimming opportimities, although this
is certainly an extensive use of shore.
Swimming occupies the littoral zone and if heavily pursued little other
activity can take place. The littoral area will be barren of vegetation and will
have a barren sand bottom. These conditions will not be optimum for fish
and certainly if the real deficiency is nursery areas, such losses could be sig¬
nificant. Consequently clean water and space are the primary prerequisites
and must be jealously guarded if we are to give this use the optimum benefit
it deserves.
Boating
Boating has much variety to it, and includes rowing, canoeing, sailing,
speed boating, water skiing and ice boating. When boating is practiced with
moderation, we can say that exercise, the opportunity to be outdoors and the
opportunity to enjoy tne esthetics of water from boats, are all very much in
the public interest.
52
Edward Schneberger-C. W. Threinen
Rowing and canoeing furnish exercise and have low consumption of water
space. Today, although little rowing is practiced, canoeing is increasing in
popularity. Such activities interfere but little with other activities. Sailing is
largely confined to the larger lakes, and to the center of these waters where
abundant maneuvering room is available. Sailing does not cause significant
interference, either because of its location, or slower speeds. However, motor
boating presents entirely different situations. Most modern boats are the
planing type designed to take advantage of hydraulic lift. They skim over the
surface of the water at speeds generally in excess of ten miles per hour. The
speedboat ripping and roaring around the lake or river surface will cover a
great deal of space in a short period of time and will, therefore, be destined to
interfere with more tranquil activities. Water skiing may be regarded as a fine
sport, but it is without question the most space consumptive of water sports.
We have indications that each water skiing unit requires about 20 acres of
water surface before these units begin to force each other oflF the water.
Motorboating, unless water skiing is involved, has less necessity for clear
water than many other activities although the boating experience can also be
enriched if it has plenty of clear water to complement it.
The consequences of fast boating and skiing in relation to spatial limita¬
tions have to be weighed against welfare objectives of the recreational
enterprise.
Waterfowl Hunting and Wetland Trapping
These activities are declining as time goes on because both are based on
an extensive use of land and they are faced with sharply declining habitat.
The number of hunters is little more than 2 percent of the population, and
trappers are but a few thousand for the whole state. From the standpoint of
recreational values, however, both activities should rate high on the welfare
scale because they offer a distinct outdoor challenge during periods of the year
when other uses are lower. However high they rate, a drawback always exists
in the amount of space required for their pursuit. For example, to provide a
blind on every 150 or 200 yards of shore on all the lakes in three southeastern
counties would permit only 2,700 blinds for the 20,000 licensed hunters.
Hunting and trapping do not seriously interfere with other activities ex¬
cept with wildlife observation. The untrapped animals and unmolested water-
fowl contribute to wildlife observation. But the interference of other activities
with hunting and trapping is major. Converting the wild shores, particularly
the marshy stores, to human uses is a net subtraction from the habitat require¬
ments of waterfowl for nesting areas and for feeding areas.
At best, faced with habitat decreases, waterfowl hunting and trapping
will be a declining activity and only a few can be participants.
Wildlife Observation and Study
This field of activity is pursued by the many Audubon Clubs, biology
students and doubtless any youngster who has played along the shores of
water. The number of participants at any one point in time will probably not
be so large as many other activities, but the activity is nevertheless important.
Lake Management for Recreational Uses
53
It has similar spatial requirements to hunting and trapping, namely wild shores
that provide nesting, resting and finding habitat for marsh birds and animals,
and the homes for amphibians and reptiles. The httoral zone with its great
variety of fish has interest also.
The activity is increasingly limited as habitat is gobbled up for home sites,
marinas and other human uses. One cannot picture a frog croaking at the
site of a house nor a turtle sitting on the end of a pier. The family of young
ducks will not find much peace as water skiers race in and out, nor will they
find much food along shores that have had chemical weed control. Almost any
intensive human activity has an element of interference with wildlife.
Besides the micro aquatic life furnishing recreation of a desirable type,
aquatic life of all sizes serves an educational function. No biology class was
ever complete without a crayfish or a frog for dissection.
Esthetics
From what vantage point do the events of nature unfold with the great¬
est intensity? Over water of course. The esthetics associated with water are one
of its greatest uses. No one is restricted from this element of enjoyment by
age nor is anyone hampered significantly by economic means.
Aspects of aesthetics associated with water are so numerous it is diffi¬
cult to mention them all. There is space, motion and setting. The ability to
look out across the expanse of water rather than staring at a house or an apart¬
ment; the ability to watch waves, babbling brook or ripples dimpling the sur¬
face of calm waters; the ability to enjoy contrasts of sailboat and water sur¬
face, hill and flat surface; all these are ingredients of this value. The soaring
white gull is not nearly so striking over the rough landscape as it is over the
flat water scape. The white water lily in summer or tawny bullrush stand in
fall would not strike the viewer with the same gorgeous intensity without the
blue and green back drop of the water surface. In reahty, water and the
esthetics values it offers contributes much to the recreational activity on
water. It is hard to believe so many would choose to build cottages on the
shores of a lake or river if it were not for these values.
These values are, however, not all secure; they can degenerate. Should the
water take on foul odors from pollution or excessive algae blooms, the intrinsic
enjoyable quahties can disappear. Also if water becomes scummy with algae or
too thick with weed growth, its visual attraction will diminish. Many attractions
on water are based on natural vegetation and animal life. Their habitat must
therefore be protected.
The Overview
A large percentage of us are trying to get close to water to better enjoy
its pleasures. The situation will be public beach, commercial establishment or
cottage-house site. The greatest demand currently is for the cottage-house site.
The banks of all our significant waters are becoming lined or ringed one deep
and sometimes two and three deep close to the big cities. The consequences
begin to tell. Certain species of fish drop out of the picture because their
spawning grormds have disappeared. The water grows more undesirable weeds
and algae and perhaps for the first time winterkill will be felt. We catch more
54
Edward Schneberger-C. W. Threinen
bullheads than walleye. The ducks no longer visit the lake. The peace and
quiet and many elements of beauty have dwindled. It is well to ask, is this
what we want? Don't we want to maintain the maximum package of values?
What does it take to do this?
With the pure market place and personal utihty to guide the allocation of
space, we would find the shores and water dominated by the biggest and
fastest. The fish or ducks cannot lay out cash for a home site. If these fish
and wildlife values are to be maintained, man has to be thinking of them.
The circumstances cry out for a system of waters classification to help
define what should happen where. Happily, the barest elements of this need
were provided in a statute that required the Conservation Commission to set
up a system of classification of lakes and streams by use. Most will think of
this legislative mandate only in terms of boating because it was precipitated
by the conflict between water skiing behind fast boats and fishing and swim¬
ming. Waters classification is much more than that. It involves first of all
maintaining a resource for optimum use and secondly, it involves apportioning
the use when conflicts between uses become excessive.
This mandate was the basis for initiating an inventory of waters by which
facts on the surface water resource could be provided. The inventory and
other data are giving us the basis for suggested lines of action. To bring the
suggestions before the public, the Department has initiated a series of recom¬
mendations that would contribute to water resource protection and lacking
authority to implement them, they have been given widespread pubhcity.
Although the first few recommendations concerned boating, more recent
ones have also paid attention to shore uses because after all it is from the
shore that most uses of water originate. The recommendations are briefly re¬
viewed as follows:
1. Lakes of less than fifty acres not part of a connected chain are too
small for motor boats.
2. A shoreline activity zone 200 feet wide in which the speed of boats
should be limited is needed for all lakes.
3. Overnight camping, drifting or mooring of boats on the open water on
which people are living does not have a place on inland lakes because the
density of users is high and the capacity to assimilate wastes is low.
4. Pubhc landings do not have the space to accommodate mooring of
boats on the water or shore. This conclusion was amplified by the observation
that boats imder most circumstances are used only seldomly.
5. Lakes in the 50-200 acre size range and in some cases larger lakes
will become crowded when they become heavily used.
6. Slow moving activities and shore activities such as swimmers, slow
moving boats or anchored boats and the shore need to be separated from fast
activities.
7. If we want to have recreation from small rivers and streams, movement
up and down the banks will be necessary. This is incompatible with any
amount of housing or development on the banks.
8. Many values associated with the inland lakes are based on the exist¬
ence of some wild shore. Therefore preservation of some shore of this type
is needed.
Lake Management for Recreational Uses
55
These are merely suggestions — ^planning if you will— -for steps to be
taken and there are many more suggestions that are warranted. What will
really count is implementation— placing needed measures for water protection
and equitable use in operation. This involves necessary boating controls, pro¬
tecting the necessary wild land and shores through zoning and acquisition and
arranging public use facilities compatible with space available. Many positive
steps can be observed such as the land acquisition program of the Conserva¬
tion Department and positive zoning steps which give waters protection and
more equitably allocate uses.
None of us wish to observe with increasing frequency in years to come
such symptomatic comments as “winterkill”, “closed to swimming”, “carp”,
“scummy waters”. We cannot infinitely keep pyramiding uses and crowding in
on the shores of our waters. We had better take stock and figure out the best
approach for their use. Once the marshes are filled, the streams straightened
and water quality impaired, correction measures are beyond our reach.
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SOME ASPECTS OF WILDLIFE AND HUNTING
IN NORTHERN WISCONSIN
Robert A. McCabe, Chairman
Department of Wildlife Management
University of Wisconsith-Madison
Concealed in the theme of this conference, "'The Natural Resources of
Northern Wisconsin,” is the fact that these resources cannot be thought of or
dealt with as a single entity, except in a very broad context. They are renew¬
able and non-renewable; commercial and non-commercial; public and private;
physical and metaphysical; sought after and ignored; loved and despised . . .
The regard in which they are held depends upon the attitude of the viewer.
When appraising wildlife as a resource, and hunting as one way in which
it is used, we must understand the animals and the environment in which they
are found. From a hunting point of view, there are three main species which
are of recreational and economic importance to the north; they are the white¬
tailed deer, ruffed grouse and sharp-tailed grouse. Other kinds of hunted ani¬
mals could have been used as examples but the problems and solutions would
not be greatly altered.
The role of these three species in early Wisconsin has been described in
the scholarly contributions of A. W. Schorger.^ The white-tailed deer in Wis¬
consin has also been treated historically by Swift,^ Dahlberg and Guettinger,^
and Bersing.'^ The thread of unanimity among these accounts is that deer and
the two species of grouse were present, but not in great abundance, when white
men came to Wisconsin. Deer, for example, were scarce in our pristine north
woods by comparison with game abundance in the post-lumbering period.
The fur trader and the missionary left no marks upon the land; trappers
were little more than transient; and homesteaders created and ultimately left
behind only small bare patches in the northern forests. It was the lumber
barons who, by reckless exploitation of our forests, prepared the stage for
major changes to occur on the land and set in motion the dynamic processes
whereby northern botany still struggles to regain its lost grandeur. Fortunately
such havoc to mature forests will likely not take place again in the life of this
nation.
Constant change in our northern environments has continued to the pres¬
ent time and will be an inevitable part of the future. At various times, the
changing plant mantle of our state has had a profound effect on wildlife and
the sport of hunting. Indeed the economy of the north is influenced by the
persistent changes in the succession of plant types that keep Wisconsin green.
Each of our key species will be treated separately in relation to this dy¬
namic process of environmental change in northern Wisconsin.
Wis. Acad, TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
57
58
Robert A. McCabe
White -TAILED Deer
In early historical accounts, deer were recorded to be both scarce and
plentiful. The tall pineries with little understory, heavy snow, and a popula¬
tion of wolves and Indians accounted for the sparse occurrance of deer on the
southern shore of Lake Superior, according to Schorger.’^ Shiras,® Doty® and
McKenney”^ support this position. Cram,® discussing the Lac Vieux Desert of
Vilas County, claimed that deer were found in reasonable abundance in 1841.
Malhiot® also states that deer were plentiful in the Lac du Flambeau area in
the early 1800’s.
In the years before the sawyers scattered pine chips and sawdust over
the trailing arbutus on the forest floor, only wolves, hide-hunters and Indians
made inroads on the moderate deer numbers in northern Wisconsin. Severe
winters, however, were perhaps the chief decimating factor.
By 1840, the fledgling logging industry, spurred by a growing nation, gave
evidence of its prowess. By 1870, lumbering was our number-one industry. At
the turn of the century our major rivers of the north were tinged brown with
pine tannin and only dynamite could dislodge the displaced forests that had
piled up like jackstraws in these same rivers. From this point, with the produc¬
tion of over three billion board feet of lumber in 1900, we were rapidly moving
downhill as a lumber-producing state and were reduced to secondary scaveng¬
ing for big timber by 1930. The cut-out and get-out policy in handling this
‘'inexhaustible” resource produced slash which became the punk waiting only
for the steel and flint of a droughty autumn.
The first major spark flew in 1871, and over a million acres of timber
and 1200 human lives were lost in the Peshtigo holocaust. The loss to recupera¬
tive power of the soil and its water-holding capacity caused by this and other
fires was severe. SwifF records other large fires in 1880, 1891, 1894, 1897,
1908, 1923, 1925, 1931 and 1936.
Opening the forest floor to sunlight by ax and fire fostered a growth of
plants which formed a superb food-and-cover base for a deer population. The
response was immediate. Deer range was extended and hunting opportunities
expanded. The legal bag for deer has since then been altered many times in
response to fluctuating populations and to public pressure. (These two forces
are not synonymous.)
In time, the lush first growth of woody ground cover so desirable for deer
began to shelter commercially-important tree seedlings. Deer do not recognize
the silvicultural alternation of the habitat, and the herd was soon literally eat¬
ing into the economic value of the newly emerging forests. Wood-using indus¬
tries justifiably objected, and so did thinking hunters. Aldo Leopold — forester,
college professor, game manager extraordinary- — ^pressed hard for a harvest of
does to reduce the growth rate of northern deer herds. He, along with others,
reasoned that this would bring deer numbers in line with available food and,
at the same time, protect the economic investment in our forests. The first
antlerless-deer season since 1919, took place in 1943. The kill jumped from
45,188, in 1942 to 128,296 in that fateful season.^ “The deer herd has been
ruined by this slaughter,” was the hue and cry up and down the state. The
unkind things said and printed about Leopold’s part in this management effort
underscored the lack of understanding and short-sighted emotionalism by a
Some Aspects of Wildlife and Hunting in Northern Wisconsin
59
•V.V D
^ occupied range
I I no deer
• isolated occurrence
Figure 1. Wisconsin deer range about 1929 (after Leopold, 1931). (This
map is Figure 4 from ‘‘The White-Tailed Deer in Wisconsin,” by Burton L.
Dahlberg and Ralph C. Guettinger.)
noisy minority associated with this resource. In the next ten years, hunters
took from the “slaughtered” herd 745,337 deer. In some years, the hunters'
success ran as high as 56%.^® Aldo Leopold was not alive then to say: “I told
you so.” He doubtless would not have said it in any event, but I would, and
did, and do so now.
Deer hunting is an economic factor in the north. Stores, motels, resorts,
gas stations, restaurants and farmers benefit from the annual nine-day bonanza.
Today our basic problem is to keep deer and deer habitat in balance and to
encourage maximum allowable harvest for the good of the deer, the forest, the
60
Robert A. McCabe
hunter and the economy of the north. In my opinion, one of the major game-
management accomplishments in recent years has been the “variable quota”
system of deer harvest developed by the Wisconsin Conservation Department.
In brief, it attempts to promote harvest in accordance with deer abundance.
Figure 2. Wisconsin deer range about 1938. (This map is Figure 5 from
“The White-Tailed Deer in Wisconsin,” by Burton L. Dahlberg and Ralph C.
Guettinger. )
Some Aspects of Wildlife and Hunting in Northern Wisconsin
61
Principal forest range
^ Principal farm range
Secondary farm range
I I Isolated occurrence
Figure 3. Wisconsin deer range in 1954. (This map is Figure 6 in the
Wisconsin Conservation Department’s recent book, “The White-Tailed Deer in
Wisconsin,” by Burton L. Dahlberg and Ralph C. Guettinger.)
62
Robert A. McCabe
Ruffed Grouse
No other non-migratory game bird has as wide a geographic range as this
species. It is regarded by some, myself included, as the finest of all game birds.
It is commonly called “partridge” or, in very early accounts, “pheasant.” The
partridge finds optimum habitat on the edges of cover where various plant
types meet. It is found in abundance where the interspersion of cover types is
at its best. Generally it is a bird of the thickets both in high ground and low,
in hardwoods and softwoods, in the south and in the north. Populations be¬
come high periodically (ca. 9-11 years) followed by periods of scarcity. Early
historical records mention this bird frequently, but little is said concerning
great abundance in the north. By 1850, newspapers carried accounts of abun¬
dance and scarcity, according to Schorger.^
The plant changes of the post-lumber period altered northern monotopic
mature forests into massive areas of interspersed second growth, which were
periodically reduced by fires to seedling beds. These changes presented to the
ruffed grouse as well as the sharptail large areas of ideal habitat. Newspaper
accounts in the north were quick to report on the response by the grouse and
on the economic capital that was realized.
Schorger^ quotes an early writer as follows:
the number of partridges that were being shipped from Ogema
[Price Co.] was something almost past belief. He said that time and
again he saw heaps of partridges piled up at station platform in piles
reaching almost as high as his head. Shipments of 400 and 500 a day
from that one point alone were the ordinary thing dming the open
season. . . . The local shooters are paid 40 cents for each bird they
kill, sometimes as high as 50 cents. The bags run from twenty to forty
birds a day to each man. . . . One man said he had shipped 1,500
birds last fall up to date, and he was still shooting, and had 75
ready to ship. This man said that he had paid off the mortgage on
his farm by means of his market shooting.
And again:
Levin and Son are not what would be considered extensive buyers,
yet during the hunting season they have bought and shipped to
Milwaukee parties, 2,000 birds. For these they paid to himters on
an average 20 cents apiece, a total of $400. Other concerns in this
city did an equal and possibly a better business. From the hundreds
of towns along the different lines of railroad in this part of the state,
thousands of these birds were shipped.
Today we still have abundance and scarcity but it is doubtful if the mag¬
nitude of abundance will ever approximate these early records. It is more
than likely that our now fire-free maturing timber has a dampening effect on
each period of partridge abundance. Management efforts will alleviate local
limiting factors and concentrate birds, but large-scale abundance wiU come
through no direct human effort. The local effort may be all that is needed to
promote hunting and entice the sportsman’s dollar.
Some Aspects of Wildlife and Hunting in Northern Wisconsin
63
Sharp-tailed Grouse
The last of our three typically northern species is the one whose survival
is in greatest jeopardy. Early records of abundance or occurrence are vague,
since the bird was frequently confused with its close relative, the true prairie
chicken or pinnated grouse. Its numbers varied perhaps in relation to the
age of its fire-created habitat.
This bird is truly a phoenix for, out of the ashes of pine, hemlock, birch,
maple, tamarack, and black spruce, came the brushy species and young forests,
and with them sharp-tailed grouse in great abundance. Here is a bird of the
postburn scrub, the bog edges, the recently abandoned fields and the off-
sight aspen.
Its habitat is guaranteed only by fire, frost or infertility. In the mid-1930’s
Wisconsin developed a forest fire protection network that has, since 1936, pre¬
vented any large-scale fires . . . and so the forests have been growing unin¬
terrupted to this moment. The forest protection program is a monument of
efficiency; we would not want it otherwise, but it has also choked off the
sharp-tailed grouse by its own too much.
From Arbor Day elms to the jack pine of frost pocket bogs, we have over¬
sold reforestation as a panacea for all times and places in the north. That
there were areas best suited to game which should be devoid of trees was an
idea foreign to most old-school foresters.
Today, however, many foresters are ecologists and are interested in more
than cellulose. The multiple-use concept of forests is finding a place for sharp-
tails and deer. Controlled burning is being used for game management and
even blueberry production on wild lands in northern Wisconsin. These con¬
cepts ten years ago were sacrilegious.
SchorgeF^ was optimistic in 1944; he said: “The anticipated extinction of
the sharp-tailed grouse has not been realized nor is it within the realm of
probability.”
Hamerstrom et al.^ were pessimistic in 1952. Speaking of loss of sharp-
tail habitat, they said: “In all of northern Wisconsin we have found not one
single piece of uniformly excellent wildland habitat as large as a township in
size; we know of not a single township of even moderately good wildland range
with an even chance of being equally productive five years from now, if the
present trend [of deterioration] continues.”
The adaptive aspects of evolution which prescribed that sharptails shall
be a bird of the young forests or open bogs did not count on a forest-protec¬
tion program or the tractor-driven tree planter. To save the sharptails, we must
first want to keep them as an integral part of our northern fauna, then develop
a plan of action, and finally take action. The growth of plants will not wait —
we cannot afford to.
These three key species continue to struggle against time and cell division
while man adjusts his behavior so that his predation on these species does not
impair their survival.
The impact of these species on the economy of the north is almost im¬
possible to evaluate from data currently available, but these figures seem sig¬
nificant: In the last ten years, the northern counties (the northernmost two
64
Robert A. McCabe
tiers, including: Ashland, Bayfield, Burnett, Douglas, Florence, Forest, Iron,
Marinette, Oneida, Price, Sawyer, Vilas and Washburn counties) held 12.8%
of the deer licenses when 44% of the state deer kill was taken from these same
counties. In the years for which we have records (1948-56), the northern
counties held 7.4% of the small game licenses when 45% of the ruffed grouse
and 41% of the sharptails were taken in these counties.
The excellent shooting ability of northern hunters notwithstanding, the
influx of outside hunters and the dollars they carried could account for the
harvest figures and in the apparent increase in cash register activity.
Let me speculate on one aspect of the hunting-economic picture which
may dispel undue optimism regarding sportsmen’s dollars for the north.
In the past ten to fifteen years, our southern forests and the woody vegeta¬
tion of non-agricultural lands like those in the north have been growing. The
food and cover produced waited only for a seed stock of deer to re-establish
a southern deer herd. A series of mild winters allowed for deer movement and
thus completed the picture. The range maps (Figure 1) produced by Cory,“
Scott,"^* Leopold,"^ and Dahlberg and GuettingeF tell the story of deer range
expansion, and today there is no township in southern Wisconsin devoid of
deer. What does this mean to the southern hunter and his dollar?
1. He no longer needs to go north of Wausau to hunt deer.
2. He can spend his nights and eat his meals at home.
3. His travel budget is spent where he hunts.
4. His hunting conditions are often less severe and his chances of getting
lost are virtually nil.
5. He is no longer a captive of his sport.
Need I go on?
How much southern Wisconsin deer hunting means to northern pocket-
books, I do not know, but if it is serious or only disconcerting, one must re¬
member that there was nothing that the north did or did not do to inherit this
competition. Time and the continuum of plant change wait for no man. He
can slow down or delay this process but he cannot eliminate it. He exerts con¬
trol only through great striving, and if his efforts are relaxed, this continuum
will dictate his actions and govern his economy, and eventually determine his
biological resources.
References Cited
1. ScHORGER, A. W. 1953. The white-tailed deer in early Wisconsin. Trans. Wis.
Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters 42:197-247.
2. Swift, E. 1946. A history of Wisconsin deer. Pub. 323, Wis. Cons. Dept., Madi¬
son. 96 pp.
3. DahlberG/ B. L., and Guettinger, R. C. 1956. The white-tailed deer in Wis¬
consin. Tech. Bull. 14, Wis. Cons. Dept., Madison. 282 pp.
4. Bersing, O. 1956. A century of Wisconsin deer. Wis. Cons. Dept., Madison.
184 pp.
5. Shiras, G. III. 1921. The wildlife of Lake Superior, past and present. Nat. Geog.
Mag. 40(2):113-204.
Some Aspects of Wildlife and Hunting in Northern Wisconsin
65
6. Doty, J. D. 1876. Northern Wisconsin in 1820. Wis. Hist. Colls. 7. 195-206 pp.
7. McKenney, T. L. 1827. Sketches of a tour to the lakes. Baltimore. 493 pp.
8. Cram, T. J. 1841. Report on the survey of the boundary between the state of
Michigan and the Territory of Wiskonsin. Senate Doc. 151, 26th Cong. 2nd
Session.
9. Malhiot, F. V. 1910. A Wisconsin fur-trader’s journal, 1804-05. Wis. Hist.
Colls. 19. 163-233 pp.
10. Bersing, O. [1955]. The 1954 deer kill. Mimeo. Kept., Wis. Cons. Dept., Madi¬
son. 19 pp.
11. ScHORGER, A. W. 1947. The ruffed grouse in early Wisconsin. Trans. Wis. Acad.
Sci., Arts and Letters 37:35-90.
12. Hamerstrom, F. N., Hamerstrom, F. and Mattson, O. E. 1952. Sharptails
into the shadows? Wis. Wildlife No. 1. Wis. Cons. Dept, Madison. 35 pp.
13. Cory, C. B. 1912. The mammals of Illinois and Wisconsin. Pub. 153, Vol. XI.
Field Mus. Nat. Hist. Chicago, Ill. 502 pp.
14. Scott, W. E. 1938. Wisconsin deer situation, September 1938. Wis. Cons. Bull.
3 (10): 40-46.
15. Leopold, A. 1931. Report on a game survey of the north central states. Sporting
Arms and Ammunition Manufacturers’ Institute, Madison, Wis. 299 pp.
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NORTHWESTERN WISCONSIN RECREATIONAL POTENTIAL
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr., Regional Coordinator
U. S. Department of Interior
Introduction
I propose in this paper to do the following; first, to describe briefly the
history of exploitation which accounts for the present resource distress in the
region; second, to urge comprehensive planning not only for the area but for
the entire Upper Great Lakes; third, to suggest public works as a means of
easing the hardships of people caught in a resource use transition period; and
fourth, to analyze major resources in the region, problems of developing these
resources and the potential impact on recreational values. Lastly, several rec¬
ommendations are presented.
To list the major recreation resources of the region or to discuss in any
detail their recreation potential would be superflous duplication of the many
fine reports of the Wisconsin Department of Resource Development, the Uni¬
versity of Wisconsin, the Conservation Department, Federal agencies, and
others. Rather, a list of references is attached to which an interested reader can
turn for more careful and leisurely study.
Resource Exploitation
Generally, I shall confine my remarks to the Lake Superior watershed;
Douglas, Ashland, Bayfield and Iron Counties.
These counties are characterized by a present imbalance of people to
resources. As a result, the region suffers from economic depression; there are
more employable people than job opportunities. Although outmigration gen¬
erally exceeds natural population increases, the transition rate is so slow that
numerous people of productive ages still live here. These facts are thoroughly
documented in recent reports of the Wisconsin Department of Resource Devel¬
opment and the University of Wisconsin. Unless there is a basic change in the
economic status of the region, it will be several decades before a reasonable
balance is achieved. In fact, estimates indicate continual decline through the
year 2000 at which time a condition of '‘stability” may occur.
In the meantime, there is poverty. Unemployment, for example, in some
areas where mines have closed is still in excess of one-third of the employable
labor force (a 15 to 20% unemployment rate for the entire region during winter
months is not uncommon). Workers are being forced to make diflScult reloca¬
tions of their families into strange urban environments where their skills are
not in demand, or to continue to live within the region slowly exhausting un¬
employment compensation and life savings and struggling along at subsistence
levels.
The various economic forces tend to accelerate each other and the impact
on local economies. As workers move out, as homes are abandoned, as busi¬
ness establishments are closed, the costs of maintaining essential governmental
functions^ — schools, fire and pohce protection, streets, etc., are borne by fewer
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
67
68
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr.
and fewer people. And as productive workers in the middle age groups leave,
the proportionate costs of educating the children and caring for the elderly
increase.
The situation today is the net effect of a series of devastating blows to
the natural resource base. First, was the exploitation of the timber resources
around the turn of the century. Logging of the pine was followed by a second
and third cut of lower value hemlock and hardwood. Subsequent forest fires
then destroyed much of the remaining wood producing potential. Thousands of
people either directly or indirectly employed in the timber industry were
thrown out of work. They turned to employment in the mining, commercial
fisheries or agricultural industries, or migrated out of the region.
Agriculture in the cut-over, burned-over region expanded and flourished
for about a quarter of a century. Demands for food and fiber generated by two
major wars accounted in part for a successful agricultural economy. However,
as production in more fertile regions increased, farmers in the northern Great
Lakes were faced with economic competition which they were unable to meet,
and today the area is still in a last stage of transition to forests — a transition
which the New England area experienced more than a century ago. (In spite
of this general trend, on the red clay soils, average number of acres per farm,
productivity and value of farm products is increasing.) Again, many people in
the region were faced with unemployment, or a level of subsistence scarcely
meeting minimum standards.
Mining, especially of iron ore, brought many communities in the region
(especially in Iron County) great economic prosperity which lasted much
longer than the short-lived boom and bust economy of logging and to a lesser
extent, that of agriculture. Massive demands of the two wars accelerated deple¬
tion of the rich hematite deposits in the Gogebic Range which were within
economically efficient reach of deep shaft mines. Exhaustion of these rich direct
shipping ores, along with an increase in imports of high grade foreign ores
to American blast furnaces, dealt the mining industry and the region another
blow which has thrown thousands of people out of work. The transition and
human adjustments to this problem are still in process.
Coupled with the above, and taking place within the last 15 years, was
the complete destiuction of a healthy lake trout fishery by the parasitic sea
lamprey. Although not as spectacular as the decline in the minerals, forestry and
agricultural economies, the collapse of this fishery had a considerable effect on
many small communities along the Great Lakes shorehne, which had, through
many years, maintained a healthy, stable economy. And most recently, the
unfortunate deaths of a number of people from eating fish from the Great
Lakes area which were contaminated with Type E botulism toxin all but
wiped out the remaining fishermen. Although fliese botulism outbreaks can
be traced to improper care of fish after leaving the producer, the attendant
publicity has collapsed the market for Great Lakes fish.
Planning
The University of Wisconsin, the Department of Resource Development
under the Ten Year $50 Million Resource Development and Gonservation
Act and the State Planning Program, and the Northwestern Wisconsin Re-
Northwestern Wisconsin Recreational Potential
69
gional Planning Commission are doing a splended job of planning for these
lakeshore counties. Their work, however, needs to be related to larger planning
parameters in the resource depressed Upper Great Lakes Region. Transporta¬
tion systems are vital to regional development and require unification. Not
every community on Lake Superior, for example, can profitably invest in a
recreational boating harbor. The demand is capable of supporting only a lim¬
ited number. Obviously, a plan is required. Lack of planning, or perhaps of
conscious decision, is also evident when examining the new highway patterns
for the Lake Superior area. Both Upper Michigan and Northern Wisconsin
are by-passed by the new systems and already a decline in tourists visiting
these two states has been noted. Hopefully, this is only a temporary
phenomenom.
Community facilities, which are generally good, should not, in the main,
be permitted to deteriorate. Regional service centers can be identified and
governmental programs used to strengthen these centers as locations for uni¬
versities, vocational education and welfare institutions, etc.
In essence, most governmental programs, including those which focus on
recreation in the northern Great Lakes area are today too scattered. In place
of a shotgun approach, they need refinement and focus based on a general
plan of development. The Federal government has been studying this matter
since the Land and People Conference at Duluth in September of 1963. The
experience of the President’s Appalachian Regional Commission, which last
week reported to President Johnson, and the reaction of the Congress to the
proposals for development of that area of great distress, might provide clues
to the possibility of comparable programs for the Upper Great Lakes. Sig¬
nificantly, the PARC report makes numerous recommendations for recreation
resource development.
Public Works, Area Redevelopment and the Economic
Opportunity Act of 1964
Within most of the four county area, outmigration and population de¬
cline will continue for another forty years. Vocational training, retraining and
massive educational investments are required. In the meantime, the existing
manpower reservoir provides an opportunity for long-term investments in rec¬
reation resources by government which the private sector of the economy
cannot afford. Public investments of the type made under the Accelleratest
Public Works Program, the various facets of the Area Redevelopment Admin¬
istration program, and the proposals in the Economic Opportunity Act of
1964, which is now before the Congress, will assist these people in making
gradual and less distressing adjustments. Furthermore, it will improve the
economic potential for resource development in future years.
Thousands of man years of constructive employment opportunities are
available on the more than one-million acres of public land in the four county
area county forests, Chequomegon National Forest, state park forests, fish
and game areas, etc.) Several examples which have recreational value are as
follows:
1. Hiking trail layout, clearing and marking. (The proposal for a Ke-
weenawan Hiking Trail from the St. Croix Valley through the Gogebic-
70
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr.
Penokee ranges and thence into Upper Michigan and the Keweenaw
Peninsula is a splendid example of what could be accomplished. )
2. Cleaning canoe trails.
3. Park improvements (camp and picnic sites, beach improvement and
numerous other high labor input work on intensively used mass rec¬
reation areas),
4. Boat launching facilities.
5. Stream, lake and game habitat improvement.
6. Plantings on recreational corridors to enhance beauty, especially along
highways and waterways.
7. Streambank fencing and red clay stabilization.
8. Lake, pond and marsh construction. Although the four counties have
considerable water, well spaced new lakes, ponds and marshes will im¬
prove the recreation development potential especially in areas where
surface water is at a minimum; Ashland County, for example.
Water Resources
The area is bounded by Lake Superior, the greatest fresh water body
in the world with a shoreline of 325 miles (175 miles of this total is in the
Apostle Islands). There are 534 inland lakes with a surface area of 81,588
acres; 210 trout streams of 1346 miles.
The water resource provides an untapped potential for industrial uses
which will increase as regional and national supplies become scarce. Chemical,
chemical base treatment, pulp and paper and minerals industries all appear pos¬
sible as future developments. If such developments occur, extreme caution must
be taken to insure that there is no major infringement on recreational values in
water.
Presently, the surface water is the resource base for recreationists and the
tourist-vacation industry. Abundant opportunities exist to establish additional
public facilities, parks, camp grounds, boating waterways, etc. adjacent to the
water base.
Within the area are more than 200 miles of canoe streams. The most
famous is the Brule River in Douglas County, which the legislature in an his¬
toric act in the 1920's protected, by prohibiting any dams. (Some 40 years
later the legislature gave portions of the Wolf River comparable protection.)
In our work on the recreation plan for Wisconsin we suggested that considera¬
tion be given to preserving at least one-half of the important canoe routes by
acquisition of the fee or of scenic easements.
The resort industry needs modernization; capital financing problems are
acute. In general, the industry is plagued with inefficient operating size. Lack
of planning, unwise lakeshore subdivision and destruction of scenic beauty
along shorelines require correction.
Land Resources
In general, agriculture is concentrated on the better soils of the region,
especially on the red clays near Lake Superior (some 600,000 acres are red
clay). Forests and swamp occupy the balance. Reversion of agricultural land
to forests continues. About one-fourth of the total land area is in farms. Tillable
Northwestern Wisconsin Recreational Potential
71
acreage represents about one-third of the total farm acreage. The small operat¬
ing size of farms, low soil fertility and adverse climate will force further land
adjustments. A general plan of development should focus on preservation of
the best soils for agricultural use to supply local markets and to meet food
needs of a developing tourist-recreation industry. At the present time most of
the food requirements generated by the thousands of tourists who visit the
region are imported. Marketing mechanisms, open air markets for example,
through which small producers can sell their produce will help to increase
income and generate demands for additional production.
Potential combinations of farming, woodland management and private
recreation development by farmers in the four county area offers another po¬
tential, Considerable research has already been done on the ways by which
these resources can be combined to maximize profits. Required at this time
are highly trained resource economists to work in the region to provide in¬
dividual land owners with technical advice. Managerial ability also needs to be
developed.
The forests, about 2.5 million acres, which provide a backdrop for a
fine recreation environment, are in need of improvement; many acres still re¬
quire planting and timber stand improvement. A potential for pulp and paper
production exists which is being studied for the four county area. A major gap
exists on management of the numerous small forest land ownerships. Owner¬
ships need stabilization and encorporation into larger holdings, or integration
into economic forest management units. As plans for the various types of hold¬
ings are developed, it is incumbent upon the resource manager, privately or
publicly employed, to consider recreation values in forest lands. For example,
we should be able to find one good remnant stand of virgin hardwood and
hemlock for preservation for scientific and recreation purposes. Likewise,
typical examples of the boreal forest, the northern hardwood type, the “bar¬
rens” of the Plainfield sands, and the pineries should be preserved.
Commercial Fisheries
The Commercial Fishery of Lake Superior has been on the decline since
1954, primarily because of sea lamprey predation on lake trout. The botulism
outbreak furthered this decline.
As a result, there has been an increase in populations of other species;
lake herring, smelt, alewives, etc. The States and the Bureau of Commercial
Fisheries have been conducting basic biological research on these species,
and developing techniques for harvesting, processing and marketing. Lamprey
control now shows great promise and lake trout restoration hopefully will be
completed in Lake Superior by 1970.
In the meantime, sports fishermen are once again finding sufficient stocks
of lake trout to make fishing interesting. Also, a new sports fishery has de¬
veloped on brown trout which are caught in the shoal ai*eas of Lake Superior'.
(Fisheries biologists have known about this population for years; sportsmen are
just beginning to realize its existence.) And the well established steelhead
fishery receives more attention .each year.
Future conflicts may well develop unless the issue of commercial fishing
vs. sport fishing in the waters of Lake Superior are resolved today. Fifteen
72
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr.
years ago it was not uncommon to see several hundred people on the ice in
the Apostle Islands region “bobbing” for lake trout. Numerous “deep sea”
sports trollings boats plied the oflF-shore shoals for lake trout. As the fishery
is restored, pressures between the two groups will develop unless the advice
of the fisheries biologist, who tells us the two are compatible, is heeded.
Indian Resources
The four county area has two Indian Reservations; Red Cliff and Bad
River. The Tribes, working with the Bureau of Indian Affairs, are attempting
to develop recreation on the reservations as an economic stimulus. Their inter¬
ests will be carefully safeguarded in the studies which will be made of the
proposed Apostle Islands Region National Recreation Area. Hopefully, means
can be found in that proposal to improve their economic lot, which by our
standards is poor indeed.
Mineral Resources
Minerals must be considered in any resource program for the four county
area and careful attention given to the potential impact on recreation values.
Problems associated with the minerals industries fall into three elements.
First, although considerable knowledge exists regarding iron ore resources,
little is known of the existence of other minerals and whether commercial
exploitation is feasible. Geophysical surveys of the entire Lake Superior area
should be completed at an early date. Aeromagnetic and gravity surveys fol¬
lowed by intensive exploration on the ground may open up opportunities for
development not being considered today. Although the costs of such studies
are formidable, only through such investments can we secure a more firm
future for the region.
Second, investigations and research into problems associated with sepa¬
ration of low-grade iron ores from the surrounding rock, and preparation of
beneficiated products for a high grade blast furnace feed need intensification.
Recently, the Bureau of Mines announced a new technique of combining scrap
iron as a reducing agent in processing non-magnetic iron ores to produce a
material suitable for use in blast furnaces. If this proves successful, the abun¬
dant low grade hematites and semitaconites in Iron and Ashland Counties may
be commercially exploitable.
Third, government and industry must work more closely together in the
planning of mining operations. The traumatic effects of sudden mine closings,
forcing thousands of miners out of work and forcing undue hardships on the
miners and their families can be, in large measure, avoided by careful plan¬
ning. We can bring to bear on these problems our knowledge of world- wide,
national and regional conditions to forecast future trends and to provide for
orderly and planned transitions in the mining industry.
An investment in joint planning by the industry, private developers and
government, for example, at Mt. Whittlesey in Ashland County, which con¬
sists of low grade magnetic iron ore, might make possible a ski development
which would materially improve the economic well being of the little village
of Mellon.
Northwestern Wisconsin Recreational Potential
73
Most importantly, our combined talents can be applied to surface min¬
ing operations in such a way that the over-burden and the tailings can be
placed to create a pleasing land form once the pit is .exhausted. Such land
forms, if coordinated with plans for the future use of the pits for lakes, for
example, can leave a surface mined area with an outdoor recreation potential
Strip mining does not have to mean devastation of the landscape and a com¬
plete destruction of the landscape for any other alt.ernative future use.
Required to accomplish these goals will be the talents of dozens of different
specialties— -economics, mining, landscape architecture, fisheries, game man¬
agement, forestry, recreation, etc. The splendid work done by Professor Zube
of the University of Wisconsin as reported by the Wisconsin Department of
Resource Development on this subject illustrates the potential I urge state
officials to continue this fine start so that mining, when it does come to the four
county area, will have maximum economic value to the region and to the
state, and will not ravish the countryside, but leave it in some semblance of
order.
Federal Recreation Projects
The Lake Superior region with its vast forests, clean lakes, and rivers
and its summertime air conditioned environment offers a great playground
for the vast urban areas in the upper midwest.
The nine upper midwest states contain some 50 million people. They are
bisected by many fine highways providing ready access to all points of the
compass for recreational purposes. Much of mid- America is flat or gently roll¬
ing prairie, plain and fi.eld and has a relative scarcity of water and topographic
resources for recreation purposes.
Mid-Americans making plans for vacation and recreation activities look
to the Ozarks in the southwest, to the Smoky Mountains in the southeast, or
north to the Lake States and Ontario for outdoor recreation.
The states along the Mississippi River are developing the Great River
Road Parkway. Minnesota plans to extend it to the Canadian border which
will provide ready and scenic access to residents in Illinois, Iowa and Mis¬
souri. An interstate highway will link metropolitan Minneapolis and St. Paul
directly with Duluth. Michigan has completed a major north-south highway
and is planning an extensive system of scenic shoreline drives around the
Michigan Great Lakes. Detroit, and Toledo and Columbus, Ohio residents now
find several hours cut from their travel time to the Lake Superior area. Wis¬
consin, likewise, is completing an interstate network which will tie together
the great Chicago metropolitan area with Milwaukee, Madison, Minneapolis
and Duluth and some day will probably develop a major system of north-south
routes to provide improved and faster access to the Lake Superior area. And
only - three short years ago, the Canadian Government and Ontario completed
the Great Circle Road around the north shore of Lake Superior.
These vastly improved new highways and those which are planned will
provide the arteries along which will flow the people in vast mid-America to
the Lake Superior area for recreation and a change of scene in one of the
great unspoiled areas of our land. A great opportunity exists here to achieve
both the social goal of providing our citizens with facilities for recreation and
the economic goal of stimulating the economy.
74
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr.
The Department of the Interior has initiated studies to develop a coor¬
dinated recreation area plan for the region. Federal projects aheady under¬
way or being studied, and which may form a part of this system, include the
following;
1. Voyageurs National Park — Minnesota. This proposal which is currently
being studied by the Department, includes a forty mile portion of the Voy¬
ageurs route along a superb system of lakes and wilderness waterways, includ¬
ing Rainy, Kabetogama and Namekan Lakes.
2. Quetico— -Superior Canoe Area — Minnesota and Ontario. The two
countries have agreed to preserve in a semi-wilderness condition the magnifi¬
cent canoe country located on the Canadian shield between the proposed Voy¬
ageurs Park and Lake Superior. Mounting use pressures threaten this area
and studies to mitigate problems are underway.
3. Grand Portage National Monument and Pigeon Point Indian Park.
Grand Portage on the Minnesota-Ontario border was designated as a National
Monument in 1960 to preserve the historic portage route between the Great
Lakes and the fur country to the west.
Pigeon Point, next to the Monument, is one of five acres identified by the
National Park Service as being of special significance. The area is presently
being developed as an Indian Park.
4. Isle Royale National Park — Michigan. This area was estabhshed in
1940 as a gift to the Nation from the State of Michigan. It is an isolated seg¬
ment of the Great Lakes and north woods country and in a future National
system in the Upper Great Lakes Region will be a wilderness area serving
landward parks much the same way the high Sierra country serves the lower
region of Yosemite and Sequoia as wilderness.
5. The Apostle Island National Recreation Area — Wisconsin. This pro¬
posal provides the next link in the system under study and will be discussed
in greater detail later.
6. Pictured Rocks — Michigan. This area on the southeast shore of Lake
Superior, has been proposed as a National Recreation area. It consists of 15
miles of 50 to 200 foot multi-colored cliffs, 12 miles of undeveloped beach
and five miles of Great Sable dunes. This proposal is presently before the
Congress.
7. Wild Rivers — Wisconsin and Minnesota. The Department of the Inte¬
rior and the Department of Agriculture are currently analyzing the potential
of a preservation system along the famous Namekagon-St. Croix Rivers. The
joint report will be complete in July, 1964. The goal, expressed in its simplest
terms, is to achieve some balance in river systems development. Obviously,
we canT preserve all rivers in a wild condition. By the same token, it is impor¬
tant to preserve some free flowing streams.
8. Other Projects. Three other projects in this region are the National
Ice Age Scientific Reserve in Wisconsin, the Sleeping Bear Dunes proposal
in Michigan along the Lake Michigan shore, and Indiana Dunes near Chicago.
All are before the Congress. These areas, along with such notable projects
as the Great River Road and other state and local projects, will provide the
recreational stepping stones— the stopping off places — for people headed
towards Lake Superior.
Northwestern Wisconsin Recreational Potential
75
It is within this framework that the Department is currently analyzing
the proposal for a National Recreation Area in the Apostle Islands Region of
Wisconsin.
The idea for a National Area originated with Gaylord Nelson while he
was Governor. He proposed it to Secretary of the Interior Stewart Udall in
1962. Several Federal inspections have been made since then. President Ken¬
nedy made an aerial inspection of the aerial in September of 1963 and said,
‘‘Anyone who flies over those islands, as we just did, looks at that long beach,
looks at those marshes, looks at what a tremendous natural resource this can
be, and is now, for nearly 50 million Americans who live in this section of
the United States in the coming years, must realize how significant this occa¬
sion is . . .
“ Lake Superior, the Apostle Islands, the Bad River area, are all unique.
They are worth improving for the benefit of sportsmen and tourists. In an
area of congestion and pollution, man made noise and dust. Lake Superior
has a beauty that millions can enjoy. These islands are part of our American
heritage. In a very real sense they tell the story of the development of this
country.”
Secretary of the Interior Udall on April 2, 1964, announced the forma¬
tion of a special task force consisting of Interior representatives, the State of
Wisconsin and members of the Bad River and Red Cliff Indian Tribal Coun¬
cils. This committee will study the three units in the proposal; the 22 islands
in the Apostle archipelago, the tip of the Bayfield Peninsula and the Kakagon-
Bad River sloughs. In brief, the area will be studied in depth and a complete
report prepared. Of prime concern will be the relationship of the area to the
criteria for National Recreation Areas which have been adopted by the Presi¬
dent's Recreation Advisory Council.
Regional Recreation Needs
In the Wisconsin recreation planning work of the Department of Resource
Development, estimates through the year 2000 were made for needs in a
nine county area of northwestern Wisconsin which includes the four counties
along Lake Superior as follows: 880 acres of new swimming beaches; control
of 194 miles of canoe routes; canoeing pressures will exceed acceptable stand¬
ards by three times; 2,111 acres of new picnic facilities; 2895 miles of new
hiking trails; provisions for 16,950 persons to camp in contrast to a 1960 capac¬
ity of 2196 persons; boating demands will exceed surface acreage unless boat¬
ing controls are instituted; sightseeing will increase from three million to six¬
teen million; pleasure driving will increase more than three fold; and lastly
better harvests of game animals are needed.
These data not only represent needs, but a challenge.
Re commendations
Throughout this paper numerous recommendations have been made; the
more important are as follows:
1. That the studies of the Department of Resource Development on this
four county area be published at an early date. This work contains the frame¬
work for a fine recreation development program.
76
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr.
2. That the comprehensive planning program of the Northwestern Wis¬
consin Regional Planning Commission be supported at every level. That the
fine work being done in this area by the University of Wisconsin through its
Land Use Coordinator Walter Rowlands, and the Extension Division be sup¬
ported at every level.
3. That towns, counties, cities and the state government make an
increased effort to develop the fine recreational resources in this region.
4. That recreation resource programs be developed along the “environ¬
mental corridors” identified by Phillip Lewis of the Department of Resource
Development working with other state agencies. These linear patterns which
are characterized by topography, vegetation and water, in one or more com¬
binations, are abundant in northwestern Wisconsin; for example, the magnifi¬
cent waters of the Brule River, the adjacent bogs which are virgin remnants
of a northern ecological type, and the sandy headlands; or the sweep of sky
and landscape which unfolds from the tops of the Gogebic-Penokee ranges,
a mountain range of ancient vintage; or the union of beach and sandstone
cliff, sedges, heaths, bog and boreal forest along Lake Superior; or the unique
island archipelago on which grow forbs, and forests and which join with
beach and rocks; or scattered bits of prairie flora intermixed with jack pine,
scrub oak and Juneberry, where a diligent observer may, on a quiet spring
morning, still watch sharptail grouse in nuptial display.
5. That major revisions be made in land use controls which were devel¬
oped more than 30 years ago and which were limited to agricultural and for¬
estry zones. The missionary-like zeal of Walter Rowlands, L. G. Sorden, Fred
Trenk, Fred Wilson and others is needed again today to protect recreation
values. Billboard blight continues its ugly spread along major scenic routes;
subdivision practices which have not changed in a century continue to despoil
the remaining lake and stream shore areas. For example, how much sense does
it make to permit a developer to subdivide land into little bits of less than
100' in depth along the Namekagon River and located between busy state
trunk Highway 63 and the river? A serious highway safety problem is created.
Moreover, scenic beauty was destroyed by cutting most of the trees. The
land will sell for $5.00 per foot! Imaginative approaches, cluster layout and
design for example, need actual testing; approach areas to villages and cities
continue to be developed in traditional fashion— junkyards, billboards, shoddy
service centers and general blight are the rule, not the exception. Cities,
county and town boards have the power through zoning to control the use of
land — zoning can be used as a positive device to enhance economic values.
It also makes esthetic sense. In the absence of local action, should regional
governments be considered to deal with the problem, or should the state
reassume these powers?
6. That the historical wealth of the region be recognized and developed.
Man lived here through the Upper Mississippi and late, middle and early
Woodland periods, a thousand years before the birth of Christ. In later years
this was the home of the Dakota, a Sioux tribe. It was also a period of
aggressive westward movement of the Chippewa who eventually con¬
trolled the Lake Superior shore. There were numerous battles among the
Dakota, Chippewa, the Fox. The French and English names are a mix of the
famous explorers and developers of the North American Continent; Menard,
Northwestern Wisconsin Recreational Potential
77
Duluth, Brule, Cadotte, La Prairie, Conner, and later Schoolcraft, Allen, John
Jacob Astor. The region has examples of most of the archeological and histor¬
ical resources of the continent. A splendid job has been done by preserving
some of these evidences at the little museum on Madeline Island. Historical
markers are scattered throughout the region. The potential, however, has
hardly been scratched and a combination of private and governmental efforts
are required to accelerate the modest efforts of today.
7. A system of scenic highways needs to be developed, utilizing the exist¬
ing state, county and town road systems. Some new road construction and/or
relocation may be necessary. Land use controls adjacent such a system are as
important as the roads themselves. And means must be found to preserve
roadside strips of forests and other plant communities characteristic of northern
Wisconsin. A combination of easements and zoning controls offer potential.
8. Massive effort of red clay stabilization is required. Practices requiring
high labor inputs, such as fencing along important streambanks under the
Agriculture Conservation Program, will pay major dividends in terms of soil,
water and fisheries conservation. Esthetics will be improved. Moreover, un¬
employed labor will be put to productive tasks. More expensive and refined
techniques — channel improvements— should be used in future years.
Agricultural drainage and practices which increase rates of surface run-off
into streams on red clay soils need to be held to absolute minimums. Officials
charged with highway maintenance and new road construction need to view
their responsibilities with new insights. Typical road practices in use in the
region today aggravate the erosion of the unstable clay soils and materially
affect stream resources.
9. The recommendations of the Department of Resource Development
regarding protection of canoe streams and the Conservation Department rec¬
ommendations regarding preservation of 25 percent of the land adjacent sur¬
face water resources should be thoughtfully reviewed and implemented wher¬
ever possible.
The framework for development decisions in northwestern Wisconsin is
at hand. Our Wisconsin citizens as represented by their government have the
opportunity to develop wisely one of the fine, still relatively unspoiled regions
of Wisconsin. The challenge exists. Can it be met?
List of References
1. Our Fourth Shore: Great Lakes Shoreline Recreation Area Survey, National Park
Service, 1959.
2. Remaining Shoreline Opportunities. A report prepared by the Great Lakes Shore¬
line Recreation Area Survey, National Park Service, 1959.
3. Recreation in Wisconsin. Wisconsin Department of Resource Development, Madi¬
son, 1962.
4. State Land Benefits Communities. Doll, Arthur D., Wisconsin Conservation Bul¬
letin, Jan.-Feb. 1963.
5. Final Report on the Lake Superior South Shore Region, Wisconsin Department of
Resource Development, Madison, (In process..)
6. South Shore Resource Development Potential, A Preliminary Recreation Report.
Wisconsin Department of Resource Development, Madison, 1962.
78
Harold C. Jordahl, Jr.
7. The Tourist-Vacation Industry in Wisconsin, 1. V. Fine and E. E. Werner, Wis¬
consin Department of Resource Development, Madison, 1961.
8. Tourist and Recreational Resources — Grand Portage Indian Reservation, Minne¬
sota. Aguar, Jyring and Whiteman, Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1963.
9. The Proposed Pictured Rocks National Lakeshore, An Economic Study, Institute
for Community Development, Michigan State University, National Park Serv¬
ice, 1963.
10. Sleeping Dunes National Seashore, A Proposal. National Park Service, 1961.
11. A Plan for Wisconsin. Wisconsin Department of Resource Development, 1963.
12. Final Report, Area IV (Preliminary draft). Wisconsin Department of Resource
Development, August 19, 1963.
13. Outdoor Recreation for America. A report to the President and to the Congress,
the Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission, January 1963.
14. Walking Survey of the Lake Superior Shoreline. Report by the Wisconsin De¬
partment of Resource Development (in process of publication) November
1963.
15. Preliminary Overall Economic Development Plan for Northwestern Wisconsin,
Wisconsin Department of Resource Development, 1961.
16. Transactions of Land and People Conference, Duluth, Minnesota. September 25,
1963. (Two publications; a summary report and a complete proceedings; U.S.
Department of Agriculture ) .
17. Resources and Recreation in the Northern Great Lakes Region. U.S. Department
of Agriculture Task Force Report, 1963.
18. Taconite and the Landscape: Lake Superior South Shore Area. Wisconsin De¬
partment of Resource Development, 1964.
19. Landscape Analysis in Lake Superior South Shore Area. Wisconsin Dept, of Re¬
source Development, 1964.
THE RESORT INDUSTRY OF WISCONSIN
L. G. Monthey, Extension Specialist
Travel-Recreation Industry
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Perhaps a more appropriate title for this paper would be "'The Resort
Industry-— What Is It?” I say this because there is some confusion in this
area, and many people would like to know more precisely what the resort
business does include— or does not include— and how it operates.
The resort business is certainly not an “industry” in the usual sense of
the word, because no products are extracted, produced, or processed. It does
involve a rather large array of services— as well as some goods— and primarily
those associated with people on vacation trips. However, the primary service
is lodging or rental housing, usually referred to as “accommodations.” For this
reason, and because the word resort is often used rather loosely, we prefer to
use the terms “vacation accommodations” or “visitor-housing business” — in¬
stead of resort industry. But more about this later.
The resort business, or vacation accommodations, is an important segment
of Wisconsin’s growing travel-recreation business (often referred to as the
“tourist industry” or “touristry”) . However, the latter includes all types of
visitors, not just vacationers, and all commercial recreation activities — and
probably involves $10 in gross income for every $1 taken in by resorts as such.
With this in mind, we will attempt to define a few words, present some
current statistics, outline some basic problems, and identify a few trends in
the vacation accommodations business. A detailed report would take more time
and space than our program permits.
Some Definitions
First, we should consider a few definitions in this general field:
Tourism — Travel in general; the promotion of tours.
Tourist — Any traveler; a person on a recreational trip away from his
home area.
Touristry — ^The art and business of catering, selling and renting to tour¬
ists who visit our area.
Visitor — A tourist in our community; a customer from outside of our
regular trade area.
Vacationer — ^A tourist on a recreational trip of 3-days duration or longer.
The travel-recreation business, or tourist industry, involves visitors of all
types who travel with a recreational purpose. In fact, several states (notably
Colorado) refer to this trade as their visitor industry.
There are many ways of classifying tourists, or visitors. One method,
based on length of stay in the community, is as follows: (a) day visitors; (b)
overnight guests; (c) week-end visitors; (d) vacationers (3 days to 1 month);
(e) seasonal residents (1 to 6 months). Each category can be further sub¬
divided.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
79
80
L. G. Monthey
Each class of visitors has certain characteristics, including rather specific
spending habits. Day visitors, for example, may spend anywhere from 10
cents to $10 or more per day, depending on age, purpose, resources, available
time, and so on. Each category makes a measurable contribution to the econ¬
omy of a community, a county, or a region where it is served. Each town or
area has a certain “tourist mix” from all visitor classes, and this determines
the total gross income per year from its travel-recreation business. Thus, state¬
wide average figures don’t mean too much in any given area.
Visitor Expenditures
Wisconsin’s touristry, or travel-recreation industry, now totals over $600
million a year — and possibly as high as $650 million in 1964. It has increased
from approximately $581 million in 1960, when a University of Wisconsin
Commerce School study was made by I. V. Fine and E. E. Werner.
Table 1 gives statewide totals and a classification of visitor spending,
based on this U. W. study. It also includes a breakdown of the 1960 tourist
dollar.
It is noteworthy that the tourist-lodging business derived $154 million in
income, or 26.4 per cent of the total spent by visitors. The resort business, or
vacation accommodations, is an important part of this tourist-lodging industry
in Wisconsin. It probably accounted for 25 to 50 per cent of the 1960 total, or
between $40 and $80 millions, depending on how the word “resort” is defined
and what we include under vacation accommodations.
Table 1. Volume and Nature of Visitor Expenditures in Wisconsin and
Breakdown of the “Tourist Dollar” in 1960 (U. W. Study)
What Is a Resort?
Dictionaries offer several definitions of the noun “resort,” but not one
refers to a business as such. For example, Webster’s International (una¬
bridged) Dictionary defines a resort as “a retreat and place of refuge,” “a
place of entertainment or recreation,” or “a place of frequent assembly.”
The Resort Industry of Wisconsin
81
Actually, the word 'resort” is more meaningful and appropriate to our
purpose when used as a adjective (denoting a "recreational” or "vacation¬
like” environment) to describe an area, town, or establishment. Thus, we have
resort hotels, resort motels, resort communities, etc. However, it is still widely
used as a noun in our Midwest region and for our purposes, the word will be
used to identify a business establishment as follows:
Resort — tourist facility or visitor-lodging business located in a scenic
and/or recreational environment.
(In Wisconsin we think of a resort in more specific terms as a "vacation
accommodation overlooking a lake or river.” However, the first definition is
somewhat broader and hence preferred, especially since all types of visitors
and not just vacationers must be considered.)
A wide variety of businesses might be classified as resorts under our fore¬
going definition. In Wisconsin these usually include cabin-cottage establish¬
ments, motels, hotels, youth camps, tourist homes, vacation farms, etc. — ^pro¬
vided they have guest accommodations and are located in a recreational or
scenic setting.
Inventory of Accommodations
To obtain a reasonably complete inventory of Wisconsin tourist-lodging
businesses, including resorts, we utihzed the State Board of Health mailing
list and other data. The information is presented herein on a county-by-
county basis and includes data on the number, type, size, distribution and
seasonality of establishments that furnished rental accommodations in 1962.
Four major categories were used in classifying tourist-lodging businesses,
and the firm name was used to categorize each establishment. For example, the
RESORT category includes all businesses that used one or more of the fol¬
lowing key words in their title:*
resort landing cottage
retreat cabin lodge
* 2,257 used the word “resort” or “lodge” in 1962, while 2,301 used “cabin,” “cottage,”
etc., in their business title.
Table 2. Types and Seasonality of Tourist-Lodging Establishments
IN Wisconsin (1962)
Type of Business
RESORTS — including cabins, cottages,
lodges, landings, etc . . .
HOTELS — including motor hotels, inns, etc. .
MOTELS — including motor courts, tourist
courts, etc . . .
OTHER — including camps, clubs, tourist
homes, etc .
TOTAL. . . . .
*About 974 of these were tourist homes with less than 5 bedroom units.
82
L. G. Monthey
On this basis the resort category included 4^558 estabhshments of the
total of 7^715 that were licensed by the Board of Health as of April 1, 1962.
A summary of Wisconsin tourist accommodations by type and seasonality is
given in Table 2.
Approximately 75 per cent of all tourist-lodging establishments were sea¬
sonal (open for less than 6 months of each year). Almost 94 per cent of the
resort-type establishments were of this type, whereas only 21 per cent of the
hotel businesses and 31 per cent of the motels were seasonal in nature.
The 5,763 seasonal establishments — ^largely resorts, resort hotels, rural
motels and tourist homes- — ^had a total of almost 48,000 bedroom units.* The
1962 year-round businesses had 32,600 bedroom units, so the total of rental
bedroom units in Wisconsin was just over 80,000 in 1962.
Nature of Resorts
Lefs examine the 4,558 resort businesses (cabin-cottage-resort-lodge
establishments) of Wisconsin in more detail.
In addition to being highly seasonal (94 per cent), these resort establish¬
ments are of small size. Whereas year-round operators averaged 17 bedroom
units per firm, the seasonal operators had an average of 8.3 bedroom units.
(Many rental cabins or cottages have 2 or more bedroom units.) The average
cottage-resort business in two Wisconsin areas had about 6 cabins or cottages,
or approximately 9 bedroom units, our studies show.
As Table 3 shows, only 1.7 per cent (76 establishments) had more than
30 bedroom units in 1962; and only one-third (33.2 per cent) of all resorts
had more than 10 bedrom units to rent to visitors. Of the two-thirds with less
than 10 bedrooms, slightly over one-half (1,576 or 35 per cent of all resorts)
had less than 5 bedroom units.
Of the 4,558 “resort” firms in 1962, approximately 10 per cent (or about
450) were American Plan or European Plan establishments, which provide
complete food service for all guests at the resort. Of the remaining 4,100 in
1962, an estimated 500 were roadside businesses situated on state or federal
highways, offering overnight cabins or rooms to travelers or transient guests
(in the nature of “tourist courts”).
The final 80 per cent (or approximately 3,600 establishments) are in the
cabin-cottage class, and these— -almost without exception— -are located on the
water and cater to vacationers rather than short-term tourists. About 3,000 of
* A bedroom unit is a room that is adequate for sleeping one or more adults (at least 400
cu. ft. per person).
Table 3. Size and Seasonality of Resort-type Establishments in
^ - Wisconsin (1962)
The Resort Industry of Wisconsin
83
these cabin-cottage establishments are usually referred to as housekeeping-
cottage resorts, since the guests have facilities to prepare their own food. How¬
ever, there is a growing objection to the term ‘Tiousekeeping” because it sug¬
gests work for the lady of the house. Instead, the terms ‘"eflBciency units'^ or
“self-service cottages” are now proposed for this important type of vacation
accommodation.
Certain Resources Needed
The resort business of Wisconsin is largely a resource-based enterprise.
It is directly related to the geography and distribution of certain natural re¬
sources, notably water- — lakes and rivers — and good quality shoreline. The
4000-plus resort establishments located on the water’s edge in Wisconsin utilize
an estimated 450 miles of shoreline and approximately 45,000 acres of choice
waterfront real estate.
There are five major types of lake (or river) shoreline in Wisconsin which
might be classed as follows:
Soft Shorelines Hard Shorelines
A. Bog C. Beach
B. Marsh D. Bank
E. Bluff
Virtually all of the present resort establishments utilize either Class C
(Beach) or Class D (Bank) shorelines, which are the most desirable and
valuable types available. Most resort developers prefer at least some sandy
beach area, and this class of shoreline is largely confied to the 1,134 named
lakes that are over 100 acres in surface area. (Wisconsin has about 8,700 lakes,
of which 4,138 are named. Of those named, 70% (3,004) are under 100 acres.)
As a consequence, only a small percentage of the resort establishments are
found on Wisconsin lakes that are less than 50 acres in size. And certain large
lakes with predominantly “soft” shorelines have relatively few resort opera¬
tions on their margins.
Geographic Distribution
The regional distribution of resort establishments in Wisconsin bears a
striking resemblance to the distribution of named lakes over the State. Note
Figure I, which shows resort numbers and named-lake distribution in the
recreational regions of the State, as outlined by the Wisconsin Conservation
Department. For example, The Wisconsin Indian Head Country (an area of
15 counties in Northwest Wisconsin) has 1,249 named lakes and 1,219 resort
establishments. The Wisconsin Northwoods Region (a 9-county area of North¬
east Wisconsin) has 1,646 named lakes and 1,752 resort establishments. In
Northern and Central Wisconsin the ratio of resort numbers to named lakes is
about 1:1, but it runs about 1.5:1 in Eastern Wisconsin and over 3:1 in
Southern and Southeast Wisconsin, where population is heaviest. The latter
regions have a preponderance of roadside cottage businesses in certain areas.
There are 25 counties in Wisconsin which have 50 or more named lakes
apiece, and 20 of these counties rank among the top 25 “resort counties” (in
terms of number of resorts). Thus, resort distribution is closely related to lake
84
L. G. Monthey
FIG. I
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RESORT FREQUENCY
AND DISTRIBUTION OF NAMED LAKES IN
WISCONSIN (BY RECREATIONAL REGIONS, 1962)
BY L. G. MONTHEY
Number of resorts
Number of named lakes
Recreational Regions
1 - Lake Michigan Strip
2- Green Bay Country
3- Kettle Moraine Country
4 - Southern Hill ond Lake
Region
5- Coulee Country
6- Heartland
7“ Indian Head Country
8- Northwoods Country
(Defined by Wisconsin ''
Conservation Department)
and river distribution in our State. In any county or area, the number is al¬
most in direct proportion to the total mileage of good quality shoreline (on
lakes over 100 acres in size).
About two-thii'ds of the resort establishments (3000-plus) are located in
the counties north of State Highway 29, which runs east-and-west across the
The Resort Industry of Wisconsin
85
state from River Falls to Chippewa Falls, Wausau, and Green Bay. In fact,
15 of the 20 leading counties— as far as resort numbers are concerned — -are
located in Northern Wisconsin.
Only two Wisconsin counties (Oneida and Vilas) have more than 500
resort businesses (and Sawyer has 332), but a total of 12 counties have 100 or
FIG. II
DISTRIBUTION OF RESORT ESTABLISHMENTS
Each dot represents one resort establishment.
Dots do not show actual location of resorts but indicate county totals.
86
L. G. Monthey
Table 4. Relationship of County Resort Totals to Frequency of Named
Lakes (All counties with 75 or more resorts in 1962)
*Rank is shown among the top 25 counties only.
more resort establishments apiece (See Table 4.). Of these 12 counties, only 3
(Columbia, Walworth and Waushara) are south of State Highway 29. Fig¬
ure II is a graphic presentation of the state-wide distribution of resort-type
establishments in 1962.
Only four (4) counties in Wisconsin don’t have a single resort, lodge or
cabin-cottage establishment (Lafayette, Menominee, Outagamie and Ozau¬
kee), but 11 other counties have less than 5 such businesses per county. Table
5 shows the resort distribution among Wisconsin counties by frequency
brackets.
Table 5. Resort Frequency Among Wisconsin Counties
Some may desire more detailed information on the classification and dis¬
tribution (both as to size and location) of tourist-lodging establishments in
Wisconsin. Table 6 provides 1962 data of this type on a county-by-county
basis.
Table 7 gives further details on the size and seasonality of resort- type
businesses (resort, lodge, cabin-cottage establishments) on a county-by¬
county basis.
Type of Accommodations and No. of Establishments
Resort Industry of Wisconsin
87
TOURIST ACCOMMODATIONS IN WISCONSIN
Table 6. Classification and Size of Tourist-Lodging Establishments in
Wisconsin Counties (As of April 1, 1962) — Continued
88
L. G. Monthey
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The Resort Industry of Wisconsin
89
Table 7. Cabin, Cottage, Resort and Lodge Accommodations in Wisconsin for
Vacation and Overnight Tourist Housing ( Number and Size of Establish¬
ments IS BASED ON 1962 Board of Health data )
90
L. G. Monthey
Table 7. Cabin, Cottage, Resort and Lodge Accommodations in Wisconsin for
Vacation and Overnight Tourist Housing ( Number and Size of Establish¬
ments IS based on 1962 Board of Health data) — Continued
Similar to Agriculture
There are several problems peculiar to the resort industry which confront
today’s owners and operators of vacation accommodations. We can discuss
them only briefly here. Before doing so, however, we would like to emphasize
the close similarity between the resort business and agriculture in our State.
In many ways, a cottage-resort is almost like a small farm — ^with many of the
same characteristics and problems. Here are a number of ways in which the
two types of business resemble one another rather closely:
(1) Short season. Resort establishments and farms are quite seasonal,
and both are subject to a fairly short season in Wisconsin. Cottage-resorts are
pretty well limited to a 10 to 14 week vacation season in northern Wisconsin,
whereas farms in this same area are limited to a 90-100 day growing season.
(2) Weather. Both resort and farm operations are dependent to a great
extent on weather conditions. A cold summer is not the best for either busi¬
ness. Prolonged drought (summer or winter) can affect both farms and re¬
sorts. Storms, unseasonal frost, and insects are other problems which often
face both farmers and resorters.
(3) Resource depletion. Soil erosion and fertility depletion lower farm
productivity. Similarly, lakes can be too acid, too infertile (sometimes too
fertile), discolored, polluted, weedy, or silted so as to affect their productivity
and quality for water users. Thus, both farms and resorts are dependent on
basic resources, which must be conserved and properly managed for best
results.
The Resort Industry of Wisconsin
91
(4) High investment. Both resorts and farms require a heavy initial
investment in proportion to the annual gross income. Even on many good
farms, the annual gross income seldom exceeds 30 per cent of the total in¬
vestment in land, buildings, livestock and machines. Similarly, the annual gross
income from a cottage-resort located on a good lake is seldom over 20 per cent
of the total investment (or replacement cost) of the establishment. Most cot¬
tage resorts, like small faims, are part-time enterprises since additional income
is needed.
(5) Family business. Both the cottage resort and farming business are
family "type enterprises. Because of the low income in relation to the money
invested, it is difficult to hire much outside help and thus all members of the
family must “pitch in” to operate the business. Small resorts, like small farms,
provide very few job opportunities in the community, aside from family em¬
ployment.
(6) Way of life. Both cottage-resorts and small farms are often a “way of
life” for many families. These people would not be happy doing anything else,
despite the relatively low income possibilities afforded by the business. Both
businesses give ample opportunity for outdoor work and pleasures, with a
minimum of restrictions and a maximum of independence. Many people would
rather do resort work or farm work more than anything else in the world, and
thus they tend to stay in the business despite little or no net income above
costs.
Short Season Is Problem
Perhaps the most serious problem of all is the extremely short guest
season for cottage resorts, the bulk of which are not located near winter-
sports areas in Wisconsin. Most of them enjoy only 8 to 12 weeks of fairly good
business each summer. It is true that some successful operators are extending
the season to 14 and even 16 weeks, but they have had to build up this busi¬
ness by skillful advertising and by providing more services for their guests.
The short season is not a matter of climate alone, although 16 weeks is
getting rather close to the limit in terms of good, warm weather. The biggest
problem is the school-vacation term which is always a factor in the vacation
plans of city families. The big city school systems seldom close before June
15 and most families with children like to have a week or two at home be¬
fore school begins in the late summer. Thus, there are only 75 to 80 days avail¬
able for vacationing city families with school-age children.
On the plus side, however, we are developing more and more activities
that can utilize the good weather of May and early June, plus September and
October, in addition to weekends the year around. Winter sports, especially
skiing, which got under way as recently as 1946 in Wisconsin, is a good ex¬
ample of an “off-season” activity. But there are many other things, such as
nature study, conventions, shows, contests, spring attractions, autumn festivals,
and so on that could be highlighted during the period from early fall to late
spring, which embraces a good eight months here in Wisconsin. Much more
attention will be given to developing off-season attractions and events in the
years ahead.
92
L. G. Monthey
Resources Deteriorate
Another problem that is already troublesome in some areas is lake and
stream deterioration. Overcrowding of these waters, as well as misuse and
pollution, leads to such problems as siltation, weed growth, fish kills, algae
infestation, and loss of esthetic values. For example, one lake of 970 acres in
Vilas County already has 46 summer resorts plus more than 100 summer
cottages. As a consequence, this lake has only about 21 acres of available
water surface per resort. The weed-growth, fertility, and siltation problems
increased at a rapid rate until 1962, when action was taken to reduce shore¬
line erosion, sewage fertilization, and so on.
In addition, overcrowding has led to serious confiicts between speed-
boaters, water skiers, fishermen, canoeists, swimmers and other users of the
water resources. Excessive use of speedboats and water skis can lead to de¬
struction of spawning grounds near shore and create other fish management
problems.
Another problem that is plaguing resort operators in certain areas is the
matter of obsolete facilities. This is particularly true where the resorts were
built from 25 to 50 years ago and still remain on the same sites. Many of the
earlier resorts, particularly those built between 1900 and 1940, were designed
for sportsmen and were in the nature of fishing camps. Thus, the cottages were
largely of cabin size (less than 300 usable square feet) and had to be ex¬
panded for rental to family groups later on. Since many of the structures were
not especially suited to expansion and modernization (installing running water
with modern toilets and bath fixtures), the results were often not satisfactory.
Since World War II, with the advent of larger families and predominantly
family vacationers in some areas, these housing units have become less and
less desirable to vacationers and even weekend guests. The best solution, in
many cases, is to raze the structures and start out again with a new layout and
new buildings, if the owner wishes to stay in the vacation-accommodation
business.
Vacationers and other visitors in this modern era insist on a wide range of
special services beyond the lodging and usual waterfront activities. Unfortu¬
nately, many of our housekeeping-cottage resorts in Wisconsin have not kept
pace with this demand and still have little to offer the public beyond lodging,
a boat, and access to water. Since the visitors of today are much more mobile
and can go much farther afield in seeking the guest services and recreational
activities they want, many of the older resorts are not getting the percentage of
“repeat business” that is necessary to stay in operation.
In our observations, at least one-third of the cottage-resorts in Wisconsin
are not offering the type of service that family vacationers desire and can afford
in 1964. The usual complaint among operators is that the people want good
accommodations, plus all these services, for $50 a week or less. Unfortunately,
this claim is usually not true because family income levels are at an all time
high in our Midwest Area (over $7500 per household in 1964). Progressive
resort operators have shown that many family vacationers will readily pay from
$100 to $150 a week for spacious vacation homes with a wide range of re¬
sort services provided. In addition, the newer resort hotels and camp grounds
are “siphoning off” some of the trade that formerly went to cottage resorts — •
particularly the marginal ones.
The Resort Industry of Wisconsin
93
There is a general lack of professionalism among cottage-resort operators,
many of whom came to this business after being mechanics or storekeepers
or factory workers most of their lives. (Not just a few are retired or semi-
retired people!) As a consequence, they have had httle or no experience in
catering to the traveling public, nor have they had sufficient experience in
tourist-business management. The University of Wisconsin Extension Service
has been conducting a series of seminars and workshops to help meet this
problem, but further educational work is needed.
Trends and the Future
There are several rather noticeable trends in the resort business of Wis¬
consin. During the past three years the author of this paper has had a chance
to visit several hundred resorts in every corner of the state and he has talked to
hundreds of local people and community leaders in resort areas.
One of the most noticeable trends is the decline in numbers of small
estabhshments. This is particularly true in the case of housekeeping-cottage
resorts on popular, well-known lakes such as Lake Minocqua in Oneida County
and the Eagle Chain of Lakes near Eagle River and Three Lakes, Wis. These
small establishments are being sub-divided and sold as individual cottages or as
waterfront lots to people who wish to own summer cottages or year-round
homes in these areas.
Part of the reason for this decline in small resorts is the increasing land
costs, since good lake frontage property has been appreciating in value at the
rate of about 10 per cent a year since 1946. This means a much higher land
cost and higher taxes for housekeeping-cottage resorts which have, in most
areas, shown gross incomes of only about $700 per cottage per year. Thus,
the cottage resort’s waterfront land is often sold and goes over to a “higher
use”— either residential buildings or intensive resort operations. (The same
is true of the smaller American Plan resorts that have a capacity for less than
50 guests.)
Hand in hand with the decline of small establishments has been the in¬
crease of larger resorts and resort hotels in some areas. It appears that approxi¬
mately 20 average-to-good cottages are needed to provide a reasonable profit
to the seasonal operator with 10 to 14 weeks of business (at 80 per cent occu¬
pancy). Many of the newer resort-type establishments are of the more efficient
motel or apartment type, particularly where the season can be extended.
There is also a definite trend toward complete resorts which can offer
lodging, food service, car service, private airstrips, gift shops, sports apparel
and equipment shops, beverage service, entertainment, meeting rooms, swim¬
ming pools, marina service, and a variety of personal services— all at one loca¬
tion. Although the number of such establishments is quite small at the present
time, at least a dozen have been built or developed since 1960. Some of these
do not offer the entire range of services yet, but the increase in number of
motel-supper club establishments in our resort counties is quite noticeable.
Many of these are not located on the water, but instead are situated near a
town or on a well-traveled highway within easy driving distance of a dozen
or more lakes, rivers, sports areas, etc.
94
L. G. Monthey
Another noticeable trend has been the development of “off-season” activ¬
ities and facilities, which tend to lengthen the visitor-lodging season in many
areas. Perhaps the development of winter sports areas has been most notice¬
able. The first commercial ski area in Wisconsin was started in 1946 with a
single rope tow and tarpaper shelter. In 1959-60 there were 37 major ski
areas in Wisconsin, and 44,000 ski enthusiasts were contributing about $4 mil¬
lion a year to our economy. By the winter of 1963-64 the number of winter
sports areas had increased to 53, and the total gross income from 100,000 or
more skiers and ski followers (over 450,000 skier-days) probably exceeded $10
million.
There are many other examples of winter, spring and fall activities that
have meant more weekend guests and visitors for Wisconsin, even the northern
areas. Convention business, contests, festivals, guided tours, nature study, his¬
toric sites, factory tours, and many other things have helped the cause. In
addition, more and more people, particularly our senior citizens, are taking
vacations in the spring and fall months, and this trend will continue. There was
a 17 per cent increase in the number of people over 65 years of age between
1950 and 1960, and this group can take recreational trips at any season. Addi¬
tional opportunities for more off-season vacation business develop each year.
As for the future, many of us feel that Wisconsin is big enough and has
natural resources enough to have both a good volume of tourist business and
an abundant supply of natural resources of good quality. However, it will take
both individual and organized efforts by progressive operators and commu¬
nities to guide future developments along proper lines.
Even if the total volume of travel-recreation business were to increase to
$1 billion by the year 1975, which some travel experts now predict, we feel
that this can be done without despoiling our valuable water, forest and wild¬
life resources. After all, these primary natural resources are the very basis of
our vacation resort business and — to some extent — our entire travel-recreation
industry. Abundant outdoor recreation and activities, plus a wealth of scenic
and sightseeing opportunities, can assure Wisconsin’s future in this important
business.
Bibliography
Fine, I. V. and Werner, E. E. The Tourist-Vacation Industry in Wisconsin. Wis¬
consin Department of Resource Development and University of Wisconsin, 1961.
Fine, I. V. and Tuttle, R. E. The Tourist Overnight Accommodation Industry in
Wisconsin. Wisconsin Department of Resource Development and University of
Wisconsin, 1963.
Banning, Victor H. The Wisconsin Tourist. Wisconsin Commerce Studies, School of
Commerce, University of Wisconsin, 1950.
SiELOFF, Richard O. The Economics of Outdoor Recreation in ^the Upper Midwest.
University of Minnesota, Duluth, 1963.
Threinen, C. W. et al. Wisconsin Lakes. (Publication 218-58) Wisconsin Conserva¬
tion Department, 1958.
A COMPREHENSIVE LONG-RANGE PLAN FOR RESOURCE
DEVELOPMENT IN NORTHERN WISCONSIN
Walter K. Johnsoriy Deputy Director
Wisconsin Department of Resource Development
The Department of Resource Development about two years ago initiated
a comprehensive planning program for the State of Wisconsin. In connection
with this program, major segments of which are now nearing completion,
special attention is being given to Northern Wisconsin’s problems and needs. A
prime objective of this effort is to identify the projects and programs that
governments and citizens should undertake to assure for the north country, an
economy and a standard or quality of living that compares favorably with the
rest of the nation. This emphasis is justified on the grounds that Northern Wis¬
consin has experienced a lagging economy throughout most of the Twentieth
Century, and is part of one of the nation’s large depressed regions. These re¬
gions are characterized by high rates of unemployment, declining populations
and a relative lack of economic opportunity.
There are several general observations that need to be made about the
Department’s state level planning program before outlining the specific sub¬
jects with which it deals. In the first place, it is not conceived to be a single¬
shot effort, instead it should constitute only a beginning, the foundation on
which long-range improvement programs can be built. Fifty years of decline,
almost certainly, will not be recovered overnight by some magic stroke. Since
unlimited public funds are not available to pour into any depressed area, the
best use needs to be made of all public investments— -an objective that can
best be achieved through planning them in advance to assure that each new
investment complements and supplements those already made and those to be
made in the future. Under such a program, even the smallest investments con¬
tribute to the total effort. But, time is an important factor because continuing
attention to problems of development and underdevelopment can achieve for
an area gains which would not otherwise be realized.
The Department’s planning efforts are described as ""comprehensive.” By
this we mean that the program involves not just an analysis of economic con¬
ditions, or land uses, or resources, or transportation problems or public facility
needs- — ^rather it is an effort to see all of these aspects of development in a single
perspective. Also, the state planners engaged in this undertaking are not ex¬
pected to draft detailed plans or working drawings for specific public works or
development projects. The State’s many action agencies have able personnel
assigned to these tasks. The job of the State’s central planning office, in the
Department of Resource Development, is to suggest, somehow, an arrange¬
ment of the many on-going activities of state government so that public pro¬
grams are tailored not only to present, but to future needs as well; so that
public projects complement, rather than compete or conflict with one another;
and so that economic and social benefits are the deliberate result, rather than
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
95
96
Walter K. Johnson
only a possible, incidental by-product of the many development activities of
the state government.
The Department’s state planning effort involves three types of tasks — data
gathering and analysis, plan formulation, and plan implementation. Each of
these was covered in a general way in seven reports published last year. More
detailed analyses are now underway. The population and economic studies will
be completed this year. Work is also proceeding this year on analyses of land
use, transportation and state facility needs. Plans dealing with each of these
areas of concern will be formulated next year. Implementation will be a con¬
tinuing responsibility thereafter.
The analysis of Northern Wisconsin population, economic and resource
problems that has been undertaken to date reinforces, in general, the accepted
image of it as an area of declining population slowing economic activity and
depleted resources. But a closer look at the data reveals that these characteris¬
tics aren’t as immutable as most people might have been led to believe. For
example, the population trend of Northern Wisconsin counties has been gen¬
erally downward throughout most of the Twentieth Century because many
young people have left the area due to a lack of job opportunities. Northern
Wisconsin is now left with a relatively aged population. Since elderly people
don’t have babies, the area’s population could continue to slide downward un¬
less job opportunities and living conditions there make the area more attrac¬
tive to young people. Planning studies will identify the governmental actions
that might be taken to reverse these trends and to stabilize the area’s popula¬
tion. Knowledge of the cause of problems leads to discussion of means of
alleviating them. And knowledge of the many possible action alternatives will,
we hope, stimulate new efforts to reverse the area’s long-term decline. Govern¬
ment programs — local, state and federal^ — largely determine the living amen¬
ities of an area. Local educational facilities, municipal services, streets and
highways, libraries, parks, beaches, forests, colleges, hospitals and many other
facilities and services provided by governments make an area competitive in¬
sofar as hving conditions are concerned. Many jobs are created in the process
of providing such facilities and services and new private enterprises can be
attracted to an area simply because people like to live there. The government
programs needed to strengthen the living conditions and amenities of the
Northern Wisconsin area will be identified in connection with the State’s
planning effort.
Northern Wisconsin once had a magnificent forest resource, but by 1920
it had been virtually demolished. Conservation efforts and forest management
have done much to repair the damage, and industries using forest products
now support fourteen percent of the State’s population; still much remains to
be done. Resource-based industries are doubly beneficial to an area because
they support not only those engaged in manufacturing operations, but also
those who produce the raw materials and bring them to market. If the demand
for goods made from wood products continues to grow in the future as it has
in the past, and if forest management practices enable the State’s Northern
Counties to realize their full forest-production potential, this resource will con¬
stitute an increasingly strong element of the economy of Northern Wisconsin.
It took government, as well as private, action to restore the forests to their
Development in Northern Wisconsin
97
present levels of production. New eflForts will be needed to make these prac¬
tices even more widespread and effective.
Iron mining operations contributed heavily to employment of people in
Northern Wisconsin for several generations. It now appears that the best part
of that resource in the state has been used. The future of this indusjtry in
Northern Wisconsin, therefore, appears bleak. But if the State wishes to at¬
tempt to rejuvenate this industry, at least two things might be done. The first
is to press for research efforts directed toward eventual utilization of the taco-
nite deposits still available. The second is to obtain a magnetic survey of the
State to identify mineral deposits not yet measured or discovered. The bene¬
fits from these efforts would admittedly be somewhat conjectural and long
term, rather than immediate.
After the forests were removed from the Northern Counties of Wisconsin,
the popular belief was that it could become an area of flourishing farming
activity. It was discovered, too late for many people, that most of that area’s
soils would not sustain agriculture. As farming operations became more mech¬
anized and competition from more productive areas became more severe, the
agricultural economy of Northern Wisconsin lost ground. While certain types
of agricultural activities are still feasible in certain locations, most areas that
were once farmed should likely be returned to forest uses or held in a land
bank status for possible future use. State planning studies will outline the
means of achieving such objectives and the relationship between such efforts
and development possibilities in both the urban and rural communities of
the Northern Counties. Experts in agriculture, at both the state and federal
level of government, will play an important role in both the formulation and
the implementation of such programs.
The Northern Counties of Wisconsin still have a great water resource —
ground water is readily available and fresh water abounds in its lakes and
streams. The streams have their origin in the forested highlands, and with the
improvement of forest management and farming practices water quality has re¬
mained high. In recent years, however, there has been a brisk market for water¬
front cottage sites, and development of such sites has proceeded with very
little thought given to the long-term efforts of these actions. Sites are bought,
then ground cover is removed in preparation for construction. Rains come
and wash debris and soil into the water. Cottages are built with septic tank
facilities, usually discharging effluent into the water. When this process con¬
tinues unabated, waters become murky and warm, algea and plant growth is
stimulated, and fish spawning grounds and wildlife habitat are ruined. The
very things that attracted people to the waterfronts are destroyed, and unlike
the forest resource, the water resources cannot readily be restored to their
original condition. The damages can be repaired only at great cost. The coun¬
ties of Northern Wisconsin might benefit temporarily from exploitation of water
resources, but such actions will almost certainly bring about a low grade of
development that will create long-term problems and hardships. Through im¬
proved development practices, the Northern Counties can have their water
resources and use them too; and they can, in this way, build an even stronger
economy for their area. An objective of the State’s planning efforts is to identify
the specific means whereby, through joint local-state programs, a higher
standard of water related developments can be assured.
98
Walter K. Johnson
A resource important to Wisconsin, but given little attention to date, is
its scenery. Today more people engage in viewing scenery than in any other
recreation activity. The Northern Counties of the State have a great variety of
scenic resources. Its highlands, forests, water and many points of historic or
scientific interest contribute greatly to its living amenities and to its attractive¬
ness to tourists. Like aU other resources, its scenic resources need to be de¬
veloped with foresight. Carefully planned roads, selective cutting of trees and
provision of overlooks, waysides and recreation facilities all contribute to the
scenic resource. On the other hand, billboards, honky-tonk developments, junk
yards and dumps destroy scenic resources. State and local governments have
the power to control both public and private developments so as to minimize
the possibility of damage to the scenic resource and to enhance that resource
wherever possible. The objective of planning eflForts— -state, regional and local
— must be to effectively guide developments so that Northern Wisconsin can
enjoy the economic benefits that flow to an area that has a reputation of being
beautiful and livable, as well as functional.
Planning for Northern Wisconsin should deal with all aspects of its de¬
velopment. Of basic importance is its human resource. Fortunately, Northern
Wisconsin has a high-grade human resource and because of this fact, the North
will never sink to the level of Appalachia. This is not to disparage the good
people of some of our southern states. The fact is that state governments in
that area of the country, years ago adopted a practice of providing only
minimal education, transportation and health and welfare services to their
people. As a result, those people do not have the capacity to cope with prob¬
lems of a complicated society that cannot any longer use their labor. Great
numbers of them have become dependent on public grants of one kind or
another.
The State of Wisconsin has prided itself on the quality of services it pro¬
vides its people. High levels of education have been encouraged. Adequate,
and for the most part even excellent, health and welfare facilities have been
provided. Without the programs that progressive state and local governments
have provided in the past, residents of Northern Wisconsin would likely now
be a despondent, dependent liability. Instead the human resource of the
North is viable, capable and independent. The State’s past investments are,
therefore, paying off in a much greater way than is generally appreciated. The
interest shown by county and local officials in improvement programs for the
area is evidence of this fact. Most Northern communities are now engaged in
planning programs. Five counties have joined hands in establishing the North¬
western Wisconsin Regional Planning Commission. Others have joined the
eight-county Wolf River Basin Regional Planning Commission. These new
inter-county efforts to deal with area-wide problems demonstrate a capacity
and desire on the part of the people of the North Counties to face up to the
problems of today and to build a better environment there for future genera¬
tions. Also, they have joined hands with the government of the State to insure
that programs developed for their areas will be appropriately related to the
needs and development activities of the state as whole. With the overview that
the Department of Resource Development has of all the activies of state gov¬
ernment, the Northern Counties should achieve through state and regional
planning efforts the added benefits that result from effective co-ordination of
Development in Northern Wisconsin
99
all local, state and even federal programs. If a full measure of the possible
benefits from all these programs can be realized, the future for the Northern
Counties can be bright. But without some such concerted eflFort, its future
would be dim. Fortunately, the state and the people of the North country
counties have decided that their future will not he left to chance. All of the
information, all of the knowledge, all of the experience that can be brought
to bear on the problems of the North will be utilized in the planning programs
that have now just been started and will continue to bear fruit in the future.
Northern Wisconsin can encourage developments that are consistent with
the goal of preserving its natural resources. It can plan for public investments
that satisfy human needs and improve its human resources. It can achieve a
diversified economy, not dependent on a single industry or resource. It can
reahze these objectives through planned government actions and free, private
enterprise. Finally, Northern Wisconsin can, through its efforts, demonstrate
to the Northern depressed areas of its sister states, a way out of the down¬
ward spiral that has engulfed the region. Its leadership in developing a planned
approach to the solution of its problems might, indeed, be regarded as a con¬
tribution of national significance. The staff of the Department of Resource
Development is pleased to serve this effort in partnership with local and
regional groups.
AN INDUSTRIAL APPROACH TO RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
M. N. Taylor, Executive Director
Trees for Tomorrow, Inc.
Merrill, Wisconsin
In selecting the subject, "The Natural Resources of Northern Wisconsin,”
the Wisconsin Academy has focused on one of the most important facts today
■—that people of urban centers are taking time to study natural resources, to
become acquainted with them, and to learn how to use them wisely.
Wisconsin is a land of wonderful resources. Early explorers found dense
forests, wide prairies, innumerable lakes and streams, and an abundance of
fur bearing animals. Jean Nicolet, searching for a route to China, reached Red
Banks near Green Bay, in 1634. Radisson and Grossilliers reached Che-
quamegon Bay in 1659, returned with canoes piled high with furs. Menard
arrived in 1660. In 1698, Hennepin called southern Wisconsin the charming
land. For many years the voyageurs and missionaries journeyed through this
land of promise.
People, hearing of the wealth of resources, came from many countries
of the world. Though not always understanding good management, they de¬
veloped the country. However, 300 years passed from the time of the first
explorer, before people realized that the resources were not inexhaustible.
We now have a complex and diversified economy in Wisconsin^ in the
south and along the rivers-— highly developed industrial areas; in the central
plains—an agricultural empire; in the north— -a background of green forests
and water for the wood using industry and for recreation.
The paper industry produces $958,507,000 worth of products each year,
employs nearly 43,000 or about 10% of the manufacturing personnel of the
state. Wages and salaries come to more than $258,236,000. Capital investment
is $657,618,000; current average annual investment $50,000,000. Paper mills
buy $18,200,000 worth of Wisconsin grown, pulpwood, or approximately half
of their wood requirements each year.
On the rivers, a series of dams and reservoirs, owned by the power com¬
panies and mills, provide vast hydro-electric power and an even flow of water
for industrial, community, agricultural, and recreational use. Power companies
plant trees to protect their watersheds. Members of Trees for Tomorrow alone
own 950,000 acres of industrial forests.
The recreation industry provides jobs for people of the north and a vaca¬
tion land outstanding in this country.
During the course of this meeting, you have heard from many different
agencies who work with many different resources. It is my pleasure to give a
thumb nail sketch of Trees for Tomorrow and its broad industrial approach to
resource management.
Trees for Tomorrow is a non-profit, resource management organization,
sponsored by 14 Wisconsin paper mills, six Wisconsin power companies, ■ and
one' Michigan power company. Membership includes the bulk of the paper
and power producing capacity of Wisconsin.
Wis. Acad. TBANS. Vol 53 (Part A) 1964
101
102
M. N. Taylor
Trees for Tomorrow’s main offiee is in Merrill; the Camp at Eagle River.
Four foresters are on the staff.
Our objeetive is to build a sound forest economy for Wisconsin and
Upper Michigan. Folke Becker, president of Trees for Tomorrow from 1944-
1961, said in a 1953 address, “We have our goal, a background of green forests
for Wisconsin, increased employment, protection of our watersheds, and, most
important, informed citizens who realize that large scale, long range resource
building requires coordinated effort and that it cannot be accomplished over¬
night by decree.”
When Trees for Tomorrow was founded twenty years ago, our original
research revealed that any forestry program could accomplish little if it was
not directed to the small private forest landowners, who own 68% of the forest
land in the state. The following figures emphasize this factor. Only 28 private
landowners in the state own 5,000 to 50,000 acres or more a piece. As many
as 146,000 landowners own only 100 acres or less a piece.
The first five year work area was confined to the Wisconsin River valley.
Today, our forestry work area covers 34 counties. Fifty percent of our time
is spent in helping small landowners develop the potential of their wood¬
lands; fifty percent in conservation education. The latter phase of our program
is directed toward building a sound concept of resource management for the
future. This brief paper will touch on the philosophy back of this program,
how it operates, and some of the progress.
It is highly interesting for an individual or a group that begins to work
with the renewable natural resources — soils, forests, water, and wildhfe— -to
learn how these resources are intricately related to one another. This has been
the experience of Trees for Tomorrow, over a span of two decades.
Each phase of the program is designed to provide an action outlet for
any individual whose interest has been stimulated in the field of reforestation,
forest management, or resource education.
Trees for Tomorrow’s work falls into these areas:
1) Distribution of free trees, which provides an opportunity for action
to many people who never thought of planting.
2) Machine planting, which introduces people to resources and the de¬
light to be found from making their property productive.
3) Preparation of forest management plans, which shows a landowner
where to plant, where to harvest, where to let grow, in short, how to put each
of his acres to its best use.
4) Resource education at Trees for Tomorrow Camp.
Free Trees
Objectives of the free tree program are to stimulate interest in forestry,
to expand reforestation, to create an opportunity for our foresters to get on to
the land, and to project the idea of self help.
Self-help is essential. We have found that people accomplish most when
they help themselves. Landowners receive 500 free trees each year for two
years. They are then encouraged to buy trees from the state or private nurseries.
Trees for Tomorrow distributes 350,000 free trees each year. Trees are
from member mills’ industrial nurseries. From 1944 to 1963, a total of 10,350
An Industrial Approach to Resource Management
103
landowners received and planted 9,716,000 free trees. Landowners who have
received free trees buy an additional 4,000,000 trees each year. Making a
survey of state nurseries in 1957, we discovered that people who had received
free trees, had bought and planted an additional 58,000,000.
Machine Planting
Objective of the machine planting program is to .encourage large scale
reforestation. The landowner buys his trees from state or private nurseries.
Trees for Tomorrow inspects the planting site, prepares a planting plan,
routes trees from nurseries, furnishes the technical assistance of foresters,
tractor, planting machine and crew. Cost: about $30 per 1000 trees, including
tees.
Machine planting demonstrations are staged to encourage banks and
others to buy machines. A total of 1.2 million acres still need reforestation in
Wisconsin.
Trees for Tomorrow machine planted the 10 millionth tree near Minocqua
recently. On a spring day as we neared the site to take a picture, a huge truck
load of logs rolled out of the forest. Here was a dramatic example of harvest¬
ing mature tees while machine planting new trees. By the end of 1963 Trees
for Tomorrow had machine planted a total of 10,490,000 trees for 610 private
landowners.
Forest Management
Objective of the forest management program is to increase sustained yield
forestry on privately owned woodlands. Under this plan, Trees for Tomorrow:
1) secures aerial photos, 2) makes in-the-field surveys, 3) furnishes type maps,
4) submits written supplements, 5) .encourages self-help.
There is another sidelight along the idea of self-help. In 1953, we made a
survey to learn to what extent landowners were implementing the plans we
had drawn for them. Up to this time, we prepared management plans free of
charge. Our survey revealed there were conflicting ideas about our services.
Some people thought they could not harvest trees unless we gave them per¬
mission. Still others thought there must be some gimmick connected with this
free service, which required the technical services of a forester over a period
of several days, a week, or a month.
As a result of this and other factors, in 1953, we initiated a fee system.
The results apparently bear out the idea that people appreciate most those
things for which they have invested some time, labor, or money. Another
thing, signing a forest management agreement and paying a fee is an accepted
business transaction with which they are familiar. As a result, our requests for
forest management services increased 56% over the form.er five year period.
Forest management services include: 1) general reconnaissance survey,
self-help fee 20^ per acre; 2) intensive forest management plan, self-help fee
30^ per acre; 3) estimating and marking, self-help fee $4.00 p.er hour; 4) super¬
vision of harvest, self-help fee 10% of gross; 5) retaining fee, 500 acres or more,
St per acre.
Trees' for Tomorrow has prepared management plans (which cover a ten
year period) for 295,400 acres owned by 769 landowners; marked for harvest
3,000,000. board feet of sawlogs, 21,190 cords of puipwood.
T
104 M. N. Taylor
The above is a thumb-nail sketch of our forestry activities. In forestry we |
deal with people who own land. But these landowners comprise only a small
fraction of our population. Because of urban population trends and the de- I
mand for outdoor recreation, it is indeed apparent that the 4,000,000 or more '
people in Wisconsin and Upper Michigan must have a basic understanding ^
of our natural resources, how they should be used, and how they should be
renewed. Creating this understanding is the function of the Trees for Tomor¬
row Camp. I
Resource Education 1
Widespread appreciation of the social and economic values of our natural |
resources is the objective of the Trees for Tomorrow resource education pro- !
gram at Trees for Tomorrow Camp. Here more than 4,000 citizens register ;
annually. The workshop curriculum covers forests, soil, water, and wildlife.
There is an effective thread of cooperation that winds its way through ’
all of the educational work at Trees for Tomorrow Camp. A great deal of as- '
sistance and technical guidance are given by public agencies, the University ^
of Wisconsin, the state colleges, the State Soil and Water Conservation Com¬
mittee, and others who believe in the important role of this conservation center, j
Workshops at Camp ai*e geared to the interests and vocations of groups, j
Among these are newspaper men, who own their own 78 acre forest three
miles south of Eagle River, bankers, women’s clubs, civic and service clubs,
industrial foresters, sports club leaders, executives of Trees for Tomorrow, ;
teachers for whom seven different courses are scheduled, as well as more than j
a thousand high school pupils who attend a series of 3-day workshops on school ,
time each year. (1,251 pupils took part in 25 workshops in 1963). j
i
Communications !
I
Communications are maintained with the public through our bulletin i
Tree Tips, through talks, two movies in the library at the University of Wis- ,
consin, news releases, magazine articles, and exhibits.
In summary — since 1944, Trees for Tomorrow has distributed nearly 10 i
million free trees, machine planted more than 10 million for private land- ■
owners, put under management nearly 300,000 acres of privately owned forest I
land, helped establish 42 school and six memorial forests, which more than i
50,000 people have studied resource management at the Trees for Tomorrow .■
Camp. :
These figures are significant, not merely from the standpoint of numbers, j
They serve as a guide post in a new pattern for an industrial approach to re- j
source management. At the Camp and in the field of forestry. Trees for Tomor- j
row plays a role seldom, if ever, approached by other industry in the country. .
On tours from Camp, within the distance of a few miles, you will see a :
cross section of Wisconsin’s working resources. Because of these resources
Wisconsin is a wonderful place in which to work and to live. This state has !
had a colorful and exciting past. With good management of the renewable |
natural resources, Wisconsin will have a colorful and exciting future, |
NATURAL RESOURCES— A HISTORY IN HUMAN TERMS
Leslie H, Fishel, Jr., Director
Wisconsin State Historical Society
L. P. Voigt, Director
Wisconsin Conservation Department
An anonymous but perceptive observer once quipped that no woman
could be married to the same man for fifty years because after the first
twenty-five years, he was not the same man. It is certainly true that people
change from year to year and from decade to decade and perhaps marriage is
one cause. But there are many other causes and it is with one of these and
its history that this paper is concerned. Wisconsin’s natural resources have a
natural history all of their own and as man has impacted himself on the
countryside, land and water, he has changed the course of this natural history.
Conversely, as nature has changed or been changed, man has reacted in new
and diflFerent ways. To cite one obvious example, as second growth forests have
been preserved, hunters, hikers, fishermen, campers and many others have
altered the patterns of their lives to use of these newly-created resources.
It was only a short time ago, as nature measures time, that the idea of
preserving the human history of Wisconsin’s natural resources story bubbled
to the surface. Quite naturally, the man who made the bubbles and brought
them to the top is a conservationist in every bone and fiber of his body, and
more importantly, in heart and spirit. C. L. Harrington, retired Superintendent
of Forests and Parks of the Wisconsin Conservation Department, is an effer¬
vescent and tenacious conservationist with a sharp, observant eye toward his¬
tory. He fathered the idea of preserving the human history of Wisconsin’s
conservation effort, an idea which, as he wrote in a letter in January, 1960,
should include ‘"the field of natural resource conservation in its entirety.”
With Harrington, this became more than an idea; it became a goal. He
quickly involved his friends in the State Historical Society and the Conserva¬
tion Department, preaching the gospel from one person to another, from one
he wrote to the Society in the same letter,
pproval. . . .” and he cagily spread a httle
that an agency as efficient as the Society
could handle this project without missing a step. He worked over the Conserva¬
tion Department too, to the point where the Director sent out a memorandum
(draft dated May 19, 1960) to all Department supervisory personnel urging
their cooperation with what was then called by various names, but later be¬
came known as the Natural Resources History Project. The Director appointed
Walter E. Scott to serve as a liaison with the Society and specifically asked
supervisors to report names and addresses of “old-timers” in conservation, and
record any anecdotes or details about conservation history. Harrington’s bub¬
bles had begun to form a visible pattern.
But it was only a beginning. As the Society and the Department worried
over other matters, the project seemed to move too slowly, at least for one as
spirited as C. L. Harrington. He intensified his efforts, pushing for a mutually
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
agency to another. It is important,
that “the effort have your official a
butter on the toast with a remark
105
106
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.-L. P, Voigt
acceptable title for the project and trying to transform the agencies’ enthusiasm
into greater action. The results were beneficial. The Forest Advisory Committee
of the Conservation Department passed a resolution recommending that the
Conservation Commission support the project. Shortly thereafter, the Com¬
mission so resolved.
Two important barriers remained, the second depending largely upon the
first. The project needed money. The Society, which was to house and operate
the project, estimated that it would take two years and cost a total of $25,000.
It took more planning and paperwork to begin to raise this money than those
responsible had calculated, but the project prospered. By the spring of 1963,
the project received half of the needed amount, $12,500, from such interested
donors as the Milwaukee Journal, Consolidated Paper, Inc., and some private
individuals. The project was ready to face the second barrier — hiring a young
historian who could devote time to it. Fortunately, the Society located Dennis
East, hired him and put him to work, on a part-time basis, directing the Natural
Resources History Project (NRHP) as it was now named. By September, 1963,
the NRHP was a reality.
Actually, even before this time, both the Society, through the efforts of
its Field Services Supervisor, William K. Alderfer, and the Department through
Walter E. Scott, had been actively gathering names and interviewing ‘‘old-
timers.” As Dennis East began to familiarize himself with the history of con¬
servation in Wisconsin, he had some first-hand records to which he could go for
information. His charge was, and is: increase the collection extent and depth.
The charge needs an explanation, since the word “collecting” has to have
a reference point. The Society and the Department, in an informal agreement
dated April 26, 1960, established some preliminary guidelines, four of which
are wordi repeating:
— To provide historical information to aid conservation research.
— To develop information about Wisconsin’s conservation program which
will be of some help to other states.
— To secure recognition for Wisconsin’s pioneers of conservation, since
the state was one of the first in the field.
— To add to the available resources of the history of the state the rich
material relating to conservation history.
This is a big program, what an earlier memorandum called “a broad historical
record.” But it is important that these four statements are understood for the
guidelines they are.
The NRHP is concerned with all natural resources in a state that has been
wonderfully blessed with them. The project will ask questions about human
activity in fish and forest conservation, in lakes and land conservation, in wild¬
life and water conservation. The project will delve into early fire prevention
methods, law enforcement, and research. No area which has attracted dedicated
conservationists in this state will escape the project’s eyes, ears, and arms.
The NRHP is really a voracious monster, hungry for information about the
history of the conservation of natural resources in Wisconsin, but it is a mon¬
ster with a sense of humor. It is anxious to collect the human side of this
human history — the anecdote, the practical joke, the lighter side which makes
Natural Resources — A History in Human Terms
107
it human. And it is a monster with plaudits to bestow. The project wants to
recognize the unsung heroes whose lives were and are monuments to the cause
of conservation. The reseai'ch men in the field, the wardens, the administra¬
tors, the planners, the lobbyists, the legislators — among these and other groups
of men and women are the few who literally shaped the course of conservation
in Wisconsin. This is what NRHP is all about.
The project has gone about its job with care. It uses a tape recorder to
interview men and women whose recollections enliven and expand our knowl¬
edge of conservation history. It collects photographs, letters, memoranda,
diaries, reports and other documents, printed, typed or scribbled, which
relate to some part of this story. The end result will be as fine a collection of
data about the history and the influence of the conservation of natural re¬
sources as exists anywhere in this country. Then will come the most important
and continuing consequence — the use of this material for contemporary pur¬
poses, as history, as precedent, as example, as inspiration.
In the background lies an even larger objective, more subtle and less sus¬
ceptible of ready accomplishment. The men and women who initiated, shaped,
and implemented conservation policy have created and preserved Wisconsin's
natural resources in challenging new ways over the last fifty years. The con¬
tinuing result has been a changing landscape and an increasing popular and
commercial use of these resources. The impact which conservation has had on
Wisconsin and out-of-state citizens who benefit from these changes deserves
serious study, since this is a wide and significant influence. It has brought
about almost revolutionary changes in the way people live, what they do, what
they wear, use and eat. Here is a Cinerama-sized screen of activities which the
NRHP collections and studies will eventually help to illuminate.
Perhaps these wide-angle lens objectives are too grandiose for a project
which has just begun on something less than a multimillion dollar budget, but
we do not think so. The early efforts of the project have already brought in
fruitful results. For example, most people who remember back to the I920’s
think of flappers, Scott Fitzgerald and speakeasies, but historians are be¬
ginning to take that decade apart and discover that beneath the popular frills
were some important, even world-shaking events. The NRHP materials already
collected bear this out.
Wisconsin in this crazy decade was worried about its conservation pro¬
gram. In 1928, the then chairman of the Conservation Commission, William
Mauthe, told a group at the Lake States Forest Experimental Station, that
“Almost everyone from ploughboy to philosopher is quite certain that he
alone possesses an exact knowledge of what is wrong with our conservation
program,” Mauthe was concerned about attacks that conservation policies were
too political and set about to defend the commission as “a part of a political
institution created through political effort,” adding that “I prefer to hold to
the better and finer interpretation of the word, politics’.” Here is an indication
that conservation has a very human history and that the development and im¬
plementation of our conservation policies have important consequences in other
areas of life.
The recorded reminiscences of W. J. P. “Bill” Aberg, a former officer in
the Izaak Walton State League reflect this, too. He remembered that giant
among men, Aldo Leopold, whose activities extended the areas and influence
108
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.-L. P. Voigt
of conservation. Leopold, Aberg said, brought game management into the
U. S. Forest Service; and the pioneering study he did on the subject (beginning
in this same flapper decade) was sponsored by the Sporting Arms and Am¬
munition Manufacturers Institute, a healthy marriage of self-interest and public
welfare. When Leopold, Aberg and others began to work on what was to
become the state Conservation Act of 1927, they enlisted the help of Field
And Stream magazine and obtained reprints of an article on the conservation
organization in the state of Pennsylvania, which were distributed widely in
the legislature. The issue of conservation overflowed the narrow bed of natural
resources and reached into areas of national and popular concern. The guberna¬
torial election of 1926 in Wisconsin, Aberg remembered, was largely deter¬
mined by the conservation platform.
These brief samples from the 1920’s, right out of the raw data which now
make up the nucleus of the NRHP collections, suggest that the story of the
conservation of natural resources in Wisconsin is an important and exciting
human story which needs to be known. These samples suggest, too, that this
story, like the conservation movement itself, is more than a narrative of what
conservationists did or did not do. It is a story of how conservation has carved
an important priority for itself in the range of all human activity. To gather
material for research on these stories is the chief pmpose of the Natural Re¬
sources History Project.
At this point in time, the NRHP is launched and sailing before a fair wind,
but the voyage is a long one. The project will need the continuing support of
conservationists and historians and their friends. It needs more funds to carry
it into the second year. It needs more names and addresses of “old-timers”
who can contribute their recorded memories and written materials. It needs
and will receive the sustained backing of the two state agencies which initiated
the project, the State Historical Society and the Conservation Department.
In 1950, the NRHP files reveal, Virgil J. Muench, President of the Wis¬
consin Division of the Izaak Walton League, told the story of the old man who
always seemed cheerful in spite of his many troubles. When asked how he
managed to do this, the old man rephed that he had “learned to cooperate with
the inevitable.” His secret was probably a little deeper than that. He knew his
history and how to live with it. This is the potential the Natural Resources His¬
tory Project has for the conservation movement.
Materials on Deposit at the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Which Relate to the Natural Resources History Project-
May 1964
Papers (already collected)
John Sweet Donald, (1869-1934). Farmer, politician, and prominent conservationist.
Former President of the Sons of the Native Landscape, 1919-1920.
Speeches of William Mauthe. Chairman of the Wisconsin Conservation Commission,
1927-1933.
Papers of Arthur Kaftan. Concerned with the State Izaak Walton League, 1949-1954.
Papers of Virgil Muench. Concerned with the Izaak Walton League, 1948-1955.
Papers of Frank M. Graass, Conservation Commissioner.
Papers of Louis McClane Hobbins, Conservation Commissioner, 1929-1937.
Papers of the Wisconsin Federation of Conservation Clubs.
Papers of the State Izaak Walton League, 1938-1945.
Natural Resources — A History in Human Terms
109
Oral History (tape recordings already made.)
W. D. Barnard. Planter, forester, park superintendent. Tape concerned with forestry
practices and conservation in Wisconsin from 1911 to 1916.
Mildred Castle. Chief Clerk for the Wisconsin State Board of Forestry, 1905-1915
( ? ) . Tape concerned with operations of the Board and conservation practices in
Wisconsin.
Henry Freund. First forest ranger in the Rhinelander District. Tape concerned with
forest management.
C. L. Harrington. Superintendent of Forests and Parks. Tape concerned with forest
conservation, tax laws, lumber company reforestation, establishment of the Forest
Protection Districts, state regulation of lumbering, the Civilian Conservation
Corps, and the Works Progress Administration.
George F. Kilp. First industrial forester. Tape concerned with reforestation movement
after 1915.
Wilhelmine D. LaBudde. Milwaukee clubwoman and noted conservationist.
John Landon. Wisconsin lumber company manager. Tape concerned with lumbering
and logging operations.
Nelson J. LeClair. Wisconsin fisherman and member of Wisconsin Conservation Com¬
mission. Concerned with commercial fishing on the Great Lakes.
Philip A. McDonald. Forest ranger. Tape concerned with experiences of forest sta¬
tion at Trout Lake.
Marvin Schweers. Tape concerned with history of soil erosion control in Wisconsin
with emphasis on development of Coon Valley project and watershed manage¬
ment.
Charles Scoville. Tape concerned with fish and wildlife on the Wolf River.
Fred B. Trenk. Extension forester of the University of Wisconsin. Tape concerned
with shelterbelt in Wisconsin and mechanization of tree planting.
B. O. Webster. Superintendent of Fisheries and Wisconsin Conservation Commis¬
sioner. Tape concerned with propagation and fish management.
W. J. P. Aberg. Lawyer and former officer in State Izaak Walton League. Tape con¬
cerned with early history and development of the Conservation Department,
reminiscences of Aldo Leopold, the State Izaak Walton League, and related
subjects.
Louis Blanchard. Tape concerned with early logging and log driving operations in
northern Wisconsin.
The Wisconsin Conservation Department
The State Archives holds some early records of the State Board of Forestry and
the State Parks Board (1904-1905) and other records of the Conservation Depart¬
ment from 1928 and later.
^ _ f
SPENT SULPHITE LIQUOR PROBLEM— PROGRESS
REPORT FOR 1963
Averill /. Wiley, Technical Director
Sulphite Pulp Manufacturers Research League
Appleton, Wisconsin
We, who are actively engaged in research to find answers to the spent
sulphite liquor problem of Wisconsin’s sulphite pulping industry, are pleased
to have this opportunity to report progress to the Wisconsin Academy. To
find out exactly how many people are now at work on this problem in various
research centers within the State, we made an industry count before preparing
this paper.
We found that the Wisconsin pulp and paper industry employs in its
own laboratories fifty-six full-time professional and technical research men and
women specifically for research on the spent sulphite liquor problem. An addi¬
tional ten to twenty engineers and chemists at the Forest Products Laboratory,
on the University campus in Madison and at The Institute of Paper Chemistry,
conduct fundamental and applied lignin and sugar research closely allied to
the sulphite problem. These figures clearly indicate the responsibility which
the pulp and paper industry accepts for finding solutions to this waste problem.
The Wisconsin Committee on Water Pollution makes another compilation
which provides a further index of intensity of the industry’s effort to find
lasting solutions to this problem. The Committee reports that the pulp and
paper industry in Wisconsin spent $336,897 in 1961 for pollution research,
$772,392 in 1962, and $710,255 in 1963. The mills put these findings to prac¬
tical use. The industry spent $2,059,560 in 1961 for new equipment and plants
to reduce pollution, $3,036,430 in 1962, and $1,848,103 in 1963. Although
this survey covers all types of pulp and paper mills in Wisconsin, the greater
share of the expenditures tabulated were made by and in behalf of the sul¬
phite pulp mills in their program to abate stream problems caused by spent
sulphite liquor. It should be pointed out that these plant and equipment figures
show sharp fluctuations as between years when major plants were being built
and years when no new large-scale projects were in process.
The assigned topic of this paper is exclusively concerned with the re¬
search and development of practical processes for control of water pollution.
It must, however, be pointed out that this same program is a true research
for conserving the natural resources of Wisconsin. Water is one of our more
important natural resources, and prevention of water pollution is now uni¬
versally recognized as a major field of conservation. When we are making the
best use of our water resources, we are genuinely forwarding the best interest
of all of the people who live here and of the thousands from elsewhere who
visit our State for reasons primarily connected with use of our surface waters.
In still another way our research and development of new processes for
treating spent sulphite liquor is important to conservation. Much of the in¬
formation set forth here should make it clear that this research program con¬
serves Wisconsin’s forest resources. A major fraction of the industry’s research
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
111
112
Averill J. Wiley
is directed toward finding effective new and better ways to use that half of
the wood which is boiled out of the chips in the pulping process and con¬
stitutes the dissolved solids in spent sulphite liquor. These organic materials
were formerly wasted but now are being utilized in an increasing number of
products marketed all over the United States.
Our work takes this direction because keeping these organic materials
from ever reaching the river has proved to be the best way to improve down¬
stream conditions below sulphite mills. The only practical way to keep them
out of the river is to transform them into commodities that customers will trans¬
port away from the mills while paying part or all of the processing cost in¬
curred by the mills. It is a pleasing side effect that these new products or by¬
products contribute significantly to better standards of living for all of our
fellow Americans.
Some thirty-eight years ago the Marathon Corporation— now Marathon,
Division of American Can Company — ^pioneered the development of the first
processes that utilized the values contained in spent sulphite hquor. Marathon
conducted a persistent and expensive research effort in developing its new
materials. Nearly twenty years of hard work and more than a million dollars
went into developing that company’s method of processing spent sulphite
liquor to the stage where they were manufacturing products and selling them
for enough to meet the cost of operation. Today Marathon operates a major
byproduct industry employing 135 people for processing spent sulphite liquor
and for marketing the products which are sold worldwide.
Marathon’s success encouraged other Wisconsin pulp and paper com¬
panies to proceed with research and development programs that led to other
new and salable products made from spent sulphite liquor. Each of these com¬
panies lost money in its early years of operation, and some of them have not
yet turned the corner where the new products are self-supporting. Not only
is it expensive to perform the research and development of a new commercial
product, but also a plant to process the spent sulphite liquor produced by a
100-ton mill usually costs $1 million or more. It takes years of expensive market
development and sweat-stained selling to find enough people who want to use
these new products and who can purchase in quantities that can make a dent
in an output of 100 tons per day.
Today four major Wisconsin pulp and paper corporations operate five
spent sulphite liquor utilization plants. A sixth major installation will be com¬
pleted during 1964. At least one, probably two, other pulp mills will be en¬
gaged during this year in the final design work for new processing facilities to
be built. At this moment, more than 100,000 tons per year of Wisconsin spent
sulphite liquor solids are being manufactured into marketable products, with
an estimated value approaching $10 million. This new sulphite products in¬
dustry directly employs more than 300 persons in Wisconsin. A good many
more jobs could be traced back to sulphite products by tallying up the full¬
time and fractional jobs created here in transporting these commodities as well
as their raw materials and end products in the form in which they eventually
reach market.
These are impressive figures for a brand-new industry based on what
formerly was wasted. They are all the more impressive when considered in
perspective. After all, these jobs and these values have been created only
Spent Sulphite Liquor Problem— Progress Report for 1963
113
because the sulphite pulping industry is so firmly determined to solve the
problem that its spent liquor creates in this state's streams.
Those of us who spend our working lives on this problem are looking
forward to new developments, new processes, and new products to come from
research now underway in our industry laboratories. Many of today's products
from spent sulphite liquor are relatively crude. They are mixtures of organics
directly proportional to the occurrence of various materials in the original
pulp wood chips. But research today is finding ways to separate and modify
purified lignin compounds, pure wood sugars, a number of sugar derivatives,
and also the organic acids. As these are perfected to commercial usefulness,
they should lead to major increases in the jobs and values as these more refined
products find their place in new and profitable markets.
Processes and products such as these do not pop up overnight from simple
efforts in the laboratory. Time is required to develop a good, new idea into a
commodity for commercial production. As an example, for the past fifteen
years we have been attempting to create from the crude lignin in spent sul¬
phite liquor a particular kind of binder which could improve upon the mining
industry's processes for recovering high-grade iron ore pellets from the low
grade ore deposits of Northern Wisconsin, Michigan, and Minnesota. This is
a market that could take vast tonnages of sulphite liquor solids“--when and if
we can attain its specifications of quality and meet its limitations of cost.
Each year our research has improved the binder products we could pro¬
duce. Each year's binder comes closer than last year's to meeting the rigid
requirements of the iron ore industry. But thus far all of our binders have
fallen short. They have not been quite good enough either in quality or cost.
We are continuing this development work on iron ore binders, and we feel
confident that eventually we shall hit our target.
For another example, the lumber industry in Wisconsin and Minnesota,
in the South and on the West Coast, uses tremendous tonnages of adhesives in
making weather-proof plywoods. But they need still better adhesives than we
have, and we are hard at work to meet their needs with a plywood adhesive
derived from spent sulphite liquor. A display of these iron ore and plywood
binder products in various stages of research and development has been
brought tO' this meeting for those who would like to examine these products
more closely.
You may ask how our industry research laboratories go about the task
of finding these new processes and new products to be developed from spent
sulphite liquor. This type of research requires a diligent and organized pro¬
gram that studies the properties of spent sulphite liquor as it comes from
each of the various sulphite pulping processes used in our Wisconsin pulp
mills. No two mills produce identical liquor, nor are their other conditions
identical, which are the reasons why, when our research and development
yields a new process or product, this can be put to practical use only by those
mills whose situation it fits.
Only through fundamental research can the industry's scientists know
the chemical structure and reaction characteristics of each of the lignin, wood
sugar, and other organic components present in spent sulphite liquor. The
Sulphite Pulp Manufacturers' Research League conducts fundamental re¬
search within its own laboratories, and additionally has supported a research
114
Averill J. Wiley
grant at an average cost of $25,000 annually for the past twent-five years for
fundamental research by staff members of the Organic Chemistry and Physical
Chemistry Departments of The Institute of Paper Chemistry. Numerous other
laboratories conduct their own independent fundamental research on lignin
and wood sugars at the University and at the Forest Products Laboratory in
Madison, and at similar research centers elsewhere in the U.S.A.
One-half of the total research budget of the League is directed to this
systematic search for new knowledge about the organic compounds in spent
sulphite liquor. This is not science in an ivory tower, for it is from this funda¬
mental research that the new ideas come for new processes and new products.
From that point on, our research effort systematically searches for ways to
apply the new ideas. The League laboratories are equipped especially to fol¬
low through with practical developments. We have extensive laboratory equip¬
ment for carrying on our experimental work in test tube and flask, and we have
the finest scientific instruments for careful analytical control.
When work in the laboratory yields results that are sufiiciently promising,
the League has pilot plants that can carry this work along to a scale for de¬
veloping practical methods of processing. Where our pilot plants are inade¬
quate for the particular program, we equip a new pilot plant. Our present
pilot plants enable us to make large-scale studies requiring that products be
centrifuged, filtered, ion exchanged, solvent extracted, evaporated, spray dried,
polymerized, oxidized, and fermented. These pilot plants on occasion are
also used to produce samples of our new materials in quantities sufficient for
prospective industrial users to make trial production runs with our products
in their own laboratories and plants.
In the course of the twenty-five years since the League was founded, our
laboratories have tried out hundreds of new ideas for processes and products.
Laboratory trials screen out most of the impractical and uneconomical projects.
Those that pass this first screening move ahead to pilot plant testing. The
eventual survivors are the more promising methods which merit further study.
Since we are working with a waste product from a large industry, we
can expect that many of the proposals for new processes and products will not
survive critical examination in the laboratory. We consider ourselves fortunate
when 10 out of 100 proposed new ideas survive critical evaluations on paper
and the blackboard, and move along to laboratory testing. Not more than one
out of 100 gets as far as pilot-plant testing.
The League has constructed just eight major pilot plant installations in
a quarter century. One of these yielded the process for growing food and feed
yeasts on the carbohydrates in spent sulphite liquor, originally developed dur¬
ing the war years of 1943 to 1946. Two plants are now in full commercial op¬
eration, producing up to twenty tons of dry yeast daily at Rhinelander and
Green Bay. Five plants at mills in Appleton, Green Bay, Rhinelander, and
Rothschild are operating evaporation processes based on pilot plant studies in
the League’s laboratories and pilot plants.
But a somewhat larger contingent of other processes failed to survive
pilot plant testing and were shelved. The trickling filter method for disposal
type processing of liquid wastes, which is widely used for municipal sewage
plants, was tested extensively in the League’s first pilot plant; the process
proved technically possible, but only at a capital cost and operating expense
Spent Sulphite Liquor Problem — Progress Report for 1963
115
that no mill could support and remain competitive. A process for extracting
pure wood sugars from spent sulphite liquor was also developed and pilot-
tested, but it too fell afoul of the strict laws of economics. We still believe that
the sugar products may some day be recovered feasibly from spent liquor,
but it will have to be as part of an overall process which derives other values
from the raw material.
The League's most recent pilot plant project is studying the electrodialysis
process. We began working on electrodialysis research first in the laboratory,
then went on to a small-scale pilot plant and finally to a commercial-scale pilot
plant. The research is now in its sixth year and its total cost has reached
$400,000. League member mills have financed the entire project.
Electrodialysis as a commercially feasible process has been the dream and
the frustration of many competent electro-chemical engineers since before the
turn of the century. Most of the early research scientists and engineers were
handicapped by lack of proper equipment and materials; particularly, they did
not have ion-selective membranes. Membrane improvements since 1950 have
made electrodialysis practical for processing salt water into potable water, and
electrodialysis desalting plants now are operating commercially in many arid
regions of the world.
The success of these salt water treatment developments opened new
vistas and brought forth new ideas. We have learned how to treat spent sul¬
phite liquor for recovery of the pulping chemicals so that they can be reused
in the pulp mill, and also we now can fractionate the valuable organics con¬
tained in spent sulphite liquor. We had all manner of diflBculties in the early
stages of this project, but we have overcome them one by one. Eventually we
modified the conventional membrane arrangement by a simple method, and our
laboratory staflF was off to a running start.
Results were exciting from the very first use of this modified equipment —
exciting enough to keep some research men coming back voluntarily for an
extra evening of experience, and to keep technical experts of member mills
dropping in day after day to watch. This project holds great promise for new
and better methods of processing spent sulphite liquor to eliminate stream
pollution, while at the same time recovering pulping chemicals and a variety
of new organic materials which we believe will open new markets for the
sulphite products industry.
A pilot plant costing more than $100,000 was eventually designed and
constructed, and it has now been in successful operation for some 18 months.
We are still busy with pilot plant studies, but gradually the findings are being
developed into practical design data which can be used as the basis for sound
decisions by industry executives on whether to build their own commercial
plants to apply this process. A display showing phases of this electrodialysis
research and the materials it produces is also available for your examination
at this meeting.
Development of a feasible commercial process is really only half of the
story. Once someone builds a plant processing 100 tons per day of electro-
dialyzed spent sulphite liquor solids, he will have an immediate need for
markets for the products he is producing. It is no real long-term answer that
some of the products might be burned to reduce stream pollution. The process
of electrodialysis is costly to operate, and so we are looking for ways to use
116 Averill J. Wiley
these wood chemicals profitably. We shall burn only those for which no known
use exists.
We need large new markets for these new products which will be pro¬
duced in large volumes , and finding such markets requires another type of re¬
search which we have carried out concurrently with the process development.
Product development and market studies were begun very early in the labo¬
ratory phase of the 6-year research program. Once the pilot plant was operat¬
ing, it yielded the new products in quantities sufiicient for testing in our labo¬
ratory and also for sending out to prospective customers for their own practical
testing of new uses for these materials.
One such product being developed for the plywood adhesive market has
already been mentioned in this paper. The lignosulfonate salts contained in
the spent liquors as they come from the pulp mill are not suitably adhesive
for plywood, and also they are water-soluble. The electrodialysis operation
modifies these organics to yield free lignosulfonic acids, which in turn are
easily polymerized to yield strong, water-insoluble adhesive resins. Some fur¬
ther research is required to obtain proper formulation of the final product, but
we now have a plywood adhesive approaching final stages of development for
practical use on a large scale.
The League laboratories are not the only research units at work on new
processes and on the new products from such processes. Such activities are
proceeding in other laboratories which are studying spent sulphite liquor. The
League laboratories expect to move on to explore other new and promising
processes when our electrodialysis research progresses to a stage that leaves us
the opportunity for such work.
So what is the net eflPect of all this research and development program
in terms of solving the spent sulphite liquor problem? The slide we are show¬
ing on the screen shows the twelve year trend in pollution abatement by meth¬
ods used by thirteen Wisconsin member mills of the Sulphite Pulp Manufac¬
turers" Research League in the period 1952 to 1963. In 1952 some 13% of the
total spent sulphite liquor produced by the member mills was being processed
in three evaporation plants, one yeast plant, and a large plant using a lignin
precipitation process. Almost all of the spent sulphite liquor evaporated at that
time was burned to recover heat values. No market existed for much of this
evaporated syrup. A small amount of liquor was being processed by mere
disposal methods in soil filtration ponds and soil irrigation areas.
All of these processing plants still are operating, and new plants have
been added. The curve showing the trend in total high-value utilization of
spent liquor has risen rather steadily and importantly over the years since 1952.
In 1958 much less of spent liquor went to low-value utilization because greater
quantities of the concentrate were finding markets at values greater than heat
recovery.
With all this progress through the years, a number of the League’s Wis¬
consin member mills have not yet been able to find ways of processing their
spent liquor by economical means. They need still other routes for processing
their spent liquor, and these member mills have been working in their own
laboratories to develop new methods as well as supporting the League research
program. To reduce their discharge of spent liquor substantially until appro¬
priate utilization processes become available, these mills have used and con-
Spent Sulphite Liquor Problem— Progress Report for 1963
117
PROCESSING OF SPENT SULPHITE LIQUOR
THE 12 YEAR TREND IN
POLLUTION ABATEMENT
tinue to use short-term disposal methods that fit their interim needs. Total dis¬
posal held steady until 1959, then turned downward as more permanent meth¬
ods of processing were applied. We look forward to substantial increases of
utihzation in future to provide more of the desirable permanent answers. Dis¬
posal operations will decrease as each new utilization plant goes into
production.
The Wisconsin pulping industry is understandably proud of its record.
The pulp manufacturers of this state have developed and installed more sul¬
phite processing plants and are non-pollutionally handling a greater proportion
of their spent sulphite liquor than those in any other state. These facilities
serve the combined purpose of eliminating stream pollution and conserving
both the water resources and the forest resources of Wisconsin.
Wisconsin has the finest, most effective state water pollution control au¬
thority existing anywhere. Public oflBcials of this state have worked closely
with water-using industries without even momentarily relaxing the oflScial
pressure for stream improvement. This attitude has gained for Wisconsin uni-
118
Averill J. Wiley
versal recognition as leading all other states in cooperative State-Industry de¬
velopment of permanent and complete answers to industiial waste problems.
This is true not only for the pulp and paper industry, but also for the canning
industry, the dairy industry, and many others.
Because of the vigorous research program of the mills and competent
administration by the public control authorities, we who work full-time at
the science of sulphite pollution abatement look forward with confidence to a
future of continuing technical progress in a favoring atmosphere of continuing
prosperity of the Wisconsin pulp and paper industry.
COMPETITIVE USES OF PUBLIC WATERS
L. A. Posekany, In Charge
Rivers Survey Section
Wisconsin Conservation Department
As one of the State’s team responsible for the protection of our public
waters, I daily see numerous proposals competing with or for public and
riparian rights in our northern public waters.
It is my considered opinion that while efforts are constantly being made
which could jeopardize public interests, the existing laws, statutory case, and
common, generally have afforded a reasonable degree of protection to these
interests. There is, however, a constant war of attrition going on requiring vigi¬
lance and determination on the part of protective authorities, complemented by
understanding and active support by the public. There is also a real need for
reasonableness and a determined effort at understanding both public and
private needs in our waters and the adjoining lands.
The irrigator with a pump capable of removing 2 c.f.s. of water who
wants to divert from a trout stream with a low flow of 2 or 3 c.f.s. must rec¬
ognize that such a removal at times of low flow, when he needs the waters
most, can result in the obliteration of the stream and its inhabitants. As long
as public rights in our waters are paramount, such an unreasonable proposal
cannot expect to receive approval. On the other hand, it would be equally
unreasonable to oppose the diversion of the same 2 c.f.s. from a trout stream
with a flow of 200 c.f.s. While both actions compete with fish and fish foods
for the available water one can be found to be materially harmful and not in
the public interest while the other cannot. In a third water also having a 2
to 3 c.f.s. low flow, the same 2 c.f.s. might be removed without materially
harming fish life. Here the stream is so shallow, warm and silted that only a
rare stickleback or darter can survive. Is the reduction of this stream to a
thread of its former self of material harm? In itself, probably not. But if this
stream serves as a source of water for a downstream farmer’s cattle, then the
harm from this water loss is at or approaching materiality. Here are two private
“rights” in conflict. In Wisconsin the domestic rights of the downstream farmer
will prevail if he makes an issue of the matter, objects, and his objections have
substance.
Only in irrigation and mining operations does the competitive use of
public water reach the extreme of using up the water. But extremes in pollu¬
tion where the water is still physically present but rendered unsuitable for
other uses might be considered equally consumptive. The tube and penstock
type of power dam by-passing all of the flow at low stages uses all of the water
in the by-passed segment of the river. In some peak and recharge power dam
ponds, lessened downstream flow for portions of a day or week diminishes
flow for periods sufficient to simulate consumptive use. Here the statutes re¬
quire a minimum of 25% of ordinary low flow be passed at all times. The
unnatural variation in water stage below this type of use has been found on
occasion to materially adversely affect downstream animal and plant life and
unnaturally erode adjacent banks.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol 53 (Part A) 1964
119
120
L. A. Posekany
The invasion of the bed of a public water could also be considered to
consume or remove from use that portion of the bottom it occupies. Such occu¬
pations of the bottom of our navigable inland waters is not permissible except
by legislative grant for public purposes because the state holds title to such
lands in trust. Yet such invasions are not uncommon. In fact, this northern
lake land finds the landowner competing with the state and the animals and
plants that once lived in and used these areas of unauthorized fills.
One competitor here is the landowner who introduces material into the
lake to make his lot larger. This is generally done with deliberate intent, some¬
times to conveniently and economically get rid of excavation materials. There
are, however, numerous cases where title description extends apparent ov/ner-
ship into and under the water. The landowner believes he has the right to
occupy all of the lands described. Generally such fills, in addition to usurping
the lake bed and competing with the public bed, uses and interferes with the
normal flow pattern in the water invaded. They tend to collect debris and
foster plant and algae mats in quiet areas. Usually these undesirable actions
take place in front of adjacent lands, thus competing with the normal reason¬
able use of adjacent land.
Another invader of the lake bed is the usually uninformed landowner who,
when the lake level recedes at times of low water, extends the land to the
current lake edge. His counter-part is the landowner who attempts to firm
up the floating bog — wetland shore. Generally, this type of fill competes with
wildlife, plant communities, and eliminates areas for fish as well as taking an
area of lake surface out of public use.
A less extensive but similar invader is the sea wall — shoreline straightener.
Peculiarly enough sea walls are prone to being built in the water at or be¬
yond the land water interface sometimes at the expense of bass, walleye or
Esocid spawning sites and usually at the expense of the adjacent landowner
who finds it necessary to extend the wall in self protection.
The lake riparian regularly competes with fish and wildlife along his
segment of the lake. Just occupying the land and living near the lake lowers
the inclination of wildlife to use available habitat. But mankind is always im¬
proving something. The whole matter of beach improvements competes ad¬
versely with fish and wildlife. The sand blanket to cover weeds or stones re¬
moves cover for fish and game and would, if permitted, occasionally cover
bass or walleye spawning grounds. In mucky areas over-enthusiastic sand
blankets, if permitted, could squeeze out less dense lake bottom muck onto ad¬
jacent property. Dredging eliminates the shallows, the feeding and living areas
of the very young fish and could eliminate or diminish spawning grounds for
muskellunge, northern pike, walleye and bass if it were not for a permit system
and surveillance for unauthorized actions.
The boat house out over the lake eliminates a portion of the lake’s sur¬
face area, prevents or obstructs in-shore use of the lake (particularly for the
wading fisherman) and competes with the neighboring scenic use. The
Florida-like lagoon dug in the upland may compete with the animal use of
the “most economic to develop” wetland northern pike-muskellunge spawning
ground, duck, muskrat and woodcock habitat. If improperly dug or designed,
the completed unit may be a fish trap in the winter or, through primitive or
inadequate sewage disposal and intensive development (including minimal lot
Competitive Uses of Public Waters
121
size), contribute significant quantities of nutrients to the lagoon and parent
water body. As competitive as the lagoons are to fish and wildlife, the num¬
bers of users it adds to a given lake puts it more in competition with all of
the existing riparian properties. The extreme here could change a small, un¬
crowded two-family lake with 10 to 20 water acres per family to a crowded
lake with less than 1 acre available per family. In the original state the chances
of most water uses becoming antagonistic competitors are low. Adding a 20-40
family lagoon makes almost all uses antagonistically competitive. In the later
case even the fisherman will compete with other fishermen over the use of
optimum habitat. The boat fisherman, pleasure boater and water skier are
likely to be violently competitive.
The lagoon on a stream is already not uncommon in Wisconsin, in spite
of the fact that it usually has available less parent water acreage than lakes.
In both lakes and streams this type of project does make available land with
water access above the flood level. As such, the land use competes with or¬
dinary upland land use. Often in reaching the high land the lagoon removes
wetland habitat for ducks, furbearers, song birds, or winter cover for upland
birds by the area it occupies.
Stream-side lagoons are presently constructed only on our larger waters.
Our smaller streams have fewer competing uses. Here individuals tend to feel
so antagonistic toward their competitors that litigation is not uncommon.
Though Wisconsin’s courts have long held that fishing is an incident of naviga¬
tion, individuals often compete with each other here for an exclusive use.
“No trespass” signs and trespass charges limit the public’s right to use an avail¬
able fish population and the relaxation and enjoyment that sometimes goes
with fishing. The fisherman in turn attempts to limit the stream riparian’s use
of adjacent upland by declaring cattle fences navigational obstruction. The
increasing use of canoes, leisure and access add to the navigation for pleasure
use on small streams to aggravate the fence-upland cattle competition. Most
streams below medium river size are too shallow to offer convenient swimming
areas. The increasing numbers of summer weekend and permanent homes on
streams put the swimmer in competition with smallmouth bass and trout
fishermen. The wading fisherman swims or drowns in the swimming hole dug
in a trout stream. Understanding and reasonableness on the part of the land-
owner to mark such an area and permit skirting trespass has kept these
uses from becoming materially antagonistic. Lagoons and boat slips offer sim¬
ilar problems in lakes. A burgeoning use of navigable streams involves what
amounts to nonuse. This is the move to relocate streams to eliminate meanders
and oxbows or to reroute the course onto least usable land and to define and
limit the flood plain. Such acts remove a material segment of stream from fish
and fish food production and adversely silt up downstream sectors. Fish spawn¬
ing areas may be eliminated or rendered unusable. Like the sea wall this action
tends to also increase the burden of the adjacent (downstream) landowner by
shunting more water onto him more rapidly.
The ultimate in stream relocation is the action to divert surplus water
temporarily or permanently out of the watershed, either to restore landlocked
or small drainage area lakes at times of low water table or to obtain relief from
high water. Since the statutes permitting these actions require a finding that
the waters involved are surplus, they should not be a competitive use. Yet the
122
L. A. Posekany
introduction of water into one northern lake to restore lake levels also in¬
troduced northern pike into muskellunge water to compete adversely with the
muskellunge.
A major competitive use of stream water involves physical and attendant
biological changes to the stream by obstructing the flow with a dam. Involved
here are competitive land and water uses. The stream is changed to a lake.
Its character within the influence of the obstruction is changed from fast
flowing and shallow to a relatively still deep water. Its summer temperatures
may change from cool to warm. These physical changes, to use extreme ex¬
amples, may completely change the biota from brook trout habitat to bass,
perch, panfish. In the course of creating the lake, upland wildlife can be elimi¬
nated or reduced. A common example in this north land is the inundated elimi¬
nated winter deer yard and attendant increased aggravated pressure put upon
neighboring yards. Species and habitat changes or loss, fast water canoe ways,
relatively inaccessible wild areas and scenic rapids or waterfalls compete here
with the serene pond, abundant, prolific lake fishery and engineering work.
In addition to river impoundment competition, the impoundment itself has
various competing water users.
There is some site competition between the hydro-power interests and the
land developer. A more striking competition exists between the impoundment
for storage and discharge at times of low flow interests and the resort-recrea¬
tion industry demand for stable full pond levels. The fish and wildlife interests
find themselves in the middle in this competition.
Not all habitat changes caused by dams result in a loss of scarce habitat;
in fact some can create such habitat. Nor do all dams create material wildlife
habitat changes. There are innumerable small structures built in the outlets of
our northern lakes to prevent throat erosion of their outlets. These devices
maintain existing levels to benefit all of the water uses on these lakes, includ¬
ing fish and game habitat.
In the time allotted for this talk, I could not hope to cover, even by a
simple list, all of the various competing uses for our public waters. I have,
therefore, deliberately limited this paper to what I feel are most of the more
important uses involving fish and wildlife interests.
In my opinion, as long as a test of reasonableness and materiality is ap¬
plied when any use of public water is being considered, conflicts will be at a
minimum, and public rights will be protected. This should also permit an
orderly and reasonable development of private land uses in our northern lake
land.
WILDLIFE HABITAT AND THE MANAGED FOREST
Forest W. Stearns, Research Forester
Lake States Forest Experiment Station
William A. Creed, Biologist
Wisconsin Conservation Department
Introduction
The future prosperity of northern Wisconsin is based on water, wood,
wildlife, and people. Several papers at this conference have discussed water
resources from the viewpoints of people, power, recreation, fish, and water¬
fowl. This paper will consider some of the relationships between wildlife and
modern forestry and explore these questions:
1. What is the present relationship between the managed forest and
wildlife?
2. How may intensive forest management change in northern Wisconsin
in the next thirty to forty years?
3. How may more intensive forest management influence the wildlife
population; and, in turn, how may wildlife influence forest manage¬
ment?
The title of this paper is particularly appropriate since the trend in the
Lake States is toward more intensive forest management— a trend that must
continue if the wood producers of the area are to remain competitive. We
wish to discuss here what lies in the future for wildlife habitat and forest
management. This will necessitate some educated guesses as to both the needs
of wildlife and the supply and demand for forest products, coupled with the
role of forest engineering. We have drawn freely on published sources and
informal talks for our look into the future.
Our major hypothesis is not new. It is this: With planning, a forest in
full production can provide adequate habitat of good quality for most forms of
wildlife.
Any land management plan to benefit wildlife must provide for maximum
diversity of forest types and adequate harvest of game populations. Many ex¬
cellent studies of Wisconsin vegetation indicate that nature once provided this
diversity through wind storms, catastrophic fires, or insect and disease epi¬
demics. Now the forest manager must do for wildlife what catastrophe once
did — and still maintain a healthy, growing forest.
Past History
In brief, the history of northern Wisconsin forests has been one of
cut, burn, and burn again, then improved fire protection, regrowth, improved
management, and a gradual trend toward a stable cut. Logging began in the
1850’s and increased rapidly until the turn of the century. As cutting for lum¬
ber diminished, logging of the second growth began for pulp wood. Fires ac-
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
123
124
Forest W. Stearns-William A. Creed
companied the early cuttings, and wildlife habitat expanded along with much
brush land and open space. With the increase in suitable habitat, the snow-
shoe hare, ruffed grouse, and white-tailed deer populations all exploded. Market
hunting toward the turn of the century reduced the deer herd until protection
seemed the only answer. However, with continued cutting and fire into the
30 s, the Wisconsin deer herd again increased until overbrowsing became the
rule rather than the exception, and starvation was a frequent occurrence in
severe winters. Not only did the winter habitat deteriorate, but in the last
twenty years regrowth of timber stands has gradually eliminated much of the
summer range.
During the years of high animal populations, conflicts between wildlife
and forest management became severe. Excessive deer and snowshoe hare
populations frequently consumed all the reproduction of commercial forest
trees. Several preferred browse species were almost completely eliminated.
Present Habitat in Relationship to Forest Management Practice
Today the 19 more heavily forested counties of northern Wisconsin con¬
tain approximately 14,600 square miles of forest land, most of which is com¬
mercially operable. All of this area, plus about 2,000 square miles of adjacent
farmland, is assumed to be deer range. Perhaps 10% can be considered winter
range. Ruffed grouse range is roughly comparable to that for the white-tailed
deer. Bear range is more limited, largely because the black bear gets into
trouble easily when he associates closely with man. About 50% of the forest
land is in public or industrial ownership, and hence susceptible to intensive
management, while additional acres of private land are now or will be in¬
tensively managed.
Forest management today is much more sophisticated than it was 20 or
30 years ago. Some techniques aie in wide use, for example clearcutting of
aspen which results in sprout reproduction; selective cutting in northern hard¬
woods to improve quality and to encourage reproduction; planting, used at
first to revegetate abandoned farms, burns, and poorly stocked lands and now
to convert low-grade and inferior hardwoods to conifers; and finally, removal
of unwanted species by mechanical or chemical means.
Detailed management plans are now in use, developed on the basis of
forest inventory samples, aerial photographs, soil surveys, and ground exam¬
ination. In some forest types, cutting cycles are being shortened, improvement
and thinning cuts are made, and crop trees are selected for future harvest.
Tractor and truck logging have replaced four-legged animals and railroad
logging almost completely. All of this implies an increased investment in forest
production.
The continued growth of the forest, improved fire control, and gradual
replacement of pioneer species by natural succession have each drastically
influenced forest habitat conditions. The acreage cut is now less than the
acreage growing from seedlings and saplings into poletimber. In other words,
large areas of brush and open land are disappearing and are being replaced
by closed, pole-size stands of either natural or plantation origin.
Present forest management is doing much for wildlife habitat. Scheduling
of logging operations in the winter months provides large quantities of deer
Wildlife Habitat and the Managed Forest
125
browse. Sale of timber in sequential arrangements around winter deer concen¬
trations, so that all is not cut within one or two years, is highly beneficial. In
some public forests, openings are being left unplanted, and new openings are
being created to the benefit of many wildlife species. However, much more
can be done if the forest manager is convinced of the need.
The current situation is evident and reasonably well known; what then
are the future prospects in forest management, and how will they influence
habitat? We must look ahead and forestall, if possible, adverse situations which
may reach a peak thirty to fifty years from now.
Future Trends in Forest Management
In discussing the future, we will first consider silvicultural methods and
their influence on habitat without particular regard to economics. This will
be followed by a consideration of possible changes in logging techniques and
the overwhelming influence of supply and demand.
Silvicultural Techniques
Intensive forestry implies greater money input into each unit of land;
and for this reason, intensive forestry will be concentrated on the more pro¬
ductive and accessible sites. Thus, part of the plan for the future will include
detailed classification of sites for quality and quantity production.
Aspen. Management of aspen generally involves clearcutting. This fre¬
quently means that only the merchantable stems are clearcut, leaving a residual
tree cover of poor-quality stems and of other species. Future management of
aspen may involve a two-step clearcut to improve the quality of the clones
left to sprout. A thorough job of clearcutting is essential for regeneration and is
favorable for wildlife since the profuse sprout growth of the clearcut stand will
furnish browse for several years and will provide early cover and later ample
buds for ruffed grouse.
Planting and conversion. Planting has been an important management
activity since 1913 when the first Star Lake Plantations were established. Over
one million acres have been planted in Wisconsin. Much of the planting in
the future will probably be on poorly stocked lands or those in need of con¬
version rather than on open lands, now in short supply. Conversion of aspen
to conifers is increasing, and this trend may be expected to continue wherever
the site has a higher growth potential for conifers than for aspen. Conversion
usually involves planting conifers (white spruce, red pine, etc.) after a pai'tial
cut or other site preparation; this is followed in a few years by a release cutting
or by killing the overstory of low-quality aspen and other species with herbi¬
cides. If large blocks are converted, increased uniformity may result. However,
if accomplished in relatively small blocks in an otherwise uniform aspen area,
conversion can increase diversity and provide needed cover both for deer and
ruffed grouse.
Conversion is a variation on natural succession with the emphasis on pine
or spruce rather than on a mixture of pine or balsam fir and tolerant hard¬
woods. Young plantations may function in effect as refuges in heavily hunted
126
Forest W. Stearns-William A. Creed
areas, since visibility for the hunter is very poor. There is a good possibility
that increased conifer cover will serve to extend the winter range, now a
major limiting factor for the white-tailed deer. With proper manipulation of
vegetation around plantation boundaries, perhaps plantations can be sub¬
stituted for browsed-out yards. Future plantations may be expected to carry
fewer trees to the acre and will often be planted on a rectangular rather than
on a square pattern. Frequent and wide firebreaks will increase the amount of
edge.
Fire as a tool. The use of fire in preparing planting sites and in main¬
taining older stands is gradually increasing as techniques are developed. Fire
has silvicultural advantages. It removes tlie old stems of hazel and other shiubs,
reducing competition; it bares the soil, permitting the regeneration of trees
from seed; and it releases minerals for rapid assimilation. Controlled fire may
be beneficial in habitat management; it may result in vigorous and succulent
sprouts, in the growth of weedy forbs, and in establishment of pioneer species.
The type of fire and the burning conditions are of vital importance. A fire
which runs slowly may burn deeply and kill most of the shrubs rather than
merely eliminating the old tops. Wisconsin has had some success with fire
as an inexpensive tool for sharptail grouse management; undoubtedly fire can
be used more extensively.
Hardwood silviculture. Although not as evident, changes may also be ex¬
pected in northern hardwood silviculture. Cutting in the past has varied from
high-grading to selection silviculture in uneven-aged stands. For quality tim¬
ber the trend is toward a shorter cutting cycle, with cuts at 10-year intervals,
removal of stems of little merchantable value, and retention of crop trees, i.e.
stems with desirable characteristics. This procedure is not necessaiily beneficial
to wildlife; it results in little major disturbance, removes den trees, and retains
ground cover with little change. Future intensive management for high-quality
sawtimber will probably follow this pattern, save where special steps are taken
for yellow birch regeneration. Future management of such desirable species as
yellow birch may even involve planting of selected high-quality stock derived
from the forest genetics programs. In high-quality stands, management should
be designed to protect regeneration from heavy animal populations; a com¬
bination of wise location and silvicultural manipulation will be needed. Other
possibilities are evident, among them management of lower quality northern
hardwood for hardwood pulp. This would shorten the rotation and be highly
desirable for wildlife if cuts were made in small blocks. As another speaker
pointed out, market conditions may shift as new processes evolve; for example,
the demand for a particular spent-sulphite liquor product may even dictate the
species chosen for pulping.
Trends in Forest Engineering
Equally important to silvicultural techniques are the methods used by
the logger in removing timber. Most of us have seen the change from the
use of ax and crosscut saw in felling and of horses or oxen for skidding to the
chain saw and the caterpillar tractor. Raw-material extraction is still the most
Wildlife Habitat and the Managed Forest
127
expensive operation in wood production, and methods are being devised to
increase efficiency and, at the same time, reduce the waste left in the woods.
One possibility involves the use of trees to a smaller top diameter. In
principle, utilization to a smaller diameter than four inches would not be detri¬
mental to wildlife. In fact, if it involved tree-length logging, in which the tree
is removed from the woods intact, there may be more disturbance of the soil
surface and a resulting increase in reproduction both of trees and of herbs.
Development of an integrated harvest system may have considerable im¬
portance. In this system a tree snipper, capable of handling trees at least 12
inches in diameter, is mounted on a caterpillar tractor. When the tree is
snipped off at the base it is lowered into place, limbed, cut up, barked, and
chipped. Handling of the smaller limbs will be very important in regulating
the supply of winter browse and of cover. The use of integrated logging equip¬
ment, particularly if wood is field chipped, might shift the cutting from winter
to a year-round operation. This may cause more surface ground disturbance,
but would seriously reduce winter food. At present a considerable portion of
the winter diet of deer consists of fresh logging slash. Tops cut in the summer
are of little value. The integrated logging machine may have habitat advantages
in that, if reasonably mobile, it would permit sales in smaller units than at
present. Larger equipment may mean more roads. Roads provide edge and
roadside cover. Likewise, if roads are to be used at frequent intervals, they may
be kept in shape by seeding and mowing, a practice now used primarily for
ruffed grouse habitat improvement.
Today one of the major deterrents in the eonversion of aspen to conifers
is cost. Since a crop of conifer timber is more valuable than an aspen erop,
work is beginning on improved equipment for site preparation and planting.
Some of the equipment being developed for site conversion may be use¬
ful in direct habitat improvement. Michigan has already made extensive use
of the tree cutter, a sharp blade mounted on a heavy bulldozer. This machine
is used to eliminate the overstory of unmerchantable aspen and produce
browse; the sprouting that follows may also result in a merehantable stand of
aspen in the second rotation. Improved equipment will accelerate some of the
changes which influence habitat such as conversion to pine. But it will also
permit more extensive manipulation of the forest with accompanying disturb¬
ance and the possibility that, with lower costs, both direct and indirect habitat
improvement may be accelerated.
Supply and Demand
When everything is considered, the most important factors influencing
habitat changes are economic. To a large extent, economic considerations con¬
trol both the type of woods operation and the intensity of management. Man¬
agement today has the problem of planning for the quality and type of product
desired thirty to 100 years hence. To some extent, the supply available will
condition the development. Presumably this is the case with hardwood pulp,
now in more than ample supply. If the demand for hardwood pulp continues
to increase, there will be benefits both to hardwood silviculture and to habitat.
A larger pulpwood market will permit thinning of young poletimber and saw-
timber hardwood stands. Likewise, it will permit more frequent pulpwood
128
Forest W. Stearns-William A. Creed
rotations in poorer stands and on sites where wildlife pressures make saw-
timber management difficult, specifically along the edges of wintering areas.
What of the management and use of pine plantations and of stands which
have been converted and are being converted to pine? A projection for Wis¬
consin indicates a continued increase in demand for wood. The trend, however,
is toward use for pulp rather than for lumber, with possibly a drop in the
market for pole and posts. Presumably this will result in shorter rotations or
cutting cycles in most forest types including the plantations and converted
areas. The increased frequency of disturbance resulting from shorter rotations
usually should be beneficial to wildlife. However, young plantations are not
highly desirable for wildHfe; their greatest effectiveness as winter cover does
not come until they have reached pole size.
We may assume that annual cutting will continue on an area at least
equal to the current acreage cut. If the cut should decline, habitat will suflFer.
As with most generalities, this statement needs qualification. Hemlock in mixed
hardwood stands provides winter cover for both grouse and deer and in¬
creases the diversity of an otherwise rather uniform forest type. Thus decline
in the value and, hence-cut of hemlock is beneficial.
A major influence on habitat quality will be the size and scheduling of
the timber sales. Present sales administration and increased equipment costs
are gradually eliminating the small operators — sales are getting larger. In¬
creased use of expensive harvesting equipment will probably encourage this
trend. If harvesting equipment can be made sufficiently versatile so that small
areas can be cut in any one location, the trend will not be unfavorable. This
may be possible since a mobile and integrated unit should not require a local
center of operations. Actually, the size of the sale is not important but rather
how the sale is scheduled. If a large area of poletimber is to be cut in the
space of two or three years, no variety in habitat is achieved. But a maximum
variety can be provided with small sales or with larger sales to be cut over a
long period. Larger operators generally build more roads, and the shortening
of the cutting cycle to 10 years in many areas also requires better and more
roads. Road building will go part way toward balancing the loss in diversity
caused by cutting large areas. Once again the condition of the future habitat
revolves around planning.
Much progress has been made in cooperative planning. In fact, adjust¬
ments in timber sale schedules have been one of the most significant contribu¬
tions towards integrated forest-wildlife management to date.
Another area where planning and coordination is beginning to pay off is
in the provisions being made for openings in the forest. With reduced need
for maximum timber production (save on favorable sites) it would appear
that more land will be available for the openings essential to most wildlife
species.
Economic factors control the overall trend in land use. Forest growth is
keeping ahead of demand in Wisconsin, though not far ahead. On this basis, it
appears that only the more suitable sites (either from the point of view of
tree growth, ease of management, or location close to the mill) will be man¬
aged intensively. In many areas it may be possible to release land from maxi¬
mum timber production to allow management for wildlife.
Wildlife Habitat and the Managed Forest
129
To sum up the economic factors, it appears that forest management will
become more intensive on selected sites within both public and privately held
lands. In many of these areas, habitat requirements can be achieved with little
impact on timber production; and, in fact, intensive management may be
beneficial. In other areas, primarily in northern hardwoods, it will be desir¬
able to reduce certain animal populations. Most other forest lands, not econom¬
ically susceptible to intensive management, will be managed chiefly for pulp-
wood production at levels not much higher than those used today. On these
large acreages the land manager should give considerable thought to coordina¬
tion of uses. On public lands, at least, he can afford to sacrifice timber values
if this will bring him a wildlife return. With the great interspersion of soils
and forest types in northern Wisconsin, the areas of intensive management
will frequently be located where they may serve as the nucleus of a habitat
unit.
From the wildlife standpoint, the capability of deer production exceeds
the foreseeable demand, and effort must continue to sell the product. Habitat
management will not be justifiable unless adequate harvests, of big game in
particular, are maintained and regulated by objective evaluation. Habitat for
ruffed grouse and similar species needs to be managed in a concentrated fash¬
ion to improve utilization of the resource; here, classification of favorable areas
and the dedication of those areas primarily to grouse management is necessary.
Conclusion
Can intensive forestry and game management succeed together? We con¬
clude that they can, provided that those responsible for land management plan
together. The outlook for the wildlife resource is far brighter with intensively
managed forests than without.
LAND FOR LEARNING^ A PROPOSAL FOR A STATE-WIDE
OUTDOOR INTERPRETATION PROGRAM
James H. Zimmerman, School Forest Naturalist
Madison Public Schools
Since we have too few kinds of competitive land use, I propose another!
Seriously, what I have in mind could be called “green spaces plus,” or “land
for learning,” but the program, not the land, is the key feature.
It is only the availability of Wisconsin's natural resources that makes
existence bearable for many Chicagoans; we have an obligation to society here.
The rapid degrading of these resources will soon make vacationing a mockery
—a waste of commuting time to and from a resort or cottage whose environ¬
ment is exactly like that of Chicago. Permanent Wisconsin residents are
equally, if not more, to blame, likewise failing to analyze what is valuable
about their resources and joining the out-of-state visitor in this massive rape
of the north which involves waterfront development, drainage, damming, fill¬
ing, pollution, vandalism, pesticides, littering, noise, and picnic-table conserva¬
tion, As local communities strive to broaden their tax base, their uniqueness
disappears, usually irrevocably.
In seeking corrective action, I make an assumption based on my own
limited experience: That it is only because of lack of opportunity to learn
about the land and waters, their plant and animal life, and their human and
geological history, that their values are unappreciated, and the cost and know¬
how of their maintenance unknown. Where good interpretation is ojBFered,
adults and children alike respond with great enthusiasm and respect for re¬
source and knowledge. Not only Madison's School Forest but also our State
Parks, where a serious interpretation program was recently begun, witness
unmanageable crowds when tours and lectures are offered. The University
must hide its information resources under a bushel, for it has no full time
public service employees to handle the flood of inquiries that would result if
it advertised its specialty personnel. Background information and interesting
aspects of each field are available only to the graduate student. Integration of
specialized fields is non-existent.
This proposal is simply that Wisconsin strike out boldly and vastly extend
the National Park Service's policy of providing well-trained, skilled interpreters
for public education-recreation, so that, no matter where a resident or visitor
went outdoors, he would meet not just the resource but also a flesh-and-blood
person to tell him about it. On public and private lands alike, the user and
visitor would have available interesting and basic information, and be able to
have his questions answered on the spot. The interpreter must be interested
in the subject, able to apply basic understandings to specific instances en¬
countered, and explain principles and processes in simple terms. True stories
about plants and animals, including the interpreter's own experiences; separat¬
ing fact from fancy; tips on how to look for and detect living things and deduce
Wis.Acad, TRANS, Vol 53 (Part A) 1964
131
132
James H. Zimmerman
history; areas where knowledge is lacking and amateur detectives needed;
these are some of the interpreter’s stock in trade. He must walk the narrow
line between the “big show” P. T. Barnum and the “big word” professional
show-off; he must take the audience into his confidence and above all get them
interested in pursuing the matter of learning further on their own. Special at¬
tention should be paid to adults, to encourage family-unit learning. There must
be enough interpreters so they will not be overworked nor the audiences too
large.
The three requirements of this program, needing simultaneous develop¬
ment, are training, employment, and coordination: (1) Undergraduate and
graduate majors in land-heritage interpretation in our state college system,
with stiff requirements in breadth and depth, accelerated through in-service
research-teaching jobs, supported in part by user fees that will insure quality
and interest by trainee and audience alike, operated on both public lands and
private, wherever natural resources and considerable public use coincide.
(2) Good-paying permanent full-time employment in state, county, and
municipal parks, resorts, campgrounds, youth camps, school districts, and so
forth, to attract the most capable people away from indoor jobs. In winter, the
senior interpreters and naturalists would be kept busy training other natu¬
ralists and school teachers at workshops, while the rest went back to school or
held other jobs. Summer work for all must include time for rest and pure re¬
search, as well as technique improvement and contact with other interpreters.
Locally-initiated “heritage centers”, financed jointly by private and public
funds, would be a good way to start. While professional interpreters are being
trained, many persons with good backgrounds of knowledge and communica¬
tion experience should be enlisted now so that no public education opportuni¬
ties will be lost. Conservation Department men, school teachers, and retired
people with long field experience or hobbies should be enlisted or given more
time off from other duties in their present work.
(3) State-wide coordination to integrate training facilities, maintain high
quality and uniform user fees, advertise opportunities for interpretive services
to the traveling public, place qualified personnel, direct attention to unfilled
needs, and pool information sources for both the working interpreters and the
interested public. People should be encouraged to ask questions about any
subject relating to the land, its life and history, and be given good answers by
the appropriate specialist so that the interest is built upon rather than dis¬
couraged. In time, a series of informative publications would grow out of this;
the most-asked questions would be answered by these pamphlets. Newsletters,
both for the public and for the working interpreters, would be very useful. A
coordinating committee might well be begun by the Wisconsin Academy, with
Conservation Department and Resort Owners Association and other agencies
represented too.
What do I mean by interpretation? Here are a few examples, drawing on
plant material mainly; the same can be done with zoological and geological
subjects, and, most important, relating all the pertinent fields into a unified
story. Interpretation falls into three general categories; (a) Introduction (per¬
ception and identification), which must include the “why”. This is a black
oak tree because the black-red oak group differs from the white-bur oak group
in having sharpt-tipped lobes on its leaves and because the black oak differs
Outdoor Interpretation Program
133
from the red oak in having fuzzy, later very shiny, leaves, with “pinched-in”
lobes. The importance of identifying oaks is that each has different tolerances
and requirements and behavior. Basic structure indicates long-term evolution
from certain common ancestry; thus the main lines of descent are indicated by
the oaks, the violets, the canine mammals, the squirrels, the ladybird beetles, or
the cob-weaving spiders. But in each geological period, including the present
one, short-term rapid diversifying evolution of each group, under natural selec¬
tion tending to reduce competition, results in different species exploiting differ¬
ent ecological situations and becoming recognizable by small structural dif¬
ferences which accompany the behavioral ones. Thus both structure and site
aid in identification, and both mean something.
(b) Relationships, which include three types of ecology- — ^life history,
natural communities, and changes in time. Structure and function of a tree
trunk’s parts are revealed by the location of the first fungi that attack a felled
oak log-— eating the easily-digested sugar that was stored in the sapwood and
soft bark layers. Oaks form natural communities (assemblages of plants and
animals that coexist without a caretaker) in which specific (indicator) trees,
herbs and animals are mutually tolerant and often interdependent. The older
open-growth oaks indicate the youth and short life history of many present oak
stands. Multiple- trunked oaks indicate the origin of many Southern Wisconsin
oak stands from fires set by Indians and stopped by white settlers. Old (light-
loving) pines overtopping shade-tolerant hemlock-yellow birch-sugar maple
forests in Northern Wisconsin likewise reveal behavioral differences that cause
plant succession and show the relation of fires and availability of seed trees to
the course and cause of succession. Forest composition also relates to the oc¬
currence of tip-ups, good seed years, and the intensity of deer browze. Boy
Scout ‘"survival” plants like Solomon’s seal has an astonishingly slow growth
rate as compared to corn; the difference, explainable by examining the types
of natural communities in which each evolved, in turn explains why modern
civilizations, by exploiting the “ecological weeds”, enjoy high population densi¬
ties and suffer from high soil erosion rates as compared with primitive peoples
that did not have the tools to work the land. Crab spiders on flowers illustrate
not only protective coloration for successful ambush of prey, but also show
how “eating” (re-use and cycling of space, materials and energy) permitted
life to diversify further without increasing the carrying capacity of the land.
(c) Management of land resources, which involves understanding the
economics of productivity and renewal. Woodpecker holes in dead trees illus¬
trate the fact that, due to energy leakage, there is a limit to the length of food
chains and food webs and hence to the mass of life supportable by even the
richest land; and that management of land (defined as attempting to obtain
maximum production of a single land product) must be at the expense of other
products and hence requires zoning. You can no more manage a forest simul¬
taneously for wood production and for woodpeckers and other wildlife de¬
pendent on dead wood for food and dens than a farmer can manage land for
com and alfalfa simultaneously in the same field. Examples of successful zoning
involving more than one landowner and the cooperation of many persons is
the fencing of Mt. Vernon Creek by Paul Olson’s four- week summer work-
learn program for high school boys. The boys obtain experience and course
credit in return for contributing the labor. The farmer is spared bank erosion of
134
James H. Zimmerman
his pasture land and the need to wash his cows of mud, in return for applying
for federal funds to buy the fence materials. The angler can use a land
product whose space requirement is too negligible to compete with farm food
production. (Incidentally, the uncatchability of the trout that hatched after
stream improvement here was an unexpected bonus in the way of “multiple”
land use; many anglers were able to “enjoy” each trout! ) Many other situations
of land waste and conflict of land use cry for ingenuity in working out zoning
to the benefit of all. One of the toughest and most crucial is watershed and
waterfront planning to maintain unspoiled, diverse and semi-wild environments
for people, at negligible cost in terms of land space, but very high cost in
terms of cooperation of many interests. But let’s have faith in people’s good
sense and ability. Show them the results of attempts at management-— the fail¬
ures as well as the successes — and give them the knowledge they need to work
out the proper solutions that are in accord with the long-term natural processes
and laws that run the world of life. Lands suitable for learning must include
wilderness and scientific areas — each protected by a resident custodian-inter¬
preter — but they must include all types of managed lands and waters too,
with people with broad backgrounds available to interpret them.
The three aims of this proposed outdoor interpretation program, all urgent
in point of time, are: (a) To raise, in 15 years (when perhaps half of the
present natural resources will be gone) to a hopefully adequate 2%, the per¬
centage of landowners, developers and users who take an active interest in
their natural heritage and its maintenance cost. By an active 2%, I mean some¬
one in every four city blocks who is qualified to answer questions intelligently,
who works at cooperative land management and teaches others, who leads the
community in the combined intellectual and emotional approach to land
stewardship.
(b) To bring a new kind of tourist money into the areas having the most
abundant natural resources and yet often the poorest economies, while using
these resources in non-depleting ways, namely those related to education.
This could easily become the most popular form of recreation yet devised.
(c) To provide food for thought and new horizons for starved lives and
minds in this new age of freedom from the slavery of labor, and help raise
scholarship and knowledge to the deserved rank of status symbol as the distinc¬
tive quality of man.
We have the intense interest in nature which people are born with. We
still have the resources that could inspire people. On-the-spot interpretation,
available to all, is the vital link that can bring need and opportunity together,
if done soon enough, and well enough, and on a large enough scale.
THE NORTHERN WISCONSIN SETTLER RELOCATION
PROJECT, 1934-1940
L. G. Sot den. Assistant to the Director
Agricultural Extension
University of Wisconsin-Madison
The era from timber to tinder to trees brought overwhelming problems
and difficult adjustments in Northern Wisconsin. The important adjustment
took place in the minds of men. But that was slow in coming.
Let’s go back to the end of the logging period — that was in time of
destruction by fire of the cut-over. We the people let fires destroy more of our
timber resources than loggers ever destroyed. This era was black on the land¬
scape and black in spirit. It was complicated by depression and drouth.
The first signs of change in the minds of men came with the acceptance
of an educational program carried on under the leadership of the Agricultural
Extension Service and other public and private agencies.
Then came in increasing tempo the development of National, State,
County, School, Community, industrial, and private forest — the CCC Camps
—providing equipment and manpower to stop forest fires — the taking of tax
deed by the counties to stablize ownership — the tree planting program —
the enactment of county zoning ordinances which classified land into its best
use and kept man oflF non-productive agricultural land — and the removal of
some of the non-conforming users, isolated settlers living on submarginal land
under the county zoning ordinance.
By 1940, twenty-four Northern Wisconsin counties had restricted five
million acres of land against future agricultural settlement.
This paper concerns itself with the first 299 cases of 416 isolated settlers
whose holdings were purchased and the families relocated under the Resettle¬
ment Administration Program called the Northern Wisconsin Settler Relocation
Project. This project was carried on from 1934 to 1940. These 299 families all
lived in the seven counties of Bayfield, Florence, Forest, Langlade, Oconto,
Sawyer, and Vilas. The total program was carried on in twenty northern and
central Wisconsin counties. Individual counties removed about 200 isolated
settlers through purchase or trade in addition to this Federal program.
Here are some of the conditions under which these families existed. One
family lived eighteen miles from a school, a market, or a road that was snow
plowed during the entire winter period. Their two sons were boarded out at
public expense to attend school. In three different families, mothers taught the
children at home as there was no school in the vicinity. One mother of two
bright boys did not see another woman for a four month period. In several
cases the schools operated for only one or two families. One widely published
incident related the death of a woman in an isolated area during a severe
snowstorm. A trapper reported the death and a county employee on snowshoes
hauled out the body on a toboggan twelve miles for burial. One community
of about ten families cost the county $35 each time a doctor was called. They
lived thirty -five miles from the nearest doctor and it cost $1 per mile for the
doctor to call.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
135
136
L. G. Sorden
While these and many other similar cases were some of the worst, all the
settlers whose farms were purchased were living on submarginal land which
was either too light and sandy, too stony and rough, or so isolated from markets
that they were definitely uneconomic farm units. In some of the counties, as
many as 80% of the families whose farms were purchased received public aid.
In Forest County, 124 tracts were purchased for $99,268. In the five-year
period prior to May 1, 1937, this group of people received, in direct relief,
$52,000 plus $25,000 from the WPA for a tota lof $77,000. Adding commod¬
ities and other emergency relief costs would more than equal the purchase
cost of the land of the isolated families.
Not all of the people whose holdings were purchased became self-support¬
ing. From the information available, however, it is estimated that at least one-
half of those originally on relief become self-supporting.
In addition to the purchase of the submarginal farms, a resettlement pro¬
gram was carried on to assist these families in relocating to better farm land in
established communities. The Land Buying Program preceded the Resettle¬
ment Project. About 45% of the settlers moved from their farms before the re¬
settlement work was started. Prior to that time, however, considerable help
was given their families to help them find new locations. Somewhat less than
one-half of the families whose farms were purchased were actual farmers or
had a background of farming experience. Only 38% relocated on farms to make
their living from the soil. Fully one-third of the families were too old for farm¬
ing, or for industrial occupations. A few returned to industrial centers and
obtained work similar to that which they were doing before moving to north¬
ern Wisconsin.
The following is a tabulation of the occupations in 1938 of the relocated
families:
1 14 — Farming
20 — Woodworking
67 — General Labor
47 — Retired
7 — Resort Work
23 — Business — largely mercantile, but includes 2 school teachers
4 — Conservation work
6 — Deceased
II — Not yet moved from the land
299
Of the 299 families living on the land at the time it was optioned, forty-
three moved to other states, and the remainder relocated in Wisconsin. The
number going to other states was as follows: Indiana, eleven; Oregon, eight;
Michigan, five; Washington, four; Minnesota, three; Ohio, three; Alaska, two
(Matanuska Colony); Illinois, two; California, two; Iowa, Kentucky and South
Dakota, one.
A surprisingly small number returned to the locahty in which they orig¬
inally lived before moving to their submarginal farm. On one project, almost
one-half of the lands purchased were owned by people originally from Ken¬
tucky who had come here to work in the woods. At the time the land was
The Northern Wisconsin Settler Relocation Project, 1934-1940
137
optioned, most of them indicated that they planned to return to their native
state, but when they finally relocated only one family returned to Kentucky.
Definite assistance was given in relocating 123 of these families. Reset¬
tlement farms were provided for twenty-five, and eighteen were provided tem¬
porary loans from the Wisconsin Rural Rehabilitation Corporation to purchase
farms or homes until they received the money from their submarginal farms.
The resettlement farms were located and appraised by the project staff.
The prospective resettlement family was shown a number of these farms and
chose the one most to their liking. Money for the purchase of the farm was
loaned by the Farm Security Administration, rather than the Government tak¬
ing title to the farm. All of the twenty-five resettlement farms were purchased
from families who wished to retire because of age or disability, or where farms
of estates were being closed. In no case was the family on the farm inconveni¬
enced by the purchase.
In addition to the real estate loans, funds were also loaned to make minor
repairs on buildings and to purchase livestock and machinery, to establish an
economical income-producing farm. Most of the families had some livestock
and machinery and some had a small amount of money from the sale of their
submarginal farm, which was used as part repayment on the real estate or
chattels. The average price of the resettlement farm was slightly under $3,000,
and the average chattel loan about $1,000, making the total debt about $4,-
000. With the supervision given in their farming operations, most of these peo¬
ple succeeded on their new farms.
In order to take care of those people who were too old or were physically
handicapped and therefore incapable of caring for themselves, nine “Retire¬
ment Homesteads” were constructed. All of these houses were occupied by
people who presented serious medical and relief costs in their former locations.
Three of the houses, located at Antigo, were completely modern and built at
a cost, including land, of less than $2,400 each. Six of the houses, in Crandon,
were less modern and were built at a cost of less than $2,000, including land.
All were well constructed and had three or four rooms.
Funds for the construction of these “Retirement Homes” were furnished
by the Wisconsin Rural Rehabilitation Corporation, a predecessor of the Farm
Security Administration. An annual rent contract was signed by the counties
affected whereby they agreed to pay 3% of the construction cost per annum,
plus necessary repairs. This provided a good comfortable home at a cost of
less than $7 per month for the county. At the Crandon unit, a small barn was
constructed to house milk cows owned by the families. Sufficient land was fur¬
nished to provide a large garden for each occupant. The people occupying
these houses took excellent care of them and at that time they all indicated
contentment in their new homes.
In addition to those given financial assistance, eighty submarginal land
families were assisted in finding new locations. Farms were found for many
of them, on which they used the proceeds from the sale of their submarginal
land to make a down payment. In a few cases, credit was arranged for them
to make the purchase of either a farm or a home in town. Most of this credit
was in loans from local banks, until such a time as they received their sub¬
marginal land purchase money. More than one-half of the families had plans of
138
L. G. Sorden
their own and made re-adjustments, although most of these counseled with the
project staff.
In all areas of purchase the local county and town officials cooperated in
making most of the decisions as to which settlers should be relocated.
Since these submarginal farms had little production value, arbitraiy values
for appraisal purposes had to be established. Buildings were appraised on a
square foot basis depending on the type of construction — cleared land so much
per acre depending on quality. United States Forest Service values were used
for cut-over land. Timber was appraised separately. No land was optioned in
excess of the appraised value.
On the average, $1,000 was paid per farm. These “farms” ranged from
a tar paper shack in the woods to a few quite well developed farms. The land
purchased by this project was later transferred to the Federal, State or County,
depending on its location and is being used for productive forestry.
The question most often asked about this project was — were the people
willing to sell? When the project was explained and when the families were
given time to think it over and talk it over with other people in whom they
had confidence, 98% of these isolated sellers were willing to sell and relocate.
The results of this Isolated Settler Relocation Project made possible im¬
mediately a saving in school costs of more than $15,000 per annum by closing
twelve rural schools. In addition, several thousand dollars worth of school
transportation cost was eliminated. Road costs were reduced by the elimination
of maintenance and snow plowing. Relief costs were cut materially by placing
many of these families in a position to make their own living.
More important, however, than these financial savings to local and state
government, was the renewed hope given to these people by their removal
from isolated areas to established communities where they and their families
had a chance to start over again with a more secure financial and social future.
DETERGENTS IN WISCONSIN SURFACE WATERS
Gerald W. Lawton, Professor of Preventive Medicine
State Laboratory of Hygiene
Theodore F. Wisniewski, Director
Richard Zimmerman, Chemist
State Committee on Water Pollution
Detergents are defined as substances that aid in the removal of dirt^^\
Until recent years, soaps were the universally used detergents for most cleaning
purposes. Synthetic detergents have now displaced soap as the common cleaner
and represent over seventy-five per cent of detergent sales^^\
Synthetic detergents were produced experimentally in France before the
middle of the 19th century and were further developed in Germany during
the first World War^^\ Not until the 1930’s were chemical processes developed
which made production in quantity feasible in any country. A variety of these
surface active agents, often called surfactants, are now produced. They are
classified as non-ionic, cationic, and anionic detergents. The latter are most
widely used as laundry detergents, and are mainly sodium salts of alkyl ben¬
zene sulfonate (ABS). They may be represented by a typical formula such as
C12H25 — C6H4S03Na. The alkyl group varies but usually consists of a branched
chain of 10-15 carbon atoms. The type of carbon chain is the important factor
which determines whether the compound may be degraded or broken down
biologically. In general, a non-branched chain is readily biodegradable, a
branched chain is less degradable, and if a tertiary carbon exists at the end of
the carbon chain the detergent is practically non-degradable^®\ (CH3)3C(CH2)8-
C6HiS03Na. The finished detergent as marketed, also contains “builders” such
as polyphosphates which aid in soil suspension and hardness sequestering.
During the past year there has been considerable agitation to ban the
sale and use of the “so-called” non-degradable detergents. The 1963 Wiscon¬
sin Legislature enacted into law a bill prohibiting the sale and use of non-
degradable detergents containing alkyl benzene sulfonate on and after Decem¬
ber 31, 1965^^k A similar bill was introduced in the last session of the United
States Congress, but no final disposition of it has been made. Dade County,
Florida, has banned the sale and use of these detergents. Several states have
considered similar action.
The Soap and Detergent Association has promoted several study groups to
determine the effects of detergents in water. One such study is being carried
out at the University of Wisconsin, College of Engineering. The data pre¬
sented in this paper were obtained at the State Laboratory of Hygiene in close
cooperation with the above study. Detergent manufacturers have developed
linear alkylate sulfonate (LAS) detergents that are appreciably more degrad¬
able than the ABS type. They are presently becoming available in limited
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol 53 (PaH A) 1964
139
140
Gerald W. Lawton, Theodore F. Wisniewski, Richard Zimmerman
quantities. It is expected that by December, 1965, essentially all of the deter¬
gents on the market will be of the more readily degradable type.
ABS type detergents have produced a number of problems as their pro¬
duction and use increased. The major problem is associated with the foaming
caused by the surfactant in water supplies, in rivers, and in sewage as it is
being treated. It is not unusual in activated sludge sewage treatment plants to
have huge banks of foam develop along the aeration tank. On windy days, the
foam frequently blows about the area, leaving a grease coating wherever
it lands. Some rivers which have an appreciable detergent content develop
considerable foam at falls or rapids areas. For example, along the Rock River
at Beloit in 1963, masses of foam were observed blowing about at a distance
several hundred yards from the river. Water from many private wells will foam
profusely when shaken or when discharged from the tap, mainly due to the
presence of detergents.
The United States Public Health Service^^^ recommends a maximum of
0.5 mg/1 of ABS in drinking water. At that concentration no appreciable foam
will develop; and no taste or odor is detectable. Walton^®^ notes that the odor
of ABS is seldom detectable at concentrations less than 1000 mg/1 and that
only very sensitive individuals can taste it in water at concentrations of 16
mg/1. Fifty per cent of a panel were able to detect the presence of ABS in
water at 60 mg/Y'^\ Studies on man and animals have shown that they can
tolerate relatively high concentrations of ABS in their drinking water without
ill elfect^®\
Nichols and Koepp^^^ found that in Wisconsin private shallow well, 32.1
per cent showed the presence of detergent. They noted a high correlation be¬
tween unsafe waters and detergent content, and suggested that the presence of
detergent in a well’s water might be a possible indicator of the presence of
virus in that water. The finding of detergent in a ground water supply is evi¬
dence that waste water or sewage is entering the well, and warns the user that
a problem exists or is developing.
The State of Wisconsin Committee on Water Pollution and the State
Laboratory of Hygiene have been carrying out a monthly monitoring program
of Wisconsin surface waters at 37 locations for several years. In January, 1963,
the determination of detergents (ABS) was included in this program. The data
presented here cover the period through March, 1964. The stations selected
for this program generally are near the mouth of the stream or near the border
of the state, as shown in Figure 1. One station is located on Lake Michigan
near Carrolville. A list of the stations and their locations are given in Table 1.
The analytical procedure for detergents in this study is a modification of
the methylene blue method given in “Standard Methods for the Examination
of Water and Waste Water”^“\ This method is based on the formation of a
blue salt when methylene blue reacts with anionic surfactants. The salt is
soluble in chloroform, and the intensity of the blue color is proportioned
to the concentration of the surfactant. The color intensity was measured
spectrophotometrically. Various substances that occur in water may interfere
in the test. Most interfering substances produce positive errors; thus results
are in all probability greater than the true value^^/ For that reason ABS data
are here expressed as apparent ABS. The minimum concentration detectable
bv the procedure as used is about 0.03 mg/1.
Detergents in Wisconsin Surface Waters
141
FIGURE I-MONITORING STATIONS
142
Gerald W. Lawton, Theodore F. Wisniewski, Richard Zimmerman
Table 1. Monitoring Stations
1 . Rock River, west side about 1 mile above Lake Koshkonong.
2. Rock River, town bridge at Afton.
3. Fox River, C.T.H. ’‘C" bridge at Wilmot.
4. Des Plaines River, C.T.H. "C” near Pleasant Prairie.
5. Root River, State Street bridge at Racine.
6. Lake Michigan, Carrollville water intake.
7. Milwaukee River, Brown Deer Road North of Milwaukee.
8. Milwaukee River at Milwaukee near mouth and junction with Kinnickinnic River. Composite sample.
9. Sheboygan River, 8th Street bridge at Sheboygan.
10. Manitowoc River, U. S. Highway 10 at Manitowoc.
1 1. East Twin River, Highway 42 at Two Rivers.
12. Fox River, Highway 54 at Green Bay.
13. Fox River, Highway 21 at Omro.
14. Wolf River, Highway 10 at Fremont.
15. Wolf River, town road at Neopit.
16. Oconto River, Highway 41 at Oconto.
17. Peshtigo River, Highway 41 at Peshtigo.
18. Menomonee River, upper dam at Marinette.
19. Wisconsin River, Highway 51 bridge or dam at Wausau.
20. Wisconsin River, Petenwell Dam near Necedah.
21. Wisconsin River, Prairie du Sac Dam.
22. Wisconsin River, Highway 35 bridge at Bridgeport.
23. Sugar River, C.T.H. "T” near Brodhead and Illinois border.
24. Pecatonica River, C.T.H. ‘‘M’’ near Browntown and Illinois border.
25. Galena River, C.T.H. "W” between Benton and Illinois border.
26. Mississippi River, Lock and Dam #11.
a. Gate 1 — Iowa side Dubuque.
b. Gate 7 — At center of river.
c. Gate 15 — Wisconsin side of river.
27. La Crosse River, Highway 35 at La Crosse.
28. Black River, Highway 35 near Galesville.
29. Trempealeau River, Highway 35 near Centerville.
30. Buffalo River, Highway 35 near Alma.
31. Chippewa River, dam at Chippewa Falls.
32. Chippewa River, Highway 35 near Pepin.
33. St. Croix River, Highway 10 at Prescott.
34. Bad River, Highway 2 at Odanah.
35. Montreal River, Highway 122 near Saxon on Wisconsin-Michigan border.
ABS concentrations were obtained each month at each station with a few
exceptions. A summary of the results are shown in Table 2. The mean value,
the range, and the frequency that the USPHS standard was exceeded are
shown for each station for the fifteen month period.
Of 502 samples examined, only 17 showed concentrations above the
USPHS drinking water standards. This number represents only about three
per cent of all samples. The Root River, which flows from near Hales Corners
to Lake Michigan at Racine, showed consistently high concentrations of ABS,
with values ranging up to 3.1 mg/1. This stream receives considerable treated
and untreated sewage, which readily explains the high detergent concentra¬
tions. Omitting the Root River from consideration, only six samples have ABS
concentrations above 0.50 mg/1, or slightly over one per cent. Seventy-eight
per cent of the stations showed ABS concentrations of less than 0.3 mg/1 at
every sampling, while 83 per cent had average concentrations below 0.2 mg/1.
The Milwaukee River, which flows through a heavily populated area,
shows an ABS concentration at Brown Deer which exceeds drinking water
standards only two times during the sampling period. At the sampling station
in Milwaukee, the concentration did not exceed 0.5 mg/1 in any sample.
The small streams in lightly populated areas generally contained very low
concentrations of ABS, as expected. The Mississippi River which highly dilutes
the entering wastes showed relatively low detergent concentrations, with maxi¬
mum values of only 0.26 mg/1.
Detergents in Wisconsin Surface Waters
143
Table 2. Apparent ABS Content of Wisconsin Surface Waters
A typical example of the gradual decrease in the ABS content of a stream
due to dilution, degradation, absorption, and other causes is found in the Bad-
fish, Yahara and Rock Rivers. The Badfish River receives the sewage plant
effluent from the Madison metropohtan area. This waste is pumped to an open
ditch and permitted to flow into the Badfish River. Various small streams enter
the Badfish before it empties into the Yahara River. The Yahara, in turn, emp¬
ties into the Rock River. The detergent contents in these streams are indi¬
cated in Figure 2. The value at each station represents the mean ABS content
in mg/1 during the study period.
For a short distance below its junction with the Badfish River, the Yahara
has a relatively high average detergent content, 1.18 mg/1. As the Yahara
empties into the Rock River, the value drops to an average of 0.36 mg/1 and
gradually decreases as the water moves downstream.
It is interesting to note that the ABS content in the Madison Metropolitan
Treatment Plant effluent decreased appreciably following the completion of
additional aeration facilities about midyear, 1963. Prior to that time, the mean
ABS content over a five month period was 5.1 mg/1, and following the ex¬
panded operation it dropped to 3.3 mg/1. The stream waters generally reflected
the reduced detergent load at the various sampling stations.
144
Gerald W, Lawton, Theodore F. Wisniewski, Richard Zimmerman
METROPOLITAN
TREATMENT PLANT
FIGURE 2- ABS CONTENT IN BADFISH,
YAHARA AND ROCK RIVERS ^
Detergents in Wisconsin Surface Waters
145
Responsible representatives of the Soap and Detergent Association have
given assurance that the detergents being marketed by the end of 1965 will be
bio-degradable, mainly of the LAS type^“\ As the percentage of bio-degrad¬
able detergent increases during the next twenty months, the detergent content
of our streams should materially decrease. The LAS detergents are not ex¬
pected to be completely degraded before they reach our streams, but their
breakdown will proceed as they move downstream; thus no appreciable build¬
up should occur.
The detergent problem is but one of many pollution problems. Concerted
effort to reduce these problems are a necessity if we are to maintain our streams
and other water supplies in a satisfactory condition.
Summary
1. Only the Root River in the monitoring program shows an ABS con¬
tent that is consistently above the accepted drinking water standards of 0.50
mg/I.
2. The mean detergent contents of 97 per cent of the streams in this
program are below 0.4 mg/1.
3. The ABS content of our streams will decrease as the biodegradable
detergents replace the present type.
4. No health hazard has been found in Wisconsin surface waters due to
the presence of detergents.
References
1. The Columbia Encyclopedia. Vol. 1, 2nd Edition, p. 533, Columbia University
Press. Morningside Heights, N.Y. (1950).
2. Synthetic Detergents in Perspective. Soap and Detergent Association, 295 Madi¬
son Ave., New York 17, N.Y. (1962).
3. Swisher, R. D., “Relation between Structure and Biodegradation of Surfactants”
(A paper presented before the Soap and Detergent Association, New York,
Jan. 24, 1963.)
4. Laws of 1963, State of Wisconsin, No. 404, S.
5. U. S. Public Health Service, “Drinking Water Standards” U. S. Dept, of Health,
Education and Welfare, Washington 25, D. C. (1962),
6. Walton, G., “Effect of Pollutants in Water Supplies. ABS Contamination” Jour.
AWWA 52, 1354-62 (1960).
7. Cohen, J. M., “Taste and Odor of ABS”, Dept, of Health, Education and Wel¬
fare, R. A, Taft Engineering Center (February 1962).
8. A.A.S.G.P. Committee Report, “ABS and the Safety of Water Supplies”, Jour.
AWWA 52:786-9 (1960).
9. Nichols, M. S., and Koepp, Elaine, “Synthetic Detergents as a Criterion of Wis¬
consin Ground Water Pollution”, Jour. AWWA 53:303-6 (1961).
10. Standard Methods for the Examination of Water and Waste Water. American
Public Health Association, Inc., 1790 Broadway, New York 19, N. Y. (1960).
11. Task Group Report, “Determination of Synthetic Detergent Content of Raw
Water Supplies”, Jour. AWWA 50:1345 (1958).
12. Statements presented at the Wisconsin Senate hearing on Bills No. 63-S and
404-S. April 25, 1963.
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FORTY YEARS AMONG THE TREES
Edward W. Blackford
Wisconsin Tree Expert Company
Wausau, Wisconsin
It is with some reluctance that I present this paper because of the per¬
sonal references. However, after more than forty years of work with shade
trees, it is hoped that some of these observations and experiences may be of
interest to persons who make a living from trees, pursue a hobby or scientific
study of trees, or merely appreciate their aesthetic value.
Within the span of more than forty years of shade tree work, a consider¬
able evolution has taken place. In 1923, shade tree crews traveled largely by
Model T touring car, with pole saws tied on the side and tool box strapped
on the running board, often traveling a hundred miles or more between jobs.
Ladders were not used by tree men of the old school, not until about 1930.
Every day and every tree was part of a physical fitness program. A rope was
tossed over the first limb on the tree and the rope was climbed, sixty feet being
not uncommon. I surmise that some tree owners had their trees cared for in
order to witness the agility of the workmen. It is feared that now there may
be some evolution in reverse.
Early shade tree workers were usually referred to as tree surgeons and
their work as tree surgery. These terms still follow us to this day. Much tree
work then consisted of cutting out decayed areas and filling the cavities with
concrete. Chiselling may be a more accurate term, in that it was too often done
to the tree owners as well as to the trees. The additional bolting and cabling
made necessary by extensive excavation often brought the total cost per tree
up to hundreds and even thousands of dollars, and that in pre-infiationary
days. Shade tree crews seemed to vie with one another for the dubious honor
of putting the most concrete in one tree. The writer recalls working on one
large oak on an estate in Washington, D.C., now known as Dumbarton Oaks.
This particular oak had a filling of concrete made up of 102 sacks of Portland
cement, a little over two parts of sand, and a large number of boulders. Ap¬
proximately 500 feet of rod and 2000 feet of cable had previously been ap¬
plied. The present condition or existence of the tree is unknown.
Much of this extreme, so called tree surgery, brought discredit to the
work. The writer and his colleagues eventually found that in reaching a larger
clientele of middle class people, and overcoming an economic condition of the
nineteen thirties, preventive care made the average tree last longer than it
would have with extensive surgery, and also at much less cost. They were pro¬
tected from insects and disease. When they were structurally weak, they were
bolted or cabled to protect them from being destroyed in a storm. They were
kept healthy. This is the basic principle of good tree service today, although
diagnosis and treatment have technically advanced.
After training and apprenticeship in most of the states from Texas to
New England, it was the writer’s good fortune to gravitate to Wisconsin in
the spring of 1930, and the privilege of working on the trees in Capitol Park
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 53 (Part A) 1964
147
148
Edward W. Blackford
and at the Governor’s Residence in Madison. In the course of this work, which
consisted largely of pruning, it was noted that several Pin Oaks on the north
side of the Capitol Building were suffering from iron deficiency chlorosis. The
leaves were a pale yellowish green, with darker green along the veins. A test
of the soil around the trees showed an alkaline condition. Upon inquiry into
the history of these trees, we found that when they were planted some years
before, horse manure had been placed in the bottom of the planting holes.
This had aggravated an akeady alkaline soil. Iron in the soil had been tied
up in an insoluble ferric form and unavailable to the trees. We decided to inject
a ferrous sulfate solution directly into the trunks of the trees. A solution of
one ounce of ferrous sulfate in one pint of distilled water was injected into
four /s" holes near the base of these 6" to 8" Pin Oaks. Within ten days the
leaves had a much darker green between the veins.
This was not a permanent thing because it did not change the condition
of the soil, and it has not much present day application except to prove the
need for an acid soil and available iron, as in soils where pin oaks are growing
in their native habitat. A better long time approach would be to change the
soil condition. It has been said that one gram of chelated iron around a tree
provides as much usable iron as a pound of iron sulfate. Incidentally, iron
chlorosis deficiency is not found to be a problem in Marathon County.
After several weeks in Madison, I received word from my firm to go to
Wausau. Neither I nor my assistant knew of this place. After consulting a
map and making inquiries, we found that Wausau was a good town. Among
other things, it was reported to have thirty-four millionaires, all of whom in
one way or another had made their fortunes from the products of the forest.
However, I don’t have any documentary evidence to support this statement.
The large trees were gone and the whistles had blown for the last time on the
big sawmills in Wausau.
We were intrigued by the remnants of a once mighty forest. Large logs lay
where they had fallen, knots along the length of them, reminding one of stories
of the bones of bison on the plains where wanton hunters had left them. My
assistant wrote to his father who lived on the Rio Grande in Texas, and told
him we were in Wausau, Wisconsin. His father wrote back that he had logged
in the Wausau area when he was a young man of twenty-one, back in the
eighteen eighties, mostly near Ringle. We went out there to see where his
father might have helped cut the big pines fifty years before. One section
particularly attracted our attention and speculation. The stumps were all
about four feet high. Had these been cut during a winter of deep snow? Had
they been cut by long legged lumberjacks? Had fire gone through many years
before they were cut, leaving injuries and decay near the base? Or had this
at one time been a swampy area producing trees with an irregular butt cut
like the “knees” of the southern swamp cypress?
In this summer of 1930, we learned of the discovery of Dutch Elm Disease
in this country. I have here a letter from the Davey Tree Expert Gompany,
Kent, Ohio, for whom I worked, dated August 27, 1930, describing the disease,
and asking us to send in any specimens showing symptoms. Also enclosed was
a copy of a release by the Office of Forestry Pathology, Bureau of Plant In¬
dustry, United States Department of Agriculture entitled, “Dutch Elm Disease
Found in America”. Quote in part: “The Dutch Elm Disease was never found
Forty Years Among the Trees
149
in this country until this summer when Mr. Curtis May, of the Department of
Botany & Plant Pathology of the Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station at
Wooster, Ohio, isolated Graphium ulmi from four wilting American Elm trees
at Cleveland and from one at Cincinnati. So far, no common center has been
found from which the disease has spread in this country. Scouting for the
Dutch Elm Disease presents many difficulties because of the wilting of elms
from other causes.”
Since no mention is made of the scolytus beetle, it probably was not
known then just how the disease was spread. Had everyone been diligent, this
scourge might have been wiped out completely and millions of elm trees
would be alive today. It is certainly one of the greatest natural tragedies since
the passing of the passenger pigeon and the American Chestnut.
By learning from the mistakes and apathy of other states, and by the
diligence and research of the University of Wisconsin and the Wisconsin De¬
partment of Agriculture, the State of Wisconsin has a good chance of saving
most of its elms.
It is interesting to note that trees go through crises and times of stress.
The drought years of the nineteen thirties were difficult years for trees. By
1935, tops and large branches were dying in hardwoods and hemlocks, nature’s
way of balancing the top or leaf area with the supply of moisture from the
roots. While all of Wisconsin suffered from the drought, some areas appeared
to be harder hit. In Barron County, along Highway 53, large groves of hard¬
woods had more dead wood than live. It may be well to also note here that
when trees are weakened by drought, they are more susceptible to insect
attack, both by leaf feeding and wood boring insects, and also by disease. In
Barron County, in 1932, 1933, and 1934, canker worms denuded trees of their
foliage in June as though it were late autumn. The attack seemed worse along
the Red Cedar River and particularly bad on islands in Red Cedar Lake. In
Marathon County, thousands of large hemlocks died. We may assume the
drought to be the primary cause, and the subsequent ravishing by insects the
secondary cause. Many trees of both hardwood and softwood species, dead and
stag-topped, stood out as a stark reminder of the drought well into the forties.
On September 8, 1939, Mr. C. C. Yawkey, famous Wisconsin lumberman,
took me to one of his forest holdings about three miles south of Minocqua to
show me the results of an unusual lightning strike. At that time, the National
Shade Tree Conference was making a survey of lightning damage to trees.
These notes are from that report:
One Norway Pine and a small maple were somewhat shattered
in the center of a circle of 110 feet diameter. Fifty-three pines in this
circle were completely dead. At least a dozen more on the outer
fringe of the circle were almost dead. None of these dead or dying
trees showed any dying sign of physical injury. A number of small
maples and birch within the circle were healthy. The dead trees
had been healthy, as indicated by surrounding trees. They were
about evenly mixed white and Norway evenly Pine, 12" to 14"
D.B.H., 85 feet and up in height, and with a 10' crown
spread. The struck trees were small. The area was flat but slightly
lower than the surrounding rolling area. The top soil was sandy loam.
150
Edward W. Blackford
with a gravel subsoil. It was 80 rods from the lake and any house. |
The caretaker of this pine forest first observed this in the spring of
1939 and presumed it had happened in the fall of 1938. He cut the *
dead trees in the winter of 1939-1940 and reported the number of
65, and all sound trees, except that they were dead.
It is interesting to note that some trees are seemingly immune to insect,
disease, and man made forces. Such a tree, an elm, stands on the northeast
corner of Third and McClellan Streets in Wausau. It is virtually surrounded by >
concrete and blacktop. In about 1940, a storm sewer was dug in the street and
the roots were cut close to the tree on the curb side. It was predicted that this
was the end of one of the most beautiful and healthy trees in town. However, it
has remained vigorous throughout the years, probably due to some unknown
source of food, water, and air supply to its roots. It leafed out late in the
spring of 1963, but was one of the very last to lose its leaves in autumn. In this
connection, reference should be made to the observation that all elms leafed
out late in the spring of 1963. Although this was an early spring, judging from
the above normal temperatures in April, most of the elms did not leaf out in
the Wausau area until late May. I have only one explanation to offer for this.
The winter of 1963, January and February, was one of the coldest of record,
little snow and frost, veiy deep. The natural elm range does not normally ex¬
tend much beyond northern Wisconsin. When our weather is as severe as
Winnipeg weather, the elm is out of its natural weather zone. This dormancy
until near Memorial Day may have been due to low soil temperature, extreme
cold on bud cells, or a combination of these factors. At any rate, it did not seem
common to other species.
In closing I would like to pay tribute to the scientific effort of so many
persons in the field of entomology, soils, plant physiology, and pathology.
These men and women by avocation or assigned research, in universities and
industry, on shade tree problems and their active membership and papers for
the International Shade Tree Conference and related organizations have made
the field of arboriculture so useful and interesting.
Cover Design by Jeffrey Homar
Title Page Design by Gail Mitchem
School of Fine Arts
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
‘ai'
TRASSiCTIOSS OF THE
WISFOKSIAI itCilDEMY
OF SCIEIES, iRTS
m LETTERS
i X':
LIV — 1965
.s
S
Editor
GOODWIN F. BERQUIST, JR.
SMITTO'
iNstituhon
m fi
EDITORIAL POLICY
The Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
is an annual publication devoted to the original, scholarly investigations of
Academy members. Sound manuscripts dealing with the state of Wisconsin
or its people are especially welcome, although papers by Academy members on
topics of general interest are occasionally published. Subject matter experts
will review each manuscript submitted.
Contributors are asked to forward two copies of their manuscript to the
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Galley proofs and manuscript copy will be forwarded to the author for
proofreading prior to publication; both should be returned to the Editor within
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Contributors will be given five offprints of their article free of charge.
Additional offprints in sets of 100, 200, etc. may be ordered at the time galleys
and copy are returned to the Editor. Price will vary according to quantity
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Manuscripts should be sent to :
Professor Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr.
Editor, Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53211
Editorial Advisory Board
Robert J. Dicke (Biological Sciences)
Department of Entomology
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Stephen F. Darling (Physical
Sciences)
Department of Chemistry
Lawrence University
Frank L. Element (Social Sciences)
Department of History
Marquette University
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Department of English
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr. (Chrm. of the Board)
Department of Speech
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
mmoTioNs OF tiif
viwmm iciOEiHY
Established 1870
Volume LIV
WISCONSIN TORNADOES
M. W. Burley and P. J. Waite
Former Weather Bureau Climatologists
State of Wisconsin
1
REGIONALISM IN THE THREE SOUTHS
37
Kimball King
Department of English
University of North Carolina
SURFACE-DRIFT INSECTS AS TROUT FOOD IN THE BRULE RIVER 51
Robert L. Hunt
Lawrence Creek Trout Research Station
Westfield, Wisconsin
THE CONTRIBUTION OF DIE FREIEN GEMEINDEN 63
TO SCIENCE, ARTS AND LETTERS IN WISCONSIN
Berenice Cooper
Professor Emeritus, Department of English
Wisconsin State University — Superior
PINE INTERNODES AS INDICATORS OF 71
non-determinable environmental influences
S. a. Wilde
Department of Soil Science
University of Wisconsin — Madison
THE USE OF HISTORY IN BISHOP HURD’S 79
LITERARY CRITICISM
I Stephen J. Curry
Department of English
ji Alfred University
i THE INSECT PARASITES OF THE EUROPEAN PINE 93
: SHOOT MOTH, RHYACIONIA BUOLIANA
\ (SCHIFFERMULLER) (LEPIDOPTERA: TORTRICIDAE)
< IN WISCONSIN WITH KEYS TO THE ADULTS AND
j MATURE LARVAL REMAINS
: Torolf R. Torgersen and Harry C. Coppel
Department of Entomology
University of Wisconsin — Madison
THE INSECT PARASITES OF THE LARCH CASEBEARER, 125
COLEOPHORA LARICELLA HUBNER, (LEPIDOPTERA : COLEO-
PHORIDAE), IN WISCONSIN WITH KEYS TO THE ADULTS
and MATURE LARVAL REMAINS
; Norman F. Sloan and Harry C. Coppel
! Department of Entomology
I University of Wisconsin — Madison
i| THE BEAVER IN EARLY WISCONSIN
I A. W, Schorger
( Professor Emeritus, Department of Wildlife Management
University of Wisconsin — Madison
147
181
ARISTOTLE— GENERAL SEM ANTICIST? OR
KORZYBSBI— ARISTOTELIAN ?
Kenneth D. Frandsen
Department of Speech
University of Wisconsin — Milwaukee
TWO RARE INCUNABULA IN MILWAUKEE 185
Alan D. Corre
Department of Hebrew Studies
University of Wisconsin — Milwaukee
ICE-WEDGE CASTS OF WISCONSIN 187
Robert F. Black
Department of Geology
University of Wisconsin — Madison
SOME MINERALOGIC CHARACTERISTICS OF SANDY 223
SOILS IN WISCONSIN
Frederick W. Madison and Gerhard B. Lee
Department of Soils
University of Wisconsin — Madison
ART AS SETTING IN THE MARBLE FAUN 231
Gene A. Barnett
Department of English
Wayne State University
PREDATION BY INTRODUCED MUSKELLUNGE 249
ON PERCH and bass, I: YEARS 1-5
James R. Gammon and Arthur D. Hasler
Departments of Zoology
De Pauw University, University of Wisconsin — Madison
PREDATION BY INTRODUCED MUSKELLUNGE 273
ON PERCH AND BASS, II: YEARS 8-9
William R. Schmitz and Roland E. Hetfeld
Department of Zoology, Department of Biology
University of Wisconsin — Marathon County Center,
Merrill High School
HYBRIDIZATION IN GENTIANA (GENTIANACEAE) : 283
A RESUME OF J. T. CURTIS’ STUDIES
James S. Pringle
Royal Botanical Gardens
Hamilton, Ontario, Canada
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN 295
NO. 53 GENTIANACEAE AND MENYANTHACEAE—
GENTIAN AND BUCKBEAN FAMILIES
Charles T. Mason, Jr. and Hugh H, litis
Departments of Botany
University of Arizona, University of Wisconsin — Madison
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN 331
NO. 54 EQUISETACAE— HORESTAIL FAMILY
Richard L. Hauke
Department of Botany
University of Rhode Island
WISCONSIN TORNADOES
M. W. Burley and P. J. Waite'^
Introduction
Tornadoes are one of nature’s more spectacular storms. The
American Meteorological Society’s 1959 Glossary of Meteorology
defines tornadoes as “A violent rotating column of air, pendent
from a cumulo-nimbus cloud, and nearly always observable as a
“funnel cloud” or tuba. On a local scale, it is the most destructive
of all atmospheric phenomena. Its vortex, commonly several hun¬
dreds of yards in diameter, whirls usually cyclonically with wind
speed estimated at 100 to more than 300 miles per hour.” Later in¬
formation indicates that wind speeds within the tornado vortex
may possibly exceed 500 miles per hour. Most people will live their
lives without seeing a tornado, but that does not mean that torna¬
does are not a real threat in Wisconsin. With increasing popula¬
tion in the state, the number of people and amount of property
within the paths of tornadoes will also increase. Timely forecasts
and public cautionary measures are becoming more important.
Tornadoes have captured public attention at irregular intervals.
Since the Civil War, outstanding damage or loss of life in Wis¬
consin from these storms has occurred over four dozen times and
have been at times as devastating as anywhere in the world. The
“Circus Day” tornado in New Richmond on June 12, 1899 killed
117 persons and destroyed much of the town as it swept down the
main street that evening. Damages estimated at seven million dol¬
lars were reported in a single tornado of a complex of five on the
evening of June 4, 1958 at Colfax in Dunn County. This exceeded,
only in inflated dollar value, the four million dollar loss sustained
on September 9, 1884 in a tornado that moved east-northeastward
out of Minnesota, across St. Croix County to finally end in Price
County in the north central portion of the state.
Known tornadoes and some of the more severe windstorms from
1843 through 1964 are tabulated for the first time in a chronologi¬
cal sequence to meet public requests, particularly those originating
from news media. The statistics of Wisconsin tornadoes are derived
*Marvin W. Burley is Supervisor of the Climatography Section, National Weather
Records Center, Asheville, North Carolina. He was the U. S. Weather Bureau State
Climatolog-ist for Wisconsin from 1959 to 1965. Paul J. Waite is the U. S. Weather
Bureau State Climatologist for the state of Iowa. He was State Climatologist of
Wisconsin from 1956 to 1959.
1
9
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
from the 1916-64 period, except the tabulation and map of out¬
standing Wisconsin tornadoes, which spans the century from 1865
to the present. The data in this paper provide seasonal, diurnal
and areal probabilities for a variety of applications and research.
Following the seven million dollar loss suffered on June 4, 1958,
insurance companies exhibited considerable interest in Wisconsin
tornado statistics. The State Department of Public Instruction in¬
vestigated the feasibility of including tornado safety features in
planning school construction. South Carolina also investigated this
possibility in 1959. ^ The need for adequate preparation in the event
of a tornado strike has been demonstrated. The climatological in¬
formation on tornadoes now available permits intelligent planning
for such contingencies.
Obviously some bias exists in tornado records because of the
m.ethods of gathering information, the variable density of popula¬
tion, the location of the collection centers, and variable public and
prc'fessional interests. Classifying these data by categories has not
wholly eliminated bias, but it is believed that the longest and most
damaging tornadoes are most likely to have been reported. There
is evidence that a storm reported as one tornado may have been a
complex of two or more tornadoes or have been subject to other
human error, thereby producing some variation in tornado
statistics.
Sources and Reliability of Data
Wisconsin windfall and tornado tabulations from the beginning
of record-keeping in the early 1800’s through 1964 were obtained
from a number of sources.^ Windfall record was derived from ori¬
ginal public land survey maps and from the notes of the surveyors
by Increase A. Lapham.^ U. S. Signal Corps records were used for
the portion of the record from 1840 to 1891.^ Since 1891 official
publications of the Weather Bureau have provided most of the
data.^ Newspaper accounts on file at the Wisconsin Historical So¬
ciety Library provided supplemental information, particularly
about earlier tornadoes.
The tornadoes reported during the early history of the state
were mostly the spectacular ones — those with great loss of life and
property. Examination of the written record of what has been
called the earliest recorded tornado in Wisconsin, August 20, 1843,
clearly describes a water spout. This phenomenon occurred 12
miles south of Kenosha over Lake Michigan; its formation and
dissipation were witnessed by scores of people and vividly de¬
scribed by Lapham.
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
o
o
The range of detail used to describe earlier tornadoes appears
in the following two examples :
May 31, 1851. “Near the second of the Four Lakes in Dane County,
six miles from Madison, the Capitol of the State of Wisconsin, was seen
a dark column of leaves and branches whirling around with great rapidity,
extending far above the forest trees, which bent and swayed before it
like reeds. The noise and confusion defied all description; a tract of more
than 100 acres was stripped bare of trees, all blown down, torn up by
their roots, or twisted into fragments; the ground looking as if it had
been harrowed. It took a direction nearly from the west, destroying every¬
thing in its way.
Another tornado passed on the same day, from near the farm of Abel
Nutting in Farmington, Jefferson County, where two clouds came in
contact, through portions of the towns of Concord, Ixonia and Ocono-
mowoc, where it swept over LaBelle Lake assuming many of the char¬
acteristics of a water spout. Houses were unroofed and trees blown down
for many miles in extent, and over a breadth of from 80 to 100 rods.
Among the incidents that happened, was that a girl 13 years of age was
lifted up, clinging to a feather bed, over the top of the trees and landed
without injury — thus, literally riding upon the whirlwind.
The opposite to this is contained in a comment. “October 15,
1870. A tornado occurring in the city of Milwaukee was not con¬
sidered enough of a news event to make the local paper.’’*
The increase in the number of reported tornadoes in the 1870’s
was due to the efforts of the Signal Corps ; increases are also noted
in 1916 when the Weather Bureau strengthened their tornado ob¬
serving network and in the early 1950’s when the public became
concerned with tornado forecasting. We can assume we have record
for only a small percentage of the state’s tornadoes prior to 1870,
all notable tornadoes from 1870 to 1916, probably most of the tor¬
nadoes from 1916 to 1953, and nearly all tornadoes from 1952 to
date.
There is no question that some tornadoes have been omitted or
improperly classified. Tornadoes with long paths or with skipping
paths suggest a complex of tornadoes generated at intervals by a
parent storm. However, original records were not revised unless
evidence strongly indicated that a change was in order.
The large increase in the number of tornadoes reported in recent
years can be attributed primarily to the expansion of the Weather
Bureau’s storm reporting networks, the increase in the number of
storm detection and radar tracking stations, and the new public
awareness of possible danger through the issuance of tornado fore¬
casts for specific areas and particular time periods. Wider distri¬
bution of public information materials on tornado warning proce¬
dures have also contributed to the recent increase in the detection
and reporting of tornadoes. One of the recent problems is the ten¬
dency to call all severe storms tornadoes. Investigations of damage
4 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
sometimes show that reported tornadoes were locally severe thun¬
derstorms with straight line winds.
The dollar value of storm damage can be useful in computing
insurance rates, but was not used in this paper to obtain totals
over a period of time as it is considered to be a misleading statis¬
tic, Estimates on actual loss have often been found erroneous, and
changing property values and inflation casts doubt on computed
dollar values.
Although there are shortcomings and omissions in the data pre¬
sented, these records are the best presently available and have
been carefully evaluated by meteorologists throughout the years.
Windfalls
The earliest comprehensive study on Wisconsin tornadoes was
made by Increase A. Lapham in the 1850’s and 1860’s. He sum¬
marized his findings in a letter written to General A. J. Myer,
Chief Signal Officer in May 1872. In addition to data on observed
tornadoes, Lapham went to public surveys for information. The
maps he examined were original surveys made between 1834 and
1865.
Early public land surveyors were required to record all wind¬
falls crossing township and section lines. Windfalls were defined as
“the tracks of tornadoes through forests as shown by the prostrated I
and confused masses of timber.” Undoubtedly some of the entries I
were the result of straight line winds and not tornadoes, although
examination of the maps indicate that many of the windfalls could
only have been caused by tornadoes. In either case, winds were .
strong enough to blow down strips of virgin timber. These old I
surveys give us a record of severe wind storms that passed over ;
the forested areas of the state within the time it took blown down i
trees to decay; few traces were left on open or prairie country in ;
their natural condition. !
Lapham prepared eighty pages of diagrams giving the exact *
location, length and width of each of the 360 windfalls recorded. '
Many of the storm tracks were so short that their direction cannot !
be accurately determined, although fifty-three paths were long j
enough to indicate the movement of the storm. The average direc- ' '
tion from which these destructive winds blew was 254°, or about ,
west-southwest. Lapham found that two tracks traveled directly ■
from the south, seven from between south and southwest, twenty-
nine from between southwest and west, thirteen between west and
northwest, one from north-northwest and one from north. Ap- ^
proximately two-thirds of the windfalls were less than one mile '
long with only a few exceeding two to three miles. The width of ,
i
I
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
5
the tracks ranged from a few rods to a mile or more, and averaged
less than a quarter mile. Several severe storms, apparently not
tornadoes, covered many square miles.
A windfall in the northeastern part of the state was over twenty-
two miles long, occurring between the time the township lines were
surveyed in 1857 and the section lines in 1865. Another windfall
extended from township 32N, range 6W to 38N, range 2W, touch¬
ing down six times and devastating thirty-three miles of timber
over a distance of fifty-five miles; parallel to this track and at a
distance of eight miles away a second tornado of apparently even
greater force touched down four or possibly five times.
Several of Lapham’s interesting interpretations of the data are :
‘‘That two or more tornadoes may be united with one,® and pursue a
course in a direction intermediate between that of each, is well established
by these surveys . a case in township 35N, range 14E, where four
tornadoes are united, each apparently modifying the general direction of
the track and increasing in breadth. There are perhaps 20 other cases
where tracks are thus united.”
“There are also a few cases where tracks became divided, and two tor¬
nadoes continue their separate mark of destruction; and some, after thus
separating, became united leaving a kind of island of standing timber
amidst an expanse of prostrate trunks.”
“We may suppose that the tornadoes causing the windfalls represented
on the map occurred within a period of about ten years; and that there¬
fore, there are about thirty-six cases annually when the wind blows in
some part of the state with sufficient force to prostrate trees. Of these,
perhaps not more than twenty are of sufficient magnitude and extent to
cause considerable damage. Now, if these are compared with the 200,000
quarter sections in the state, it will be seen that there is about one chance
in probability in 10,000 that any particular farm of 160 acres (in any
year) will be visited by such a calamity.”
Tornado Characteristics and Statistics in Wisconsin
The causes for the formation of tornadoes is only generally un¬
derstood. They often develop southeast of a deep low centered in
the central or north central states; they may appear in any sec¬
tion of the low and be associated with fronts, instability lines,
troughs and have even formed within high pressure ridges. Their
highly localized nature and random distribution make it impossible
to forecast the spot they will strike with our present knowledge.
The best meteorologists are able to do is to forecast an area in
which they are likely to develop.
Wisconsin lies to the northeast of the principal tornado belt in
this country. In comparison with other states it ranks seventeenth
in number of days with tornadoes and eighteenth in number of
tornadoes. Table 1 lists 102 tornadoes from the beginning of record
Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964
Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
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Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
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10 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
1965]
Burley and Waite— Wisconsin Tornadoes
11
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
13
Table 1, List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
14 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
15
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
16 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
17
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
18 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
19
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Table 1. List of Reported Tornadoes From Beginning of Record Through 1964 — Continued
20 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
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‘After 1958, tornado damage is placed in the following categories;
1 — T.ess than ,S50. 2— $50 to $500. 3— $500 to $5,000; 4— $5,000 to $50,000; 5 — $50,000 to $500,000; 6— $500,000 to $5,000,000.
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
21
through 1915 and 293 tornadoes from 1916 through 1964. Unless
otherwise specified, the data used in this paper are for the period
1916-1964.
Distribution of the number of tornadoes and number of tornado
days by month is given in Figure 1. The number of tornadoes and
tornado days reach the maximum in June, followed by May and
July with a secondary peak in September. The two peaks occur at
the approximate times of the beginning and ending of meteorologi¬
cal summer in Wisconsin, as well as the rainfall peaks of the year.
Figure 1. Number of tornadoes and tornado days, 1916-1964.
22 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
This timing is different from the national average, where the
maximum number of tornadoes is reached in May with a secondary
peak in November, and the number of days with tornadoes having
one peak in June. Approximately 95 7^ of the tornadoes and tor¬
nado days occur in the five-month period, April through Septem¬
ber. No tornadoes have been reported in this state in December,
January or February. The season’s earliest recorded tornado oc¬
curred March 17, 1934, while the season’s latest recorded tornado
was November 15, 1960. Although tornado occurrences are gen¬
erally distributed through the season, the highest probability is
from June 20 to 25.
During the period 1916-1964, about 13 7^ of the tornadoes were
responsible for loss of human life, 28 7^^ were responsible for in¬
jury, and 32 7o were responsible for either death or injury. The
fewer deaths and injuries in recent years are believed to reflect
better forecasting, timely warning, and a better informed public
knowing what safety precautions to take.
The number of tornadoes has averaged 6.0 per season, while
the number of days with tornadoes has averaged 3.9 per season.
(Table 2) No tornadoes were reported in 1917, 1923, 1939, 1943,
and 1947. The thirty-three tornadoes reported and confirmed in
1964 makes it the highest season on record, followed closely by 1959
with thirty. There have been deaths in twenty-two of the forty-
nine years in this study for an average of 3.2 deaths per year.
Tornado related injuries occurred in thirty-three of these years for
an average of 19.6 per year.
The most frequent time of day for tornadoes to occur is between
3 P.M. and 7 P.M., (Table 3) with 5 P.M. being the most probable
hour. Three out of every four tornadoes have touched down be¬
tween 1 P.M. and 8 P.M. The hours of least probability are be¬
tween 2 A.M. and 11 A.M.
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
Zo
Table 2. Number of Reported Tornadoes, Tornado Days, Deaths,
Injured, Property Loss by Year, 1916-1964.
*Losses categorized by classes after 1958.
Table 3. Number of Tornadoes by Hour and Month, 1916-1964
24
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol.
OOOOOOOCOO— ' — —
C ^
o H
c o
H
1965] Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes 25
Surface winds in weather systems with developing tornadoes
are usually from the southwest^ and most tornadoes move from
this direction. (Figure 2) However, tornadoes can come from any
Figure 2. Tornado rose for Wisconsin showing percent of
reported tornadoes moving from indicated directions, 1916-
1964.
direction. Ninety hive per cent of the tornadoes in Wisconsin have
moved from a westerly direction with nearly fifty percent moving
directly out of the southwest. National averages and Lapham’s
windfalls closely approximate these figures. The length of indi¬
vidual paths vary from brief touch downs to 170 miles. Although
the average tornado path is 11.7 miles, the median of four miles is
considered more representative since the average includes several
extremely long paths. Tornado paths have been less than one mile
in length 26% of the time, for one to five miles 32%, six to ten
miles 16%, eleven to twenty miles 14%, twenty-one to fifty miles
9%, and over fifty miles 4% of the time. The average width of the
path is 285 yards, while the median is 100 yards. Widths
have been under 100 yards 35% of the time, from 100 to 200 yards
32%, from 300 to 500 yards 15%, from 600 to 1,000 yards 9%,
and greater than 1,000 yards 5% of the time.
Tornadoes have been observed in nearly ever county in the state,
(Figure 3) The area of greatest frequency is the west central sec¬
tion, while the area of least frequency is a band of counties along
the northern border of the state and a band along Lake Michigan
north of Milwaukee, A map of Lapham's windfalls, also by county,
26 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, A7‘ts and Letters [Vol. 54
makes an interesting comparison. (Figure 4) The highest fre¬
quency of windfalls is to the east and north of the highest fre¬
quency of tornadoes, suggesting that there were different wind
flow patterns in the two periods. In the forty-nine year span, 1916-
1964, no tornadoes were reported in Oconto County although early
surveyors listed twenty-three windfalls in the county. Bryson’s
work with Wisconsin’s earliest weather data indicates that wind
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
27
flow patterns changed between the early 1800’s and recent times,
and that the changes took place between 1870 and 1880.® In making
the comparison one must keep in mind that the windfalls are only
for the part of the state unsettled and under virgin forest at the
time of the survey, that a skipping tornado could leave a number
of windfalls, and that some of the windfalls were probably the re¬
sult of straight line winds.
28 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Outstanding tornadoes are arbitrarily defined in this paper as
meeting one or more of the following criteria: (1) loss of life to
the extent of at least five, (2) property damage amounting to at
least $500,000, (3) and path at least twenty-five miles in length.
(Figure 5, Table 4) Wisconsin’s ‘Tornado alley” is clearly located
in the west central counties, it appears to be approximately in line
with the tornado gradient increasing southwest through Iowa into
Kansas and Oklahoma. (See Figure 6). A large number of eastern
Figure 5. Outstanding tornadoes from beginning of record through 1964.
Where loss of life was at least 5, or property damage was at least $500,000,
or path was at least 25 miles long.
Table 4. Outstanding Tornadoes From Beginning of Record to 1964. (Where Loss of Life Was at Least
Property Damage Was at Least |500,000, or Path Was at Least 25 Miles Long)
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
29
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OOOO' o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o
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Table 4. Outstanding Tornadoes From Beginning of Record to 1964. (Where Loss of Life Was at Least
OR Property Damage Was at Least $500,000, or Path Was at Least 25 Miles Long) — Continued
30
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
O' VN sO o o
CO
ro ^ ^ Z —
ro
00 oc ro
UJ
H
<
Q
2 2 < 2 Z 2 2 2 <
irC o' " rX" sO OC 00 00 00 00 O' O ^
'^■^vc^U^vr^U^w-^vc^Cc^>r^lc^»J-^vc^l/^000^0'£)
r<ir^'^w^0t\000'0'— 'r<ir^'=^^i^Ot\oOOO
1965]
Burley and Waite-
Wisconsin Tornadoes
O -I
oi
Figure 6. Number of reported tornadoes in the United States by 1° ‘^squares”, 1916-61. Based on the first
point of contact with ground of 11,053 tornadoes.
32 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
counties have never been crossed by an outstanding tornado, as
defined above. Fortunately, the heavier populated and industrial¬
ized part of the state has largely escaped the longer paths of
whirling destruction. Figure 5 is in sharp contrast to Figure 3,
number of tornadoes by county, where, although the greatest fre¬
quency is in west central counties, there is a general geographic
distribution with gradual decreases outward from the maxima.
A waterspout is a tornado occurring over water. (Table 5) It
is not unusual for a tornado to change to a waterspout or vice
Table 5. Water Spouts, 1843-1964
versa. The funnel-shaped cloud dips to the water where upon the
water may appear to boil and turn white as it rises in the funnel.
Most authorities say that the funnel of a waterspout is composed
of condensed water and is not, as is popularly thought, a column
of water.
To make this report complete, a list of reported funnels is in¬
cluded. (Table 6) A funnel is defined as a whirling inverted cloud
cone, most frequently found under cumulo-nimbus clouds. When
the funnel touches the earth’s surface, it is called either a tornado
or waterspout. Most funnels never develop to the point of touching
the earth, this phenomenon is often confused with mammatus or
distant virga. Little or no record of funnels was kept until the late
1950’s. Many of the funnels listed were part of a weather system
that was generating tornadoes.
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
33
Table 6. Funnels 1916-1964
34 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Table 6. Funnels 1916-1964 — Continued
Refferences Cited
1. John C. Purvis, Meteorolog-ist in Charge, Weather Bureau Airport Station,
Columbia, S. C., ‘‘Personal Communication”, 1959.
2. Tornadoes and windstorms which blew down a path of trees were labeled
windfalls in the early 1800’s.
3. Increase A. Lapham, “Personal Papers”, Wisconsin Historical Society
Library.
4. J. P. Finley, “The Character of Six Hundred Tornadoes”, U. S. Signal
Office Professional Papers, No. 7, 1881. U. S. Signal Office, “Annual Re¬
ports of Chief Signal Officer.”
1965]
Burley and Waite — Wisconsin Tornadoes
35
5. U. S. Weather Bureau: Monthly Weather Review, June 1921-December
1949; Report of the Chief of the Weather Bureau, 1916-34; United States
Meteorological Yearbook, 1935-49; Wisconsin Climatological Data, 1891-
1964; National Summary Climatological Data, 1950-59; Severe Storms,
monthly bulletin, 1959-64,
6. Two of several descriptions in Increase A. Lapham’s letter to General A,
J. Myer, Chief Signal Officer, May 1872.
7. Quotation from Increase A. Lapham papers.
8. Since there are no times of tornado occurrences given by windfall records,
Lapham's “tornadoes^’ interpretation would have been more correctly
labeled “tornado paths”, which may or may not have occurred in the
same storm.
9. Professor Reid A. Bryson, Dept, of Meteorology, University of Wisconsin,
“Personal Communication”, 1965.
REGIONALISM IN THE THREE SOUTHS
Kimball King"'^
Every corner of America in the late nineteenth century boasted
its share of regional writers, but the local color movement in the
South was especially significant. The South had produced so few
novelists and poets before the Civil War that their appearance in
large numbers afterwards was observed with particular interest.
Southern writers recorded the passing of a way of life and the
resulting social upheaval. The rest of the nation watched with the
proverbial interest of the conqueror in the conquered. The most
popular literary descriptions of Southern life appearing after the
Civil War were nostalgic eulogies of a vanishing chivalric world.
Such oversimplified appraisals of Southern institutions gained pub¬
lic acceptance but failed to reflect the complexity of the South and
its literature.
The plantation literary tradition and its chief spokesman,
Thomas Nelson Page, tended to overshadow the contributions of
Southern writers who were concerned with the future of their re¬
gion and who protested that the real South lay undiscovered. By
investigating the myths of Southern life and the seldom recognized
attempts of a few Southerners, such as George W. Cable and Mary
Murfree, to refute these myths we learn a good deal about our na¬
tion as a whole and also about one of its more ‘'curious’’ regions.
It is interesting that a just survey of Southern literature reveals
themes which appear in the Midwestern stories of Hamlin Garland.
A closer look at the Southern literature of this period will illus¬
trate the common bonds between dissimilar localities.
Southern literature is not the product of one, but of three re¬
gions : the Tidewater and Atlantic coastal South, the mountaineers’
South, and the deep South. Before the first World War the literary
image of the South was dominated by accounts of life on the Tide¬
water plantations. More recently the Southern image has been
shaped by writers describing Mississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana.
A meaningful survey of Southern letters involves the consideration
of authors from all three regions.
Although the early settlers of the Southern Atlantic states prided
themselves on their cultural sophistication, they were strangely
unconcerned with reading or authorship. Page apologetically de¬
clared that the role of the planter class in shaping a democratic
*The author is a member of the Department of English at the University of
North Carolina.
37
38 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
government and an equitable system of law interfered with a
purely belletristic attitude toward letters. Less than five percent of
the white population of the South were slave-holders^ and only a
minute portion of these comprised the so-called planter class. Yet
it was the men with the greatest commitments to the plantation
system and to self-government who became the literary spokesmen
for their region. Nearly all significant ante-bellum literature there¬
fore has as its focus plantation life. Francis Pendleton Gaines, sur¬
veying this field of literature in 1925, notes the long tradition of
plantation literature beginning with John Pendleton Kennedy’s
Swallotv Barn in 1832. Swallow Barn is a series of sketches in the
tradition of Washington Irving’s Bracebridge Hall (1822). As such
it portrays the happier aspects of old-time society in the South.
The author’s concern is in illustrating regional types rather than
in developing believable personalities. Two decades after Swalloiv
Barn and Kennedy’s later novels, Horseshoe Robinson and Rob of
the Boivl, Philip Pendleton Cooke and his brother, John Esten
Cooke, added some glamorous chapters to the plantation legend.
Philip Cooke’s stories of Virginia life and John Cooke’s novels.
Leather Stocking and Silk (1852) and Virginia Comedians (1854),
exaggerated the virtues of the Southern landowner. Page accused
John Cooke of “writing through the rose-colored lenses of Sir Wal¬
ter Scott,”^ and George W. Bagby in 1859 declared his intention to
bring about “the unkind but complete destruction”^ of Cooke’s
reputation. Later Bagby turned romancer himself in “The Old Vir¬
ginia Gentleman” (1877) ; he and Page did more to encourage an¬
cestor worship and nostalgia for the Old South than any of their
literary predecessors. As an example, note Bagby’s description of
the plantation mistress which was the inspiration for Page’s hero¬
ines in Red Rock (1898) and In Ole Virginia (1887) :
The ways of the great world had ceased long’ ago to be her ways. She
lived in a little world of her own. She could not keep pace with the fast¬
changing fashions, which, in her pure mind, were not always for the
better. Her manner was not, in the usual sense, high-bred; for hers was
the highest breeding, and she had no manner. But her welcome as you
entered her door, and her greeting, m^eet her where you might, on the
endless round of her duties, in-doors or out, was as simple and genial as
sunshine, and as sweet as spring water
William Gilmore Simms was more involved in sponsoring a South¬
ern literary renaissance than in praising the aristocracy. With
James Wright Simmons he founded the Southern Literary Gazette
“H. R. Ploan, The South in Northern Eyes: 1831—1861, (Austin, Texas, 1958), p.
viii.
^Quoted by J. O. Beatty, John Esten Cooke, pp. 67—70.
^Spiller, Robert E., Willard Thorp, Thomas H. Johnson and Henry Seidel Canby,
eds.. Literary History of the United States, pp. 848—49.
^G. W. Bag-by, The Old Virginia Gentleman, (New York, 1911), p. 20.
1965]
King — Regionalism in the Three Souths
39
‘‘to encourage the efforts and to do justice to the claims of native
genius/'*"^ Simms' novels, such as Martin Faber (1832), Beau-
champe (1842) and Charlemont (1856), were based on historical
incident, as was his most widely read book. The Yemassee (1835),
which deals with an Indian uprising and is often compared to
James Fenimore Cooper's stories of the frontier. Simms believed
the future of Southern letters depended on a judicious use of local
materials to present themes of universal interest. In his preface to
The Wigwam and the Cabin (1856) he made some prophetic re¬
marks about the proper goals of regional authors :
To be national in literature one must needs be regional. No one mind
can fully or fairly illustrate the characteristics of any great country; and
he who shall depict one section faithfully has made his proper and suffi¬
cient contribution to the great work of national literature.**
Simms nevertheless recognized the need to justify Southern insti¬
tutions to a national reading public. He wrote to B. F. Perry that
he was supporting the Southern Quarterly Review so that “we may
have at least one organ among ourselves to which we may turn
when it becomes necessary to express Southern feelings and opin¬
ions."^ The Southern Quarterly Review supported the social and
economic ideals of the plantation system. So, too, did the Uncle
Remus stories of Joel Chandler Harris, the short stories of Armi-
stead Gordon and the poetry of Irwin Russell.
Page was unquestionably the most eloquent spokesman for the
plantation system. Although Page followed Kennedy, the Cookes,
Bagby, and Simms in a well-established literary tradition, Gaines
has noted that Page surpassed his predecessors in embellishing the
image of an ideal society :
[Page is] far more passionate in the maintenance of a hypothesis
of departed glory, paints in more glowing colors, is uniformly more ideal¬
istic, descends less frequently — if ever — from the legends of romantic
vision.®
From the works of Page it is possible to construct the image of an
aristocratic society which Americans in other regions accepted as
an accurate picture of the ante-bellum South. Beginning with
“Uncle Gabe's White Folks," a dialect poem Page wrote in 1876, the
Virginia author gained an eager audience throughout America.
His popularity resulted partly from the interest of Northeastern
and Midwestern readers in the recently defeated South. Page gave
detailed accounts of an heroic people and their unusual customs
and heritage. Edmund Wilson has observed that the nation was
•'E. W. Parks, William Gilmore Simms as Literary Critic, (Athens, Ga., 19G1),
p. 89.
HV. G. Simms, The Wigioam and the Cahin, (Chicago, 1856), pp. 4-5.
■^Quoted by Parks, pp. 101—102.
*P. P. Gaines, The Southern Plantation, (New York, 1925), p. 77.
40 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
anxious to suppress unhappy memories of the Civil War and that
Page’s idealized view of the South suited the public’s demand that
“the old issues be put to sleep. Page’s stories and novels were
written in the spirit of reconciliation. Although he extolled the
bravery of Confederate soldiers, he noted the original reluctance of
his heroes to become involved in war and praised their gracious
acceptance of defeat and their renewed allegiance to the Union
after the War. In an infrequently cynical moment Page accounted
for his literary success to Grace King:
Now I will tell you what to do; for I did it. Just rip the story open
and insert a love story. It is the easiest thing- to do in the world. Get a
pretty g-irl and name her Jeanne, that name always takes! Make her fall
in love with a Federal officer and your story will be printed at once! The
publishers are right; the public wants love stories. Nothing easier than
to write them.’®
Page’s allusion to “the publishers” is significant. Scribner’s and
other important national magazines welcomed the sentimental tales
of local color writers. Northern magazine editors encouraged their
Southern contributors to take part in creating a mythical kingdom
below the Mason-Dixon line. The unwitting contribution of aboli¬
tionists in the early nineteenth century to ante-bellum glory is
often forgotten. Mrs. Stowe, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phil¬
lips and Whittier in their vehement denunciations of Southern in¬
stitutions sketched the outlines of a mythical society which would
later inspire partisans of the Southern cause. The abolitionists gen¬
erally had a scanty first-hand knowledge of the South and over¬
emphasized the aristocratic basis of plantation life. The planta¬
tions they described were more lavish than great European estates
while the landlords were as rich and autonomous as English noble¬
men. Howard R. Floan has called attention to Phillips’ beliefs that
the slaveholders possessed a terrible but magnificent domain:
He conjured up a land of whipping posts and auction blocks, a feudal
society in which newspapermen, politicians, and clergymen were vassals.
The nobility controlled family, church, and government. The slave power
he described as a cable of three strands: the prejudice of race, the omni¬
potence of money, and the almost irresistible power of the aristocracy.
Nobility and aristocracy were evocative terms in the New England of his
day, and the most summary abstraction of them all was Phillips’ epithet,
“the South is the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.””
Page applied new value judgments to the abolitionists’ collec¬
tive portraits. He emphasized the medieval concepts of gentilesse,
the exalted position of women, and the chivalric behavior of the
'■•P^dmund Wilson, Patriotic Gore, (New York, 1962), p. 613.
^oQuoted by J. B, Hubbell, The South in American Literature: 1607-1900, (Dur¬
ham, N.C., 1954), p. 735.
'^^Floan, p. 13.
1965]
King — Regionalism in the Three Souths
41
landlords. The wealth and power of the Virginia planter is magni¬
fied in Page’s fictional representations, and his descriptions of the
Tidewater country possess more the aura of Augustan Rome than
of colonial America. In the creation of an ideal civilization Page
blended the history and folk-lore of Virginia with his boyhood
memories of plantation life. He believed in an ordered society,
roughly based on the principles of the Chain of Being but modified
by Christian charity and paternalism. The harmony of civilization
depends, he believed, upon a stratified society whose leaders are
guided by duty and honor. While Page’s view of society was anach¬
ronistic and his attitudes toward art derivative of English culture,
he recognized the value of tradition^- which so many chauvinistic
regional writers denied. One recalls Garland’s narrow-mindedness
in Crumbling Idols (1894) where he tends to dismiss the accom¬
plishments of the past, asserting that ‘To apply ancient dogmas of
criticism to our life and literature would be benumbing to the artist
and fatal to his art.”^^
Page’s noble characters are often romantic stereotypes, but we
must remember that the passing of a civilization is an epic subject.
Individuals too realistically defined would detract from the author’s
eulogy of the Old South. As Corra Harris observed. Page’s legend¬
ary figures are unlike “real men or women, but they are created in
the spiritual, mettlesome likeness of ten thousand who did live in
the South at that time.”^^ One explanation for the unqualified no¬
bility of Page’s heroes is that they are cast in the image of Robert
E. Lee. Lee was to Page the ideal Virginian. The shadow of the
Confederate leader, gigantic in the sunset of an era, became for
Page the measure of a gentleman. Lee’s attributes are reflected in
the author’s most important fictional spokesmen, such as Dr. Cary
in Red Rock. Dr. Cary loses his only son in the war he hoped to
avoid fighting; he is evicted from his plantation when he cannot
pay the property taxes. But he proudly resigns himself to life in his
former overseer’s cabin and attends to the sicknesses of his poverty-
stricken neighbors and ex-slaves. His last act of Christian charity
is a visit to an ailing carpetbagger whose cruelty has subjected the
Cary family to innumerable privations. The doctor’s subsequent
death demonstrates the aristocrat’s unremitting sense of duty.
Page indicates the two-sided aspects of paternalism in his works.
Negroes remain loyal to their masters after the Emancipation, and
the masters offer their protection and trust in return. In Page’s
story, “Meh Lady,” the mistress of the plantation on her deathbed
^^Note Page’s lifelong interest in classics and his book-length study of Dante
written just before his death.
^^Hamlin Garland, Grumbling Idols, (Chicago, 1894), p. 66.
‘^^Corra Harris, “The Waning Influence of Thomas Nelson Page,’’ Current Litera¬
ture, yiluUl (August, 1907), 171-172.
42 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
entrusts her daughter’s well-being and her material possessions to
her butler, Unc’ Billy. The author’s most famous tale, “Marse
Chan,” is a vivid illustration of the principle of noblesse oblige.
Colonel Channing is blinded when he runs into a burning barn to
save one of his slaves. Similarly young Marse Chan’s Negro man¬
servant, Sam, risks his own life to accompany the young soldier to
battle and to bring home the boy’s body when he is killed. “Marse
Chan” was Page’s first published story, and it epitomizes the spirit
of the author’s eighteen-volume Plantation Edition of novels, stor¬
ies, poems and essays. Sam tells a passer-by that life on the Chan-
nings’ plantation before the War “wuz de good old times, marster,
de bes’ Sam ever see,”^^ Sam recalls the lavish hospitality of the
plantation and the gallant behavior of the young aristocrats. He
glories in the recollection of Marse Chan’s bold courtship of Anne
Chamberlain; he notes with pride the boy’s knightly impetuosity,
his quick defense of Colonel Chamberlain’s honor. While Sam’s
narrative gives the story the ring of authenticity, the reader is
aware of the tenuous line between myth and reality. Gerald W.
Johnson referred to Page’s South as “the recrudescence of the Ar¬
thurian legend of loyalty, love and derring-do all compact — in
short, romance.”^ ^ The spirit of romance which suffuses the stories
of Page and his many imitators after the War satisfied the de¬
mands of a nation exhausted by realities. The plantation tradition
with its emphasis on an idealized feudal order became the most
widely accepted expression of Southern life.
The early French and Spanish settlers of Florida and Louisiana
and the Gulf Coast states fostered a way of life which differed con¬
siderably from the Atlantic coastal plantation society extolled by
Page and his literary predecessors. Early inhabitants of the Louisi¬
ana territory, for example, had no control over their government
which was run by France and which was autocratic rather than
democratic. Louisiana’s law was based on Roman rather than Eng¬
lish common law; the prevailing customs and institutions of the
state were continental in spirit. Creole landowners did not possess
the agricultural estates of the Virginia planters although they were
frequently more worldly and more adept at mercantile pursuits.
The first literary endeavors were written in French, and even
spoken English was shunned by the leaders of the community.
Charles Gayarre is notable as one of the earliest Creoles to write
proficiently in English. American literary history in the Mississippi
region begins therefore in 1830 when Gayarre published his “Essai
historique sur la Louisiane.” Gayarre’s Fernando de Lemos: Truth
N. Page, In Ole Virginia, (New York, 1908), p. 13.
“G. W. Johnson, “To Live and Die in Dixie,’’ Atlantic Monthly, CCVI (July,
1960), 31.
1965]
King — Regionalism in the Three Souths
43
and Fiction (1872) is the first novel of consequence to come from
the deep South. This region did not excite much literary interest
until after the Civil War when the Creoles were described in the
novels of George W. Cable, Kate Chopin and Grace King. Mrs.
Chopin and Miss King were primarily concerned with Creole cus¬
toms and Louisiana’s exotic settings. Cable emphasized the deca¬
dence of New Orleans’ upper class and the social destructiveness of
miscegenation. Clement Eaton believes that the literature of this
region is distinctive because it has “the flavor of a semi-tropical
civilization affected by Negro slavery and by the Latin tempera¬
ment.”^^ While Eaton does not define what he means by “Latin
temperament”, he suggests that the mixed French and Spanish
ancestry of the Creoles resulted in an aristocratic order quite dif¬
ferent from the feudal society of predominantly Anglo-Saxon
Virginia.
Grace King presents a favorable study of Creole society in Mon¬
sieur Motte (1888), Tales of Time and Place (1892) and Balcony
Stories (1893). She acknowledges the pride and vanity of the Cre¬
oles, but she credits them with warm-heartedness and wisdom. In
matters of race she plays down the cruel treatment of Negroes by
the Creoles and stresses the loyalty of docile, ignorant slaves to
their masters. A testimony to the social interest of her region, how¬
ever, is Miss King’s treatment of Louisiana’s quadroon caste, which
is separated from both the black and white communities by its
mixed blood. In “Madrilene: or. The Festival of the Dead,” she
tells of a servant girl rescued from the degradation of slavery by
the unexpected discovery that her parents are white.
Kate Chopin revealed the prideful nature of the Creoles as Miss
King had done. A Creole in “A Gentleman of Bayou Teche” (1894)
refuses to accept two badly needed dollars from a photographer in
search of “local color” characters for his magazine. The Creole
fears he might be mistaken in a photograph for an Acadian or a
poor white. Mrs. Chopin’s Creoles are childish, fun-loving people.
She avoids the less savory aspects of their life, such as race preju¬
dice and miscegenation.
Unlike Miss King and Mrs. Chopin, Cable does not minimize the
faults of the Creoles. When he speaks of them in the aggregate,
Cable condemns their basic attitudes toward society and questions
their morality and wisdom. Especially he deplores their inhumanity
to the Negroes. The kindly paternalistic masters of Page’s Hanover
County are replaced in Cable’s Louisiana by capricious masters
who flog their male slaves, seduce their female slaves and shoot any
slave who becomes troublesome. Cable’s concern for the Negro in¬
spired his best writing. Old Creole Days (1879), The Grandissimes
^Clement Eaton, A History of the Old South, (New York, 1949), p. 196.
44 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
(1880), and Madame Delphme (1881) mark Cable as an ardent
supporter of civil rights. He shows that society falls victim to hor¬
rible perversions when these rights are ignored. In The Grandis-
simes an old Negro woman is shot down in cold blood because she
has trespassed on a Creole plantation. When an African prince,
Bras-Coupe, disobeys his white master, his ears are cut off and he
dies. The vengeance of Bras-Coupe’s mulatto wife and the attempt
of a Creole, Honore Grandissime, to make retribution for his fam¬
ily’s cruelty provides a framework for the novel. Richard Chase
says that the Bras-Coupe episode ‘‘anticipates Faulkner”^® in in¬
tensity of atmosphere and exploration of guilt. The tragic conse¬
quences of miscegenation which are examined in The Grandissimes
also remind one of the guilty behavior of white supremacists. Cable
applied the scientific method to the race question, repeatedly deny¬
ing that racial superiority could be proved. He challenged the Cre¬
oles’ belief that racial “instinct” alienated Negroes and whites.
While the defenders of the old regime recalled the glories of the
Southern past. Cable urged the “New South” to keep abreast of
modern scientific and social developments. He realized that the
plantation system was doomed, not only by the emancipation of
the slaves but by the revolutionizing influences of technology. Un¬
like Cable many Southern authors after the Civil War refused to
consider the relationship of the races on a scientific basis. In¬
stead they appealed to a white reactionary audience which felt its
political, social, and economic power threatened by the abolition of
slavery. In most Reconstruction literature the re-establishment of
the Union was accepted with grace, but the welfare of the Negro
was still considered a regional problem. Cable, however, in all of
his novels and essays railed against Southern autonomy in handling
the race problem. In Lovers of Louisiana (1918) Rosalie Durel’s
Creole father expresses a common Southern attitude toward the
freedman’s position : “We call it a strictly Southern question, which
we will take care of if the rest of the country will only let us
alone.”Durel is refuted by a Scottish friend who answers wryly,
“But it isn’t and ye don’t.”^^ The Scot comprehends that Negro
rights are an American, not a Southern problem. He is also the
‘^michard Chase, “Cable and his Grandissimes,” Kenyon Review, XVIII (Summer,
1956), 374.
■Inclement Eaton in Freedom of Thought in the Old South (Durham, N.C., 1940),
p. 309, comments that very few Southerners were concerned over Darwin’s hypothesis
of evolution, largely because they were too involved in sectional controversies. Eaton
does mention, however, that before Darwin published On the Origin of the Species
(1859) Langdon Cheves of South Carolina advanced the theory of the origin of the
species by transmutation and the survival of the fittest. Cheves was refuted by
Agassiz’s pupil, Le Conte.
2«G. W. Cable, Lovers of Louisiana, (New York, 1918), p. 27.
1965]
King — Regionalism in the Three Souths
45
author’s spokesman in a haunting prophecy when he maintains
that the race question is not solved :
Tlsn’t dead, I say. It’s but lost its place in the line and has been sent
back to the wurrld’s tail end . . . and there’s a day ahead, whether far
or near God only knows, when that question — and they that are out o’
fashion wi’ it — will come round again, as big and ugly as hoop-skirts.^
Along with improving the status of the Negro, Cable envisioned
other social reforms for America. He advocated education for the
masses, a revision of the penal system, and worked to elevate the
nation’s cultural interests by establishing Home Culture Clubs.^^’
The heroes in Cable’s fiction enthusiastically embrace the doctrine
of progress and re-evaluate their traditions. Philip Castleton in
Lovers of Louisiana notes that ‘‘we who dearly love them [our
traditions] ought to have a well-shapen, rational policy for speed¬
ing them on, instead of a shapeless, emotional one for holding them
back.”“^ Cable’s ideas on human progress evolved slowly, thought¬
fully and reservedly. He was too aware of the frailties of human
nature to anticipate the millenium. His social goals were reason¬
able ones and his hopes for the future were always modified by his
regard for the more honorable traditions of the past.
Cable’s respect for the past, however, did not hinder his opposi¬
tion to a Creole minority’s domination of Louisiana. He battled the
forces which chose to leave the Acadians in poverty and ignorance
when he wrote Bonaventure (1888). Earlier in The Grandissimes
he had ridiculed the Creoles’ distrust of the Anglo-Saxons. Be¬
cause the maintenance of a privileged society depended on autono¬
mous statehood, the Creole characters in Cable’s fiction are fiercely
opposed to the Union and refer contemptuously to their neighbors
of the North, East, and West as “les Americains.” In The Grandis¬
simes Agricola Fusilier’s dying words, “Louisiana Forever,” epito¬
mize the old guard Creole’s rejection of federal government. Cable
was opposed to sectionalism in government or in literature. One
of his most eloquent pleas for national unity is contained in an
address to the University of Mississippi on the state of letters in
the South (1883) :
... We shall no more be Southerners than we shall be Northerners.
The accidents of latitude shall be nothing to us. We shall be the proud
disciples of every American alike who adds to the treasures of truth in
American literature and prouder still if his words reach the whole human
heart and his lines of light run through the varied languages of the world.
Let us hasten no longer to be a unique people. Let us search provincialism
p. 224.
^^See Philip Butcher, George W. Cable: the Northaoipton Years, (New York, 1959).
^■’Cable, Lovers of Louisiana, p. 264.
46 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
out of the land as the Hebrew housewife purged her dwelling of leaven
on the eve of the Passover
Cable’s belief that an author could work with regional materials
and yet avoid provincialism is similar to theories which Garland
expressed in Crumbling Idols. Garland urged that “local art must
be raised to its highest expression. Though Garland was sixteen
years younger than Cable, the two men were good friends and fre¬
quently exchanged ideas. Both writers were raised in penurious
circumstances and recorded the hardships of their youth in their
novels. They were initiated into authorship as local color writers
but soon established themselves as social realists. Their novels
were the work of reformers. Garland, impressed by Henry George’s
Progress and Poverty (1879), proposed specific economic platforms
to alleviate the hardships of the farmer’s life. Cable discussed
economic problems in Dr. Sevier (1885) ; in nearly all of his books
his primary concern was equality for all races.
The Southerner and Midwesterner agreed on the role of the
novelist as an artist who recorded life as factually as possible but
was motivated by strong moral convictions. On March 13, 1894,
Cable met with Garland and Hamilton Mabie to discuss the prob¬
lem of realism vs. romanticism. The debate was summarized the
next day on the New York Times editorial page. Garland made
some astute observations on French realism:
So-called French realists are rarely veritists. They deal too largely and
too often with the abnormal and the unwholesome. On the other hand
American veritism has the breath of the pine forest. It is psychological
rather than pathological.-’^
Garland separated realism from veritism as Cable did. Cable ana¬
lyzed society objectively and dispelled the romantic myths of ante¬
bellum Southern life. He refused to paint in the merely sordid or
obscurely decadent details of that period, but there are few social
or personal evils which are omitted from his canvas. Garland de¬
fended the reticence of Cable and other realists in not depicting the
salacious side of life :
It is as fully within the jurisdiction of realistic fictionists to write of
the wholesome as well as the impure or the erotic, to deal with the happy,
though commonplace, domestic lives, that are without great incidents,
as to deal with murder or forgery. Imagination may explore the light
as well as the dark,^
^^Quoted by Arlin Turner, “George W. Cable’s Revolt Against Literary Sectional¬
ism,’’ Tulane Studies in English, V (1955), 20-21.
^-’Garland, Grumbling Idols, p. 66.
^It is possible that Cable’s familiaiity with Darwin, which was an apparent in¬
fluence on his scientific thought though never acknowledged, began in his talks with
Garland and Haljimar Boyeson.
2^See the New York Times, March 14, 1894.
mbid.
1965]
King- — Regionalism in the Three Souths
47
Here, possibly for Cable’s benefit, Garland appeared to be distin¬
guishing between realism and grossness. Cable indicated that he
preferred realism in lieu of naturalism. What he objected to in
writing was a slavish devotion to detail at the expense of imagina¬
tion. He distrusted fiction which represented the minutiae of life
but lacked a moral purpose :
Facts are realistic but truth is higher, is beautiful, is romantic. It is
the business of fictionists not to testify to fact alone, but more to truth
. . . The eternal verities of the human heart are without restriction to
the petty facts of the everyday round,^
Cable was a true Southerner in his love of his region but he was
an objective social critic. His ability to group new trends of thought
and re-evaluate traditional prejudices enabled him to predict the
future of the South. He absorbed the current ideas of evolution,
heredity and environment and accepted the doctrine of progress.
Cable was twelve years older than Page, but his viewpoint was
nevertheless more contemporary than the conservative Virginian’s.
Cable was the first Southern writer to challenge the aristocratic
bias of the plantation tradition and to describe its institutions
realistically.^^
~^Ibid. Here it is interesting- to note the similarity between Cable’s literary theory,
as expressed here, and the ideals which Faulkner, as a contemporary Southern realist,
expressed in his Stockholm address: “He (the writer) must teach himself that the
basest of all things is to be afraid ; and, teaching himself that, forget it forever, leav¬
ing no room in his workshop for anything but the old verities and truths of the heart,
the old universal truths lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed — love and
honor and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice.”
®®Cable was the most prominent Southern liberal to earn a literary reputation
after the War, but several other Southern writers approached the problems of their
region realistically. Virginius Dabney in Liberalism in the South (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
1932) cites the following writers, along with Cable and Mary Murfree, as forward-
looking Southerners :
Sidney Lanier (1842-1881) liberalized Southern literature by promoting sound
scholarship and honest criticism and by experimenting with metrical patterns and
unusual imagery in his own poetry. He published his first novel. Tiger Lilies, in 1867
and his first collection of poetry. Poems, in 1877.
Joel Chandler Harris (1848-1908) recognized the appeal of the plantation tradi¬
tion, but in his Uncle Remus stories he introduced the Negro as the central character
of his fiction. He did not hesitate in his stories to discuss “the darker aspects of
slavery, such as the sufferings of fugitives, the tragedy of mixed blood, the separation
of families or the occasional cruelties of overseers.”
William Peterfield Trent (1862—1939) wrote a controversial biography of Simms
in 1892 in which he asserted that “secession was wrong in itself.” His book caused
a furor, but he was retained at Sewanee where he founded the enlightened Sewanee
Review (1892).
Henry Watterson (1840—1921) became editor of the Louisville Courier- Journal in
1868 and made it one of the most politically infiuential newspapers in the South. He
advocated free trade and conciliation between the North and South and opposed the
Ku Klux Klan, In The Compromises of Life (1906) he defended his bold political
opinions and also satirized America’s stiperficial “Four Hundred” society. In his
declining years he reversed many of his liberal opinions, however, and opposed woman
suffrage and the League of Nations.
Walter Hines Page (1855-1918) was decidedly more liberal in his political opinions
than his cousin, Thomas Nelson Page. He ridiculed his fellow North Carolinians for
their worship of the Confederate dead, their strict adherence to religious orthodoxy,
and their fear of the Negro. In his novel The Southerner he made harsh but con¬
structive criticisms of his native region.
48 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and, Letters [Vol. 54
While Page defended and Cable challenged Southern traditions,
both men focused on the white landowners and Negro slaves and
freedmen of their respective regions. The poor white families of the
South intrigued them less, although Page in “Little Darby’’ and
“Run to Seed” and Cable in Bonaventure described with some ac¬
curacy the existence of average citizens who lived apart from the
plantation system. Tales of the small farmer seemed tepid, perhaps,
to a reading public accustomed to chivalrous Virginians and
haughty Creoles. Yet there was a small, persistent number of writ¬
ers who attempted to depict the spirit of the plain people. Most
of them chose the frontier areas as settings for their stories.
Augustus B. Longstreet’s Georgia Scenes, which appeared in
1835 and 1840, describes the Georgia Crackers. Longstreet visited
the rural areas as a circuit judge and his earthy, humorous tales
were widely read in the South. There are occasional notes of con¬
descension in Longstreet’s treatment of crude back country charac¬
ters. He usually prefaced a racy dialogue with the comment, “I
should certainly omit such expressions as this could I do so with
historic fidelity . . Also in 1840 William Tappan Thompson
wrote Major Jones’s Courtship, a comic story composed of letters
describing episodes in rural Georgia. More than two decades passed
before another Southerner wrote a significant book about the poor
whites. George W. Harris’s Sut Loving ood Yarns appeared in 1867
and was a major contribution to American humor. Harris was
the first Tennessean to write of the Appalachian mountains. His
chief character, Sut Lovingood, is a rough mountaineer of the
Great Smoky region who speaks irreverently of the dances, fu¬
nerals, and camp-meetings he has attended. Lovingood’s dialect is
more comic than accurate, and his Rabelaisian humor and love of
the practical joke indicate that he is intended to burlesque moun¬
tain life rather than create an authentic atmosphere.
Mary Noailles Murfree, who wrote under the pseudonyms of
R. Emmet Dembry and Charles Egbert Craddock, became a more
important chronicler of the mountaineers than Harris. Miss Mur-
free’s stories and novels are conscientious studies of a people who,
according to Lucy Lockwood Hazard, “approximate the rank and
file of the pioneers more closely than do any other contemporary
Americans. Feuds, gambling and revivals provide the chief rec¬
reation for Miss Murfree’s pioneers and she records their super¬
stitions and customs with amused sympathy. The bleak lives of
her characters are contrasted ironically with the grandeur of the
Tennessee mountains. She acknowledges her fondness for setting
^^Quoted by John D. Wade, Augustus Baldivin Longstreet, (New York, 1924), p.
164.
L. Hazard, The Southern Frontier, (New York, 1927), p. 81.
1965]
King — Regionalism in the Three Souths
49
in an unpublished letter she wrote to L. M. Hosea in 1886. Hosea
had sent Miss Murfree some water-colors to remind her of the
mountains after she had returned to St. Louis to write. Miss Mur¬
free writes in this letter :
I have just received the charming water-color sketches of Tuckaleechee
Cove and Little River with the Great Smoky in the background, which
you kindly sent to me. They are so imbued with the spirit of the locality
that I have only to glance at them to feel I am again among the
mountains.®®
Miss Murfree’s first volume, In the Tennessee Mountains (1884),
is a collection of eight stories which had previously appeared in
the Atlantic, The book was an instant success and went through
fourteen editions. The individual stories in the volume are impres¬
sionistic sketches, as F. L. Pattee has observed :
Strictly speaking, her short stories are not short stories at all save in
the one element of their shortness. She records simple, everyday incidents
in their natural sequence and stops when the space alloted to her has been
filled. She moves leisurely from incident to incident in the monotonous
vacuity of mountain life, as a minutely written journal might move,®^
The first novel which Miss Murfree wrote was her most popular.
The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains (1885) tells the story
of Hiram Kelsey, a religious leader who loses his own faith. Kelsey
and the rakish Mink Lowrey of Miss Murfree’s In the Clouds
(1886) are mountain men without literary parallels in other areas
of the South. The women in Miss Murfree’s books resign them¬
selves stoically to hard work and boredom, and they remind us of
Garland's long-suffering farm wives in Wisconsin and the Dakotas.
Consider Garland’s description in A Son of the Middle Border of
his own mother’s duties :
. . , With the widening of the fields came the doubling of the harvest
hands and my mother continued to do most of the work herself — cooking,
sewing, washing, churning and nursing the sick from time to time . . .
Even on Sunday . . . she was required to furnish forth three meals, and
to help Frank and Jessie dress for lunch. She sang less and less, and
the songs we loved were seldom referred to.®®
Miss Murfree did not share Garland’s interest in economic re¬
form; she limited herself to sympathetic observations of a people
she respected. The quality of her work is uneven and the best of
it is dated now by excessive geographical description and senti¬
mentality. But her accomplishment is significant if we consider her
as a spokesman for a forgotten segment of society.
' 33Mary Murfree, Letter to L. M. Hosea written on March 1, 1886, in St. Louis.
Unpublished letter, permission of Southern Historical Collection, University of North
Carolina.
^P. L. Pattee, The Development of the American Short Story, p. 272.
^'Garland, A Son of the Middle Border, (New York, 1962), pp. 132-33.
50 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
The fiction of the deep South and the Appalachian Mountain
territory is as much a part of the whole South as the literary tra¬
dition of the Tidewater. But the myths of plantation life better
suited the public demand for romance after the Civil War. The
preference of readers from the South, North, Midwest and far
West for idealized rather than realistic studies of Southern life in¬
dicates a national reluctance to face the issues raised by the War
and bears testimony to the complicity of the whole nation in keep¬
ing alive a tottering legend.
SURFACE-DRIFT INSECTS AS TROUT FOOD IN THE BRULE RIVER
Robert L. Hunt^
Food obtained from the water surface can be important in the
diet of trout during certain months. Studies by Metzelaar (1929),
Needham (1930), Dimick and Mote (1934) and Benson (1953) in
the United States, Ricker (1930) and Idyll (1942) in Canada, and
McKeown (1934) and Butcher (1945) in Australia consider use
of this food resource by trout in streams, and those of Leonard
(1949) in Michigan, Allen (1938) in England, and Nilsson (1954)
in Sweden by trout in lakes. O'Donnell and Churchill (1954) ana¬
lyzed the stomach contents of 440 trout collected from several
stretches of the Brule River during 1944, They stated : "The trout
food consists of insects principally ; the proportion of aquatic forms
being very high during the spring and decreasing during the sum¬
mer. In late summer and early fall land insects are the predomin¬
ant food.’' None of these investigators related utilization of surface-
drift food to any measurements of its abundance. Hess and
Schwartz (1940) proposed the concept of "forage ratios” to com¬
pare the abundance of various foods of hsh in the environment and
in fish stomachs, but they did not use surface-drift food in these
comparisons.
My investigation concerned: (1) utilization of surface-drift food
by trout in one stretch of the Brule River during a 10-week period,
(2) daily changes in the composition of this food resource during
the period, and (3) consumption of this resource by trout in rela¬
tion to its daily abundance. The study was conducted in the "Spring
Lake” section of the Brule River (Section 3, T46N, RlOW) in
Douglas County, Wisconsin, the last of three such broad reaches
on the upper river. The depth of "Spring Lake” varies from a few
inches to several feet, and the substrate is composed of sand, muck,
and organic debris. Rooted aquatic vegetation is usually abundant
by July and becomes enmeshed with thick growths of filamentous
algae as summer progresses. The river banks are lined by a strip
of white cedar in association with white birch, speckled alder, and
aspen. Elevation of the river at this point is approximately 995
*This paper is based on a special report submitted in partial fulfillment of the
Degree of Master of Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1959. Work was con¬
ducted under the supervision of Professor A. D. Hasler. Financial support was pro¬
vided through the Stewart Fellowship in Fishery Biolog-y. The author is Project
Leader of the Lawrence Creek Trout Research Station, Westfield, Wisconsin.
51
52 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
feet, or 27 feet lower than the source. The river drops approxi¬
mately 440 feet over its 49-mile length. A thorough description of
the river and its watershed has been published in a series of papers
in the Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts
and Letters, Volumes 36 and 37.
Wild populations of brook trout (Salvelinus fontinalis) , brown
trout (Salmo trutta) and rainbow trout (Salmo gairdneri) are
present in Spring Lake but little is known about their abundance.
Methods and Materials
Using the drift-net described by Needham (1928) as a guide,
a net 15 feet x 3 feet was constructed from No. 2 bolting cloth. A
hole was made at its center and a standard No. 2 plankton-net was
attached to serve as a central collecting basket. During the period
of June 16-September 7, 1958, this net was used to make 33 one-
hour collections of organisms drifting on the surface of the river.
All collections were made at the same site. Stream width at this
point was 67 feet, average depth was 26 inches, and average sur¬
face velocity was approximately 1 foot per second. Each collection
consisted of three 20-minute samples. A sample was taken near
each bank and the third in midstream. It was necessary in prac¬
tice to reduce the net-length from 15 feet to 7 feet for more con¬
venient handling. The net was tended while staked in place and
periodically cleaned of debris to reduce disruption of normal
current-flow into the net. The contents of each 20-minute sample
was transferred to a temporary container and preserved in alcohol.
All collections were made between 10 a.m. and 12 noon.
Immediately following the surface-drift collection a sample of
trout was collected with fly-flshing gear. Fishing was limited to a
two-hour period. Trout stomachs were preserved in alcohol.
Species, length, and weight data were recorded for each specimen.
In the laboratory each hourly collection made with the drift-net
was poured into a white porcelain pan and organisms were sorted
from the debris. For convenience these organisms will hereafter
be collectively referred to as “insects’" since this Class accounted
for 99 percent of the total. Each collection of insects was portioned
into two categories :
1. subsurface insects that lived on the bottom of the stream
or in midwater
2. Surface-drift insects that consisted of :
a. mature forms that had emerged from the water after
completing their aquatic stages of development
b. mature and immature terrestrial insects
1965] Hunt — Surface-Drift Insects as Trout Food 53
Insects in the first category were discarded. Insects in the second
category were counted and assigned to subtotals a) and b) listed
above and classified to Order. Data for hourly collections were
compiled into weekly, monthly, and seasonal series.
Food in each trout stomach was also assigned to subsurface and
surface-drift categories. Numbers of insects in each category were
recorded and the volumes of each category were measured to the
nearest 0.1 ml. by water displacement. Insects in sub-surface frac¬
tions were not classified; those in the surface-food fraction were
classified to Order. Data for individual stomachs were grouped for
each species of trout and for all three species combined.
Findings and Discussion
When the numbers of surface-drift insects in hourly net catches
were paired with mean numbers of surface-drift insects per group
of stomachs obtained on corresponding days, a positive correlation
was indicated. Utilization of surface food appeared to be directly
related to its abundance. This relationship between numbers of
surface-drift insects in net catches and trout stomachs, illustrated
in Figure 1, is statistically highly significant (r = 0.47, F =
8.78**, d.f. = 30). Collectively the daily groups of stomachs rep¬
resented in Figure 1 are a composite 179 rainbow trout, 56 brown
trout, and 36 brook trout. Correlations between surface-drift in¬
sects in net collections and trout stomachs grouped by species are
statistically significant at the 95 percent level for brown trout (r
= 0.58) and at the 99 percent level for brook trout (r = 0.90)
and rainbow trout (r = 0.47).
Of the 293 stomachs retained for analysis, one was empty, 21
contained food that had been digested to an unrecognizable con¬
dition, and 271 contained identifiable items of food. Distribution
of this last group according to collection date and species is sum¬
marized in Table 1. The number of trout stomachs in daily group¬
ings varied from 3 to 16. Mean sample size was 7 in June, 7 in
July, 9 in August, and 10 in September.
Numbers of surface-drift insects netted per hour ranged from
30 to almost 6,000, Peak numbers were collected during the sec¬
ond and third weeks of August (Table 2) with reproducing and
dying Ephemeroptera (Trycorythodes spj accounting for 98 per¬
cent of all surface-drift insects netted during this two-week period.
Surface-feeding activity also reached peak intensity during this
period. Stomachs of trout collected were grossly distended. The
stomach of a 10-inch rainbow trout caught on August 9 contained
3,380 adult mayflies.
0009' - ^ - '0002
54
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
HoviMOis d3d aasiAinN
Figure 1. Relation between the mean number of surface-drift insects per group of stomachs and the number of
surface-drift insects captured per hour by catch-net. (Based on 271 stomachs — Brook, Brown, and Rainbow)
1965] Hunt — Surface-Drift Insects as Trout Food
55
Table 1. A Summary of the Catch Distribution by Month and Day of 271
Trout Used for Stomach Analysis
56 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54*
Approximately 86 percent of the food present in the total collec-*
tion of 271 stomachs consisted of surface-drift insects. Within*
weekly groupings of stomachs the numerical contribution of *
surface-drift insects ranged from 8 percent during the last week?
in June to 98 percent during the second week in August. The 10- »
week mean was 56 percent. On a volumetric basis surface-drift*
insects accounted for 76 percent of the food in all stomachs and*
29-98 percent of the volume in weekly collections. The 10-week;^
volumetric mean was 59 percent. In 6 of the 10 weeks both the,|
number and volume of surface-drift insects consumed exceeded#
consumption of subsurface food (Table 3).
Approximately 31 percent of the surface-drift insects in stomach
samples consisted of terrestrial insects. In the net catches terres- -
trial insects constituted an average of 26 percent of the weekly col- ;
Table 2. Number of Surface-Drift Insects Collected Per Hour With a f
Catch-Net and Their Origin According to Terrestrial
OR Aquatic Sources \
1965] Hunt — Surface-Drift Insects as Trout Food 57
Tabel 2, Numbers of Surface=Drift Insects Collected Per Hour With
A Catch-Net and Their Origin According to Terrestrial or
Aquatic Sources — Continued
lections of surface-drift insects but only 8 percent of the total of
14,490 surface-drift insects from all 33 hourly samples (Table 2).
Most of the insects floating- on the river were adult forms having
aquatic stages of development. Some were still in the final stages
of maturation, while others had returned to deposit eggs or had
died and fallen to the surface. Carried along by the current they
formed the bulk of the daily supply of surface food during the
sampling period. The numbers of aquatic and terrestial insects in
each hourly collection of surface-drift and their percentages of
each total sample are summarized in Table 2.
Table 3. Numerical and Volumetric Content of Subsurface Food and Surface-drift Food
58 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
1965] Hunt — Surface-Drift Insects as Trout Food 59
Epliemeroptera and Diptera ranked first and second in abun¬
dance in net collections and stomach samples, Ephemeroptera ac¬
counted for 52 percent of the number of surface-drift insects netted
per week and 65 percent of the number of surface-drift insects in
weekly groupings of trout stomachs, Diptera accounted for 22 per¬
cent of the weekly net catches and 11 percent of the weekly con¬
sumption of surface-drift insects. Nine orders of insects plus
Araneida (spiders) were represented in the surface-drift collec¬
tions (Tabled).
According to O'Donnell and Churchill (1954), two of the most
common fish in the Brule River other than salmonids are the white
sucker (Catostomus commersonnii) and the mottled sculpin (Coitus
hairdii). In 32 collections of fish obtained with electro-fishing gear
white suckers were approximately twice as numerous as trout,
Sculpins, plus minnows and darters, were five times as numerous
as trout. While some minnows and darters utilize surface-drift
food, suckers and sculpins do not (Starrett, 1950 and Dineen,
1951). It was not the intent of my investigation to determine the
degree of competition for food between trout and associated species
of fish in the Brule River. However, this investigation has shown
that surface-drift constituted an important food resource for trout
during the summer months, and that it was utilized in approximate
relation to its abundance. Therefore, if competition for subsurface
food does exist, the surface-feeding behavior of trout takes on
added importance. Surface-drift insects account for a major frac¬
tion of their total food consumption during the summer, and when
trout rise to feed at the surface they no longer have to compete
with the white sucker and mottled sculpin for food.
Table 4. Taxonomic Composition of Surface-Drift Insects in Weekly Net Collections and Stomach Samples
60
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
[Vol. 54
z
aL
UJ
Q
O
4-*
CD
1965] Hunt — Surface-Drift Insects as Trout Food
61
References Cited
Allen, K. R, 1938. Some observations on the biology of the trout (Salmo
trutta) in Windermere. J. Animal Ecol. 7 : 333-39.
Benson, N. G. 1953. Seasonal fluctuations in the feeding of brook trout in
the Pigeon River, Michigan. Trans. Amer. Fish Soc. 58:183-97.
Butcher, A. D. 1945. The food of indigenous and non-indigenous freshwater
fish in Victoria, with special reference to trout. Victoria Fisheries and
Game Dept., Fisheries Pamphlet No. 2., 48 pp.
Dimick, R. E. and D. C. Mote. 1934. A preliminary survey of the food of Ore¬
gon trout. Oregon Agric. Expt. Stat., Oregon State Agric. Coll., Stat.
Bull. 323:1-23,
Dineen, C. 1951. A comparative study of the food habits of Coitus bairdii and
associated species of salmonidae. The Midland Naturalist 46:640-45.
Hess, A. D. and A. Schwartz. 1940. The forage ratio and its use in deter¬
mining the food grade of streams. Trans. Fifth N. Amer. Wildlife Conf.
162-64.
Idyll, C. 1942. Food of rainbow, cut-throat and brown trout in the Cowichan
River system, B. C. J. Fish Res. Bd. Canada. No. 5:448-58.
Leonard, J. W. and F. A. Leonard. 1949. An analysis of the feeding habits
of rainbow trout and lake trout in Birch Lake, Cass County, Michigan.
Trans. Amer. Fish. Soc. 76:301-14.
McKeown, K. C. 1934. Notes on the food of trout and Macquarie perch in
Australia. Rec. Aus. Mus., 19(2) :141-52.
Metzelaar, j. 1929. The food of the trout in Michigan. Trans. Amer. Fish.
Soc. 59:146-52.
Needham, P. R. 1928. A net for the capture of stream drift organisms.
Ecology 9:339-42.
Needham, P. R. 1930. Studies on the seasonal food of brook trout. Trans.
Amer. Fish Soc. 60:73-88.
Nilsson, Nils-Arvid, 1954, Studies on the feeding habits of trout and char
in North Swedish lakes. Inst. Freshwater Res., Drottningholm. No.
36:154-66.
O’Donnell, D. J. and W. S. Churchill. 1954. Certain physical, chemical, and
biological aspects of the Brule River, Douglas County, Wisconsin. Trans.
Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts and Lett. 43:201-44.
Ricker, W. E. 1930. Feeding habits of speckled trout in Ontario waters. Trans.
Amer. Fish. Soc, 60:64-72.
Starrett, W. C. 1950. Food relationships of the minnows of the Des Moines
River, Iowa, Ecology 31(2) :216-33.
Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts and Lett, 1944 and 1945. Vol. 36 and 37.
THE CONTRIBUTION OF DIE FREIEN GEMEINDEN TO
SCIENCES, ARTS AND LETTERS IN WISCONSIN
Berenice Cooper"^
In the record of Wisconsin's contribution to sciences, arts and
letters, the part of a small group of nearly forgotten liberals de¬
serves recognition. No group of pioneers in the 1850 to 1880 period
of state history was more devoted to the encouragement of the
intellectual life than were die Freien Gemeinden, the Free Congre¬
gations, in the German-American settlements. In the midst of a
rugged physical struggle against the hardships of pioneer life, they
never lost sight of the need to nourish the mind as well as the
body ; their ideal was to promote a continuous search for more and
more knowledge and to use that knowledge for the general welfare.
These forgotten humanists of 1850-80 were devoted to the prin¬
ciple expressed later by the Regents of the University of Wiscon¬
sin in their 1894 report :
Whatever may be the limitations which trammel inquiry elsewhere, we
believe that the great State University of Wisconsin should ever en¬
courage that continual and fearless sifting and winnowing by which alone
the truth can be found. (II, 110.)
Die Freien Gemeinden were minority groups in the German-
American settlements which were established in Wisconsin from
1848 to 1880: the majority of the German immigrants were ortho¬
dox Lutherans or Catholics who did not approve of the Free Con¬
gregations. The history of these Free Congregations had begun in
Germany between 1840 and 1844, when groups within both Protes¬
tant and Catholic churches had declared their independence from
orthodoxy in church dogma and authoritarianism in church govern¬
ment. It was the victory of the conservative forces after the failure
of the German Revolution of 1848 which influenced many mem¬
bers of die Freien Gemeinden to join the immigration of Germans
to the United States.
During the next twenty-five or thirty years after the first mi¬
gration of 1848, societies of die Freien Gemeinden were found in
many German settlements from New York to San Francisco, and
subscription lists published in their monthly magazine. Blatter fur
*Miss Cooper is Professor Emeritus, Department of English, Wisconsin State
University-Superior.
63
64 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
freies religioses Leben, show individual members as far south as
Texas. The strongest gemeinden were those established in Philadel¬
phia, St. Louis, Sauk City, Milwaukee, and San Francisco, but
smaller ones existed for a time in communities in Ohio, Michigan,
Indiana, Illinois, and Minnesota. Wisconsin had 32 in 1852, accord¬
ing to Eduard Schroter, who traveled about the state giving lec¬
tures on the principles of the Free Congregations and organizing
the smaller groups. But by 1862, he was lamenting the decrease in
membership and the apathy within the groups (I, Dec., 1862, 91).
Today the only active groups in Wisconsin, and perhaps in the
United States, are Sauk City and Milwaukee.
Although the Free Congregations have been fading away in
Wisconsin and in the rest of the United States, they made a con¬
tribution to the intellectual life of the period in which they were
active forces in some of the German-American settlements. Their
contributions of a lively interest in nineteenth century science, in
encouragement of music, debate, and drama, in the study of philos¬
ophy, history, and literature deserve recognition.
It is the purpose of this paper to present evidence of the con¬
tribution of die Freien Gemeinden to the Wisconsin philosophy of
untrammeled inquiry in the search for truth and to the encourage¬
ment of the sciences, arts and letters in the 1850-1880 period in
the history of Wisconsin. The examples that follow come from the
constitutions of these societies, from their statements of belief, and
from the content of their monthly magazine. Blatter ffilr freies
religioses Leben, published from 1856 to 1876.
The constitutions of the two surviving Free Congregations of
Wisconsin contain many phrases affirming the intellectual freedom
of the individual, the importance of continuous search for truth
through the study of nature and history, the belief that knowledge
of truth grows from age to age, and the ideal that increasing
knowledge should be used to make the world a better place for
human beings.
Sauk City Free Congregation, in its constitution adopted in 1853,
expresses its belief in freedom of thought for the individual
member:^
There shall be no doctrine formally stated and authoritatively proclaimed
or laid down as by a church . . . The object of this organization is, there¬
fore, not the subjection of man to extraneous authority of one person or
one book for the purpose of rendering him blest, but on the contrary, the
intellectual and moral freedom of man, his independence and individuality
in thinking, deciding, and acting ... We have no doctrines or creeds es¬
tablished for all time, but instead fundamental principles and views of
Ufe which are subject to continual reclarification and examination. (IV)
'^In all quotations which follow the italics are mine and are intended to call atten¬
tion to the emphasis upon the right of free injuiry, the continuous search for truth,
and the tentative character of all statements of belief.
1965] Coope7‘ — Contribution of Die Freien Gemeinden
65
The Milwaukee Constitution emphasizes the importance of edu¬
cation and the use of science to make a better world:
Conscious of the limitations of the human mind and aware of our depen¬
dence upon forces known and unknown amid which our brief lives are
spent, we seek nevertheless through education and dissemination of the
truths of science to dispel ignorance and mysticism and destroy super¬
stitions _
to establish through observation and experience a system of philosophy
wide as the world and embracing- all men, which will attempt to ascertain
man’s relation to the universal forces about him and place him in harmony
with such forces mentally and physically.
Through knowledge of his common origin, his common end, and a reali¬
zation of his common needs and tasks, to which we subscribe, man will
eventually be able to make of this ecurth, which is his home, a place where
the good and true and beautiful will survive. (Ill)
In 1856, Friedrick Schiinemann-Pott, speaker of the Philadelphia
Gemeinde and editor of the Blatter . . ., wrote an article to answer
the question “What do the Freie Gemeinde of Philadelphia be¬
lieve?’’ After stating that they do not tie themselves to a creed, he
says :
We say that the Freie Gemeinde wishes the rule of reason or rests
upon the unconditional freedom of the human spirit revealing itself in
moral acts, or it aspires toward the universal development of human
beings in the way of knowledge and the moral life .....
But to answer the requests for a Freie Gemeinde creed, with the under¬
standing that no one is bound by it for all time and that it is a gradually
developing belief, I will set down the following:
We do not wish to form a new sect but to reconcile the unhappy con¬
flict of men about the forms of religion by promoting reasonable beliefs.
In this sense all religions of past and present appear to us as a part
of the spiritual development of mankind.
For us religion consists in the reasonable knowledge of the world and
its laws, especially the knowledge of the earth and of developing human
nature and the consistent application of this knowledge upon the form of
our own life and society’s, or in other words the essence of all truth,
justice, and love.
We do not inclose the content of our religion in any narrowing limiting
creed or hold any external customs, but consider the entire life itself in
its manifold evidences an expression of moral and reasonable world view.
We have no holy book, no holy places, holy times, holy customs, no holy
priesthood. Instead of a holy book, nature and history; instead of holy
places the entire and unified world, instead of holy times, the whole life
of humanity from the beginning to the end; instead of holy customs every
good and beautiful thing born of perception . . .; instead of privileged
priesthood there is with us the independence of all members with equal
rights, who choose by their own free judgment their speakers, teachers,
and all officers.
66 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
When the Freie Gemeinde of Plymouth, Wisconsin, reorganized
in 1870 after a period of inactivity, they summarized their philos¬
ophy of life in a statement which shows the influence of nineteenth
century science and rationalism :
We place reason above revelation; in place of faith, free search for
knowledge; in place of two world, one (of whose existence we are cer¬
tain) ; in place of miracle, natural law; in place of God’s providence,
man’s own providence; in place of predestination, fate; in place of man
torn between body and soul, the unified, harmonious man; in place of
trust in God, self-confidence; in place of humility, the consciousness of
human dignity; in place of abstinence, the moderate use of pleasure; in
place of desire for reward, the love of good for its own sake; in place of
heaven on the other side, heaven on this side (in the hearts, homes, the
societies, the states) among the people; in place of values on the other
side, values on this side; in place of inexplicable secrets (mysteries), un¬
solved problems; in place of the Bible, the book of nature and history;
in place of the pulpit, the speaker’s platform; in place of the preacher,
the speaker; in place of supernatural salvation of the soul, the natural
education of the spirit and heart; in place of prescribed ritual, free cus¬
toms; in place of the Christian school, the free Humanisitic school. We
strive for welfare, education, freedom for all without distinction in re¬
ligion, in race, in nation, in rank, in sex.
Our religion is free Humanism, for it has its origin in man, including
his development and continuing education through humanity, and consists
essentially in the perception of and reverence for humanity.
This is our present general rule and plumb-line. But there are no
irrevocable conclusions of faith. We can make for our thought and life in
the future better rules and plumb-lines as it may be possible to do. Each
age is its own law-giver.
The above statements show that in the nineteenth century con¬
flict between fundamentalist religion and science, die Freien
Gemeinden supported the new science. Further evidence of the Free
Congregations’ interest in science is contained in the list of the
topics for lectures given at the meetings of the Sauk County Free
Congregation and in the contents of the monthly magazine Blatter
filr religioses Leben.
Mrs. Clara Runge lists among the lecture topics the following:
“Bacteria, their Relation to Agriculture”; two lectures by the fa¬
mous University of Wisconsin scientist, Max Otto, “Darwinism,”
and “Mentality of the Higher Apes”; lectures on such scientists
as Kepler, Copernicus, Galileo, and Alexander Humboldt (IX, 20-
26).
The table of contents of the Blatter . . . includes many articles
on scientific topics: “New Discoveries About Sun and Sunlight,”
“On the Meaning of the Process of Decay in Nature,” “The Won¬
ders of Astronomy,” “Recent Research into the Formation of
Meteors,” “What Chemistry Can Do and Can Not Do,” “The Evolu¬
tion of Organic Forms and the Evolution of Man,” “Science and
1965] Cooper — Contribution of Die Freien Gemeinden
67
Darwinism/’ ‘‘Progress or Rotation in Human Evolution/’ “The
Laws of Evolution in Human History/’ “The History of the Earth,”
“The Ice Age.”
The emphasis upon the evolution of the universe and of man in
the lectures and the magazine articles is consistent with the state¬
ments of belief in the book of nature and history as the source of
authority and in the evolution of man’s knowledge about his en¬
vironment, which are asserted in the constitutions of Sauk County
and Milwaukee and the statement of principles by Plymouth.
In the Blatter . . . one finds also exerpts from new books on
science of that period: M. J. Schleiden’s Plants and Their Life;
Hudson Tuttle’s History of the Latvs of Creation; a chapter, “Peo¬
ple of the Amazon,” from Humboldt’s Journey in the Region of the
Equator; the chapter “Fossils,” from Bernard von Cotta’s Geology.
There are two articles by Alexander Humboldt on the study of
nature: “The Influence of Knowledge of Nature upon the Enjoy¬
ment of Nature,” and “The Importance of the Study of Nature for
the Culture and Life of the People.”
Scientific interest extended into the study of language; in the
issue of January 1870, the Blatter . . . carried an article on “A
Few Differences Between the Chinese Language and the European
Languages.”
Examples such as these are part of the evidence that the Free
Congregations in Wisconsin encouraged the spirit of continuous
search for more and more truth about the nature of the world and
man’s relation to it.
In the Blatter . . . and in their gemeinden activities die Freien
Gemeinden did not neglect arts and letters. They included articles
upon philosophy and literature, such as “Zur Erinnerung an
Lessing,” “Talents and Innate Ideas,” “Difference Between Tradi¬
tional and Scientific Ideas,” “Greeks and Barbarians,” “Pantheism
and Our World Philosophy,” “The Faust Legend.” Mrs. Runge’s
list of lectures at Sauk City includes “The Grimm Brothers,” “Em¬
erson the Idealist,” “Koerner the Poet,” “Tolstoi,” “Schiller’s Life
and Works,” “Goethe’s Faust,” “Voltaire,” “Anatole France” (IX,
20-26). Eduard Schroter in his reminiscences speaks of working
on lectures on Fichte for the meetings of his congregation (I, Aug.
1862, 21-24).
A typical gemeinde participated in singing societies: men’s,
women’s, and mixed choruses rehearsed regularly and gave con¬
certs. Milwaukee still continues its musical activities, as the an¬
nouncements in its monthly magazine. Voice of Freedom, show. In
1962 Milwaukee sent a chorus to the International Song Festival
in Germany.
68 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
In addition to musical organizations, dramatic performances and
evenings of declamation and debate encouraged the speech arts in
any gemeinde large enough to manage such a program. Although
Sauk City is now too small to keep up such activities, the scenery
still stored in the balcony of their hall testifies to their former in¬
terest in drama. Like the Turner societies, the Free Congregations
were eager to keep alive their heritage of German literature and
music, and considered the education of the next generation an im¬
portant responsibility. (VI, 59-71).
The interest of the members in the world of letters was stimu¬
lated by their libraries. Even so small a society as Bostwick Valley
established a little library (VI, 67). The reports of a gemeinde to
the National Association always included the number of books in
the library along with a list of musical and literary activities car¬
ried on (VI, 59-71). Milwaukee and Sauk City still hold typical
gemeinde libraries containing the works of great German writers,
histories of Germany and of the United States, volumes on the
science of the mid-ninteenth century, encyclopedias, dictionaries,
and, of course, many books and pamphlets on the principles of Free
Religion and Humanism.^
The membership of the Free Congregations was a group inter¬
ested in the life of the intellect. Some were professional people,
some were prosperous merchants, some were skilled artisans. They
were all people of independent minds. When they settled in Wis¬
consin, even those who took up land and had to become pioneer
farmers in order to make a living in their new home, continued
their interest in intellectual activities. Eduard Schroter tells of his
visit in the farm home of Herr Collip on ‘'a half-island on Silver
Lake, near Portage.” Collip had come to “this lonely island before
the Forty-eighters and in the roughness of the wilderness had made
his dwelling a little temple of culture. In his study he had the works
of Lessing, Hegel, and Schiller” (I, Nov. 1868, 71-72).
In Schroter^s own case, there was a powerful conflict between
the intellectual life and the need to keep up a little farm to supple¬
ment the salary of only $150 per year as speaker at Sauk City.
At one time he was preparing a lecture on Fichte for the regular
meeting of the congregation but was much aware of the fact that
the corn needed hoeing. The conflict between the two duties op¬
pressed his spirits, but after thinking it over, he decided that the
more important duty was to be well-prepared for his lecture. “I
remained with Fichte,” he tells us (I, Aug., 1862, 21-24).
^The Milwaukee Freie Gemeinde published a catalogue of its library in March,
1945. The writer of this paper has had opportunity to work in the library of the Free
Congregation at Sauk City, which is not catalogued, and to make a partial bibliogra¬
phy of the books on the history of die Freien Gemeinden in Germany and in the
United States.
1965] Cooper— Contribution of Die Freien Gemeinden
69
These two pictures of the scholar-farmer are typical of the
Freien Gemeinden members, who made a place in their busy pio¬
neer lives for intellectual growth and for enjoyment of literature
and music.
No one can make the claim the die Freien Gemeinden were a
major influence upon the history of Wisconsin's contribution to
sciences, arts and letters. But as a minority group who valued the
cultivation of the intellectual life and sought to free religion from
all that was inconsistent with developing knowledge in science and
history, these forgotten humanists deserve recognition. No one who
reads their records of beliefs and activities can deny that they
were a part of those who encouraged the untrammeled search for
truth and stimulated the study of sciences, arts and letters in the
state of Wisconsin,
References Cited
I. Blatter fiir freies religioses Leben (Philadelphia, 1856-70 and San
Francisco, 1871-76).
II. Carstenson, Vernon. “Wisconsin Regents: Academic Freedom and In¬
novation, 1900-1925,’’ Wisconsin Magazine of History, Winter 1964-
65, pp. 101-110.
III, Constitution of the Freie Gemeinde (Free Thought Society) of Milwau¬
kee, revised in German and English, April 1948.
IV, Constitution of the Free Congregation of Sauk County, Wisconsin, n.d.
V. Cooper, Berenice. “A Partial Bibliography of Material on Die Freien
Gemeinden in the Library of the Free Congregation at Sauk City,”
unpublished manuscript, 1963.
VI, Geschichtliche Mittheilungen ilber die Deutschen Freien Gemeinden von
Nord-Amerika (Philadelphia, 1877).
VII. Hempel, Max. Was Sind die Freien Gemeiden? (Milwaukee, 1902).
VIII, Mirbt, Carl, “Deutschkatholicismus,” Real-Encyklopddie fiir Theologie
und Kirche, Iv, 583-89,
IX. Runge, Clara. The Free Congregation of Sauk County: an Outline His¬
tory from 1852 to 1940, mimeographed pamphlet.
X. Schunemann-Pott, Friedrick. “Was wir sind und was wir wollen,”
Blatter ... 1:2 (August, 1856) 17-20.
PINE INTERNODES AS INDICATORS OF NON-DETERMINABLE
ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES
S. A. Wilde'^
The morphology of red pine, Pinus resinosa, white pine, P.
strohus, and several other American pines exhibits a unique feature
of annually produced single whorls of branches. The whorls sharply
delineate internodes or segments of the tree trunk which represent
the height increment of trees during one growing season.
The length of the interwhorls or internodes is determined by the
inherent growth capacity of trees and by conditions of the habitat.
In a reduced light and on soils deficient in water, air, or nutrients,
the internodes measure but a few inches; in a favorable environ¬
ment they may be longer than 4 feet.
In young plantations established on open lands, the light factor
plays a small part and the height growth usually reflects the
edaphic and biotic influences. A deficiency of nutrients in the de¬
pleted surface soil layers and consumption of water by weeds are
the most common conditions depressing the early growth of planted
trees. More than 7 internodes below the breast height reveal a pro¬
nounced depression of young red and white pines.
With advance of age, the growth relations of the plantation un¬
dergo profound changes. Closing of the canopy and extention of
roots aggravate the competition of trees for moisture and nutrients.
Simultaneously, however, the overshading reduces competition of
ground vegetation, and the growing roots encounter deeper soil
layers of varying productive potentials. In consequence of all these
changes, the growth of current internodes may be either retarded
or accelerated. In turn, the sequence of internodes presents a con¬
spicuous record of the chronological growth pattern of trees in¬
duced by environmental factors (Figure 1).
As our investigations have disclosed, the single readily determin¬
able value which expresses the influence of site and soil factors is
the ratio of the total height of trees of average diameter to the
length of five internodes above breast height, or so-called “five-year
intercept” (Wakeley and Marrero, 1958), Both components of this
'“'This paper was made possible in part through the cooperation and support of
the Wisconsin Conservation Department. The author is Professor of Soil Science at
the University of Wisconsin— Madison.
71
72 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figure 1. The chronological growth pattern of red pine marked by the length
of internodes and including a period of starvation of the tree on a nutrient-
deficient soil and an explosively accelerated height growth induced by an
application of fertilizer. Courtesy of Prof. S. 0. Heiberg, York State
University College of Forestry. (Photo by C. Wesley Brewster, Syracuse
10, N.Y.)
1965] Wilde — Pine Internodes as Indicators of Influences 73
quotient can be rapidly and accurately measured by means of a
hypsometer and an expandable 10-foot rod.
To facilitate calculations, the heights and intercepts are recorded
in inches on per year basis, i,e., average height of measured trees
over age (H) and the total length of the intercept over 5 (I), For
example, a 20-year-old stand with average height of 25 feet and
total length of the 5-year intercept of 100 inches has the H/I ratio
of (25 X 12 20) (100 5) or 0.75. A discussion of the in¬
fluence of weeds, composition of soil profiles, and ground water on
the growth of trees follows.
The Height-Intercept Quotients of Plantations
ON Different Sites
Plantations established on areas which are reasonably free from
weeds as a rule show a rapid height growth during the first ten
to fifteen years, that is, during the period which determines the
size of the 5-year intercept, A few years after closing of the canopy,
the height growth usually begins to decline because of the increased
competition of larger trees for water and nutrients. As a result,
forest plantations between 15 and 40 years exhibit a fractional H/I
quotient. In more than 75 per cent of surveyed red pine plantations
of Wisconsin, the H/I quotient varies from 0.5 to about 0.9. The
low H/I values are particularly common to plantations established
on non-podzolic sandy soils underlain by purely siliceous substrata
of fluvial deposits. This soil group is exemplified by members of
Boone and Sparta series (Hole and Lee, 1955). According to ob¬
servations in New York (Stone, 1963), a low H/I ratio is also
characteristic of red pine plantations on poorly drained soils; on
such sites a seemingly normal growth is followed by a drastic de¬
crease in height increment and even death of trees.
A reverse of this stem morphology is caused by competition of
weeds, which at times is especially severe on fine textured soils,
e.g., those of Miami, Casco, Dubuque, Kennan, and Ontonagon
series. On such sites, the early growth is retarded until the trees
suppress weeds by their canopy. In consequence, the H/I ratio ap¬
proaches or exceeds 1.0 at the plantation's age of 25 or 30 years.
A similar pattern of stand growth is common to plantations lo¬
cated on sandy soils with surface layers depleted in organic matter
and nutrients by severe fires or prolonged agricultural use, but
with fertile substrata enriched in alumino-silicate minerals. Par¬
ticularly striking examples of such soils are the Omega and Supe¬
rior soils, formed in blanket-like post-glacial deposits of aeolian
sand, covering granitic outwash or lacustrine clays.
The most conspicuous irregularity in the pattern of height
growth, expressed by the H/I ratio between 0.9 and 1,3, is found
74 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
on naturally subirrigated soils with ground water at depths of
from 4 to 9 feet (Wilde and Iyer, 1963). A contact of roots with
the capillary fringe of these soils is manifested by a rapid accelera¬
tion of the height increment.
The two extreme patterns of tree morphology induced by ecologi¬
cal conditions are outlined schematically in Figure 2.
Although the H/I ratio varies with the age of stands, its ampli¬
tude is delineated by conditions of the habitat. Plantations on soils
of quartzitic substrata show during their growth from 15 to 40
years a very narrow range of H/I values, descending from 0.8 to
0.6. Plantations of a similar age span on subirrigated soils also
exhibit a limited H/I range, ascending from 0.9 to 1.3. On the other
hand, weed-invaded soils and soils with depleted or strongly podzo-
lized surface layers may show a very wide amplitude of the H/I
quotient, ranging from 0.6 to more than 1.0. At the age between
40 and 50 years, the ratio attains an equilibrium and then begins
to decline. A cursory examination of the habitat usually leaves no
doubt as to the significance of the immediate H/I ratio.
Chronological Pattern of Stand Growth and
Concept of Site Quality
As indicated in Figure 2, under the influence of soil, two stands
can attain the same average height growth, let us say 40 feet at
30 years, by increments following diametrically opposed concave
and convex curves. One of the stands can grow 25 feet during the
first 15 years and 15 feet during the second 15 years of its life;
another stand can grow 15 feet during the first and 25 feet during
the second 15-years. In consequence, the stands of the same im¬
mediate site index may exhibit intercepts of 100 and 60 inches, and
corresponding H/I ratios of 0.8 and 1.3, revealing essentially dif¬
ferent chronological growth patterns. This information is of criti¬
cal importance in understanding soil-forest relationship and in con¬
structing yield tables ; it indicates the necessity of a rigid ecologi¬
cal stratification of mensuration data of the stands even though
they exhibit the same immediate height and site quality. A failure
to comply with this requirement unavoidably leads to distortion of
the polymorphism of natural growth curves, complication of sta¬
tistical analyses by erratic data, and gross inaccuracies in the
values of yield tables.
If Scotch pine and Norway spruce had as distinct internodes as
some American pines, the two hundred-year-old European silvi¬
culture might have made greater progress in the two closely re¬
lated fields of forest mensuration and ecology. Thus far it is only
the Finnish school of Cajander (1909) and Ilvessalo (1923) that
1965] Wilde — Pine Internodes as Indicators of Influences
75
ho
35
I
?
o
5
30
25
20
15
10
6
8
10
Figure 2. Growth patterns of red pine plantations imparted by soil conditions:
A. Progressively declining height growth resulting from inadequate supply
of water and nutrients in a soil with an infertile quartzitic substratum;
B. Explosively accelerated growth caused by a contact of roots with water-
and nutrient-bearing fine textured layer. Horizontal lines mark 5-year growth
periods. Both plantations exhibit at the age of 30 years an identical site index
of 58.
76 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
has placed mensuration on a natural ecological basis and thus liber¬
ated yield tables from empiricism and unwarranted generalities.
The Role of Internodes in the Appraisal of the Habitat
With availability of modern hypsometers, the determination of
the H/I ratio makes possible a quick silvicultural appraisal of
stands composed of internode-forming trees. The height-intercept
relationship broadens the understanding of the kinetic aspects of
forest growth and helps to visualize the intermittent growth-
retarding and growth-promoting effects of soil profile,
A forester of the old school might have said that the H/I ratio
helps one “to read the book of nature.'' In a large degree, his state¬
ment would be true because the chronological growth pattern of
trees does not reflect only the potential of the growing stock and
the effect of determinable properties of surface soil layers; it re¬
veals also the unmeasurable influences of fluctuating ground water,
nutrient bearing strata located beyond the depth of practicable ex¬
cavation, and the competition of ground vegetation. The effect of
these latter factors on the growth of trees is obvious and easily de¬
tectable, but it cannot be expressed in concrete figures with means
at our disposal. These factors form the axiomatic foundation un¬
derlying the study of forest entities, many aspects of which cannot
be cast into a regression equation and calculated, electronic com¬
puters notwithstanding. In part this is because “the world was cre¬
ated out of things which do not appear" (Barnett, 1952). A neglect
of the non-calculable functions of environment and of the entire
principle of mathematical uncertainty can only lead to a non-
scientiflc juggling of figures and a regression from reality.
Summary
The stem morphology of internode-forming pines presents a con¬
spicuous record of environmental conditions which influenced the
growth of trees during different periods of their life. The ratio of
the total height of trees (H) to the length of five internodes above
breast height (I) reflects the chronological growth pattern of trees
and provides a clue to the effects of competing vegetation, make-up
of the soil profile, and ground water.
Within the age range of 20 to 40 years, plantations established
on soils underlain by infertile substrata or a shallow water table
are characterized by low values of H/I quotient descending with
age from 0.8 to 0.6. Plantations of the same age span established
on weed-invaded soils, especially those of fine texture, soils with
depleted surface layers, but underlain by substrata enriched in
1965] Wilde— -Pine Internodes as Indicators of Influences
77
aluminum-silicate minerals, and soils with ground water at depths
from 4 to 9 feet exhibit high values of the quotient, ascending with
age from 0,9 to 1.3.
The paper emphasizes the importance of the chronological pat¬
tern of growth and the polymorphism of natural growth curves,
indicated by the H/I quotient. In turn, rigid ecological stratification
of mensuration results is suggested as a means of reducing com¬
plications of statistical analyses by erratic data and eliminating
gross errors in appraisal of young plantations on the basis of their
immediate site index.
References
Barnett, L. 1952. The Universe and Dr, Einstein. New American Library,
New York.
Cajander, a. K. 1909. Uber Waldtypen. Acta for. fennica, 1. Helsinki.
Hole, F. D., and G, B. Lee, 1955. Introduction to soils of Wisconsin, Bull. 79.
Wis. Geol. and Nat. Hist. Survey, Madison, Wis.
Ilvessalo, Y. 1923. Ein Beitrag zur Frage der Korrelation zwischen den
Eigenschaften des Bodens und dem Zuwachs des Waldbestandes, Acta for.
fennica, 25. Helsinki.
Stone, E. L. 1963. Personal communication.
Wakeley, P. C., and J. Marrero. 1958. Five-year intercept as site index in
southern pine plantations. Jour. For. 56:332-336.
Wilde, S. A., and J. G. Iyer. 1963. Effect of Natural Subirrigation on the
Uptake of Nutrients by Forest Plantations. Acta for. fennica, 76:3-9.
Helsinki.
THE USE OF HISTORY IN BISHOP HURD’S LITERARY CRITICISM
Stephen J. Curry-'^
A curious, persistent notion still circulates about literary criti¬
cism in the mid-eighteenth century. This is the period, we remem¬
ber, that brought to public attention the diversified personalities
of Richard Hurd, Joseph and Thomas Warton, Samuel Johnson,
and Joshua Reynolds. It is a period in which the mainstream of
bookish thought seems for a while to alter its course, changing as
it were into little whirlpools that gather force as 1798 draws near.
The basic problem as so often happens is a difllculty in terms. We
run into the labels “preromantic” and “neoclassical,” and depend¬
ing on our own predilictions, we too often fail to observe the simple
truth that the word is not the thing. In this paper I shall attempt
to show that the really significant critical work of these middle
years is not involved in a battle of words; the problem is more
subtle. The Augustan critics are still making their presence felt;
but the new critics at this time, almost as a justification for the
brilliant work of the past, merely serve to broaden and deepen un¬
derstanding of all English works that would appear to be drowned
were it not for the fact of their gigantic intuitive appeal. Richard
Hurd shows this deepening of critical appreciation, and we turn
to him as a representative figure not because he is the best, but be¬
cause he is often the least understood. Hurd does not espouse any
kind of preromanticism. If we take the English manipulation of
“neoclassical” (and the term is dangerous only if we use it as con¬
demnatory) , we cannot, except by great stretches of the imagina¬
tion, call this man a forerunner of the early nineteenth century.
Our first task, then, is to avoid the idea that the middle part of
the eighteenth century is not in itself valuable. What posterity
does with its ideas is one thing ; what the critics of the time attempt
to do for themselves is quite another. To treat Hurd, the Wartons,
and Bishop Percy only as direct contributors to the following cen¬
tury is ridiculous; the period does, after all, have value in itself.
Critics and scholars need to review and to interpret what went on
at that time. To be sure, the notion of “preromanticism,” if we
look at it in one way, has its own validity: Joseph Warton liked na¬
ture; so did Coleridge. But if we are to simplify the character of
literary movements, then we must ultimately relinquish their in-
*The author is Assistant Professor of Bng-lish, Alfred University.
79
80 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
dividual meaning and importance. No one will argue that Johnson
suffers the same kind of dejection as Coleridge. And even disre¬
garding the notable difference of character in these two authors,
we can separate out elements in their thinking that are specifically
appropriate to the main areas of thought in their time. But the aim
of this article is not to prolong a dispute that is unanswerable by
means of simple terminology. Rather, we are concerned here with
the shape of thinking about various literary ages. This often
maligned and frequently neglected middle period of the eighteenth
century has a shape of its own, and we can see it clearly in the
speculations of Bishop Hurd.
❖ Hi Hs
More than any other work from the mid-eighteenth century,
Hurd's Letters on Chivalry and Romance (1762) has been hailed
as a harbinger of Romantic criticism. Because it has so often been
classified as “preromantic,” it has never been analyzed at length
except to show its real or supposed affinities with nineteenth-
century thought.^ What has been consistently neglected is the im¬
portance that the work may claim in its own right as sound criti¬
cism today. Upon a close reading of this work and others
by Hurd, the reader immediately meets an odd fact: Hurd’s
edition of Horace, published before the Letters, and his edition of
Addison, published after the Letters, are read as perfectly con¬
servative by critics from Saintsbury to the present, whereas the
Letters has been considered by a great majority to be in advance
of its age, if not actually prophetic. And, to be sure, Hurd's work
on Spenser differs widely from that of critics from Dryden through
Thomas Warton. The difference does not lie in appreciating Spen¬
ser's “sublimity,” “fancy,” and ability to tell stories, or in explain¬
ing the nature of the plot in the Faerie Queene. Dryden had already :
explained that the plot was based upon a way of life which still
existed in the court of Elizabeth ; Prior had praised Spenser's plot,
imagery, and even his diction and versification. Hughes, taking the '
lead from Dryden, remarks that the plot of the Faerie Queene has
a solid basis but, being unfinished, is confused; and Upton praises
the fact that Spenser treats unreality consistently — that is, he fol- ^
lows Aristotle's “probable impossible.” As far as showing that the :
Romances of Spenser (in addition to those by Chaucer, Tasso, and i
Ariosto) are based on reality, Warburton expands a hint given by ,
Dryden and Hughes into an eight-page explanation of Cervantes' -
'^The following- works are some of the main studies of Hurd as a precursor of ;
Romanticism: Aisso Bosker, Literary Criticism in the Age of Johnson (Groningen, ;
1953) ; Audley L. Smith, “Richard Hurd’s Letters on Chivalry and Romance,” ELH, ,
VI (1939), 58-81; Edwine Montague, “Bishop Hurd’s Association with Thomas War- ■
ton,’’ Stanford Studies in Language and Literature, ed. Hardin Craig, 1941, pp, 233-
1965] Curry — Use of History in Bishop HurcVs Criticism
81
satire in Don Quixote. Even fuller accounts of the historical back¬
ground of the Romances were to be found in two works, the first
definitely, the second possibly, a source for Hurd’s Letters: Sainte-
Palaye’s “Memoirs sur I’Ancienne Chevalerie” and Chapelain’s
“Sur la Lecture des Vieux Romans,”^
This kind of source-hunting often goes on indefinitely; other
writers whom Hurd used for ideas in the Letters and Hobbes,
Locke, Addison, and the three classical critics that Hurd, like his
contemporaries, used constantly, Horace, Aristotle, and Longinus.
Saintsbury (more than his followers) realizes that the Letters is
derivative ; he makes a point highly relevant to our study : “Scraps
and orts of Hurd’s doctrine may of course be found earlier — in
Dryden, in Fontenelle, in Addison, even in Pope ; but, though some¬
body else may know an original for the whole or the bulk of it, I,
at least, do not.”^ Even though the “originality” Saintsbury finds
has been proven derivative by later critics, it is perfectly true that
something in the Letters makes the reader feel that there is some¬
thing new being said. The main reason for this feeling is the sense
of excitement running throughout this treatment of Spenser and the
Italians ; the critical reaction to Hurd’s tone is that no one can talk
so emphatically about the literature of “imagination” without being
at least partly “Romantic.” And, after all, in the history of taste
such an emphasis upon Spenser, though rare in any age, is espe¬
cially noteworthy in the eighteenth century, when Spenser was
generally praised and criticized in a few lines or paragraphs. Pre¬
vious to Hurd, extended discussions on Spenser are present only
in his editors (Hughes and Upton) and Thomas Warton.
Yet the extreme nature of Hurd’s praise ought to be balanced
against a passage given as epigraph to the edition of Addison con¬
taining Hurd’s notes, a passage which saddened Saintsbury:^
I set out, many years ago, with a warm admiration of this admirable
writer [Addison]. I then took a surfeit of his natural, easy manner; and
^John Dryden, “A Discourse concerning- the Original and Progress of Satire,”
Essays, ed. W. P. Ker (Oxford, 1900), II, 28. Matthew Prior, Literary Works, ed.
H. Bunker Wright and Menroe K. Spears (Oxford, 1952), I, 231-232, 307-308. John
Hughes, ed.. The Works of Mr. Edmund Spenser (London, 1715), I, xxvi-xxvii. Rele¬
vant material from Upton’s edition is reprinted in William R. Mueller, ed., Spenser’s
Critics (Syracuse, 1959), p. 42. Warburton’s work on Cervantes is reprinted in his
edition of Shakespeare, (London, 1847), vol. II (unnumbered pages after Love's
Labours Lost). Sainte-Palaye’s work may be found in Memoires de L’ Academic des
Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, XX (Paris, 1753), 595-847; Hurd refers to this study
three times as a source for his information: Works (London, 1811), III, 190, 191;
IV, 261. References to Hurd’s writings, unless otherwise noted, will be given in the
text and will refer to this edition. Because the Letters on Chivalry and Romance is
available in so many editions, I shall cite only the Letter involved. Chapelain’s essay
(first printed in 1728) is given in Scott Elledge and Donald Schier, The Continental
Model (Minneapolis, 1960), pp. 31—54. On the possible influence of Chapelain, see
Victor M. Hamm, “A Seventeenth-Century French Source for Hurd’s Letters on
Chivalry and Romance,” PMLA, LII (1937), 820-828.
^George Saintsbury, A History of Criticism (Edinburgh, 1949), p. 78.
^Saintsbury, p. 72. The edition of Addison was published in 1811.
82 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
was taken, like my betters, with the raptures and high flights of Shake¬
speare. My maturer judgment, or lenient age (call it which you will), has
now led me back to the favoi-ite of my youth. And, here, I think, I shall
stick: for such useful sense, in so charming words, I find not elsewhere.
His taste is so pure, and his Virgilian prose (as Dr. Young styles it) so
exquisite, that I have but now found out, at the close of a critical life,
the full value of his writings.
This passage gives us a clue to one of Hurd’s main traits as a critic :
he has not given up Shakespeare; he is merely giving Addison as
much praise as possible, for he speaks highly of Shakespeare in the
edition of Addison itself/'^ The truth is that Hurd gives high praise
to any great writer who succeeds completely in any type of writing ;
in the same way Horace is praised in Hurd’s edition of the Ars
Poetica and Cowley in Hurd’s edition of his selected works. Others
so praised in Hurd’s criticism include Chaucer, Pope, Dryden,
Tasso, Ariosto, Richardson, and many classical writers. One mod¬
ern critic finds such catholicity of praise to be eclectic,® but Hurd
would not have agreed, for he had a sound theory on which to base
his admiration for many types of literature. In Letter X of the
Letters we find a passage given so diffidently that we are apt to
pass over it without realizing that it is central to all of his criti¬
cism; we refer to the description of three main types of poetry:
those appealing to the judgment, to the heart, and to the imagina¬
tion. Thus Addison, Cowley, and Spenser (or Shakespeare) are all
great because each achieved near perfection in following the rules ;
of a particular type of poetry. Such a view based upon empirical
psychology may be “eclectic,” but it is not necessarily disorganized,
unphilosophical, or romantic.
That the Letters is typical of neoclassicism has also been shown
clearly by critics who have emphasized Hurd’s use of a priori rea¬
soning, of determining rules through psychology, and of applying
these rules according to genre."^ However, such criticism, though it ■
aids to balance the view of Hurd as a romantic, does not show why
people differ in interpreting his criticism of Spenser and the Italian
poets. It is obvious that Hurd has modified the neoclassical system ^
of his predecessors in such a way as to make the nature of his cri¬
tical system unclear to modern readers. Hurd’s underlying assump-
•■’See Hurd’s note to line 67 of “An Account of the Greatest English Poets’’ in the i
edition of Addison. '
®Ilen6 Wellek, A History of Modern Criticism, I (New Haven, 1955), p. 130 :i
Hurd “could not escape an unreconsiled dualism between head and heart.’’ We might'
note that Hurd would not want to escape ; his theory of the three types of poetry '
reflects the best philosophical and psychological thought of his time, especially the.
work of Hobbes and Locke.
“^The neoclassical foundations of Hurd’s criticism are outlined by Hoyt Trowbridge,
“Bishop Hurd: A Reinterpretation,” PMLA, LVIII (1943), 450-465. An excellent
though general commentary on Hurd’s type of criticism is included in R. S. Crane,
“On Writing the History of English Classicism, 1650-1800,” University of Toronto
Quarterly , mxil (1953), 376-391.
1965] Curry — Use of History in Bishop HurcVs Criticism 83
tions have been clearly shown by modern critics, but his unique
contribution to the history of critical methods has not. This contri¬
bution we may call the recognition of history and its influence on
art; he is the first to give a convincing demonstration of how neo¬
classical rules need modification if the critic is to accept the in¬
fluence that environment had upon writers of the past. And Hurd
presents his case for accepting this modification by basing his cri¬
ticism upon recent literary, theological, historical, and philosophi¬
cal developments.
Hurd gives the rationale for his use of the historical method
in the opening epistle of the Letters : ‘‘Nothing in human nature
. . . is without its reasons. The modes and fashions of different
times may appear, at first sight, fantastic and unaccountable. But
they, who look nearly into them, discover some latent cause of
their production.’’ Hurd then shows that the oddities in Spenser
and the Italian poets are results of their historical environment
and are not artistic flaws. He maintains that once the surface dis¬
similarity is removed, a reader may ascertain the rules of their
works and judge these poets in their proper standing in relation
to classical and modern writers of imaginative poetry. We are
now able to see that Hurd is not making a defense of individuality
or of the uniqueness of the poet’s vision ; rather he is arguing the
classical belief that human nature is universal, even though local
manners vary. Certainly no preromanticism exists in this view,
which is the most typically eighteenth-century attitude in Hurd.
Art is universal, but the reader must use two ways to understand
the artist’s aim: “Sometimes a close attention to the workings of
the human mind is sufficient . . . : sometimes more than that, the
diligent observation of what passes without us, is necessary” (Let¬
ter I). The second method, historical, is needed for Spenser and
others similar to him, and is important because “the greatest gen¬
iuses” of modern poetry — Ariosto, Tasso, Chaucer, Spenser, Milton,
Shakespeare — have been “seduced by these barbarities.” To show
why these great poets used material from “Gothic” romance, the
critic must explain the “rise, progress, and genius of Gothic chiv¬
alry” (Letter I). It is possible, in other words, for an artist to
write poetry in accord with the necessary rules for intellectual,
emotional, or epic works while following modes, techniques, or
subject matter different from that emphasized by earlier French
and English critics. Such latitude does represent a change in the
literary climate, a transitional element that in the next century
permits far greater license than the eighteenth century ever
dreamed of. But at the same time, nothing in his theory can pos¬
sibly be distorted into a case for preromanticism. Hurd is still
highly derivative; his rules are relatively strict, though his taste
84 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
may be more catholic. It is this change in taste, the emphasis upon
a set of poets different from those stressed in the times of Dryden
and Pope, that shows a movement towards the nineteenth century.
The theory and rules of this criticism by Hurd is totally
neoclassical.
The most derivative part of the Letters (II-V) deals with a his¬
torical account of chivalry and a proof that chivalric manners are
more '"sublime” (by which Hurd seems to mean a combination of
the pictorial and the terrifying or strange) than classical ones. The
critical idea informing these epistles may be conveniently summed
up by one comment : “ J erusalem was to the European, what Troy
had been to the Grecian heroes” (Letter V). This is Hurd’s first
defense of the medieval and Renaissance Romance: the material
imitated in these works is as valid as that in the works of Homer
and Virgil. But not all works dealing with this legitimate material
are praiseworthy as art; they merely contain the raw material
which must be transformed by a great artist. The qualitv of "sub¬
limity” (or greatness, a meaning Hurd frequently gives this word)
is not automatically in the subject matter but is rather a rhetori¬
cal quality gained by the skill of the poet joined to appropriate ma¬
terial. Thus nothing in the medieval Romances is worthy of praise
as art; Hurd uses Milton as an authority who praises Chaucer and
Spenser, "not the writers of Amadis and Sir Launcelot of the
Lake” (Letter VII). The writings of Chaucer and Spenser "may
incline us to think with more respect than is commonly done, of
the Gothic manners; I mean, as adapted to the uses of the greater
[i.e. epic] poetry” (Letter VH), This last comment is important;
for Hurd, as for neoclassic critics in general, art is always a pro¬
cess of changing or ordering actuality. In his witty attack on
Hobbes (the Letter to Davenant), Hurd shows this belief that
greatness in art lies not only in subject matter but also in the
ability or genius of the artist :
I readily agree to the lively observation, ‘That impenetrable armour, in-
chanted castles, invulnerable bodies, iron men, flying horses, and other
such things, are easily feigned by them that dare.’ But, with the observ¬
er’s leave, not so feigned as we find them in the Italian poets, unless the
writer have another quality, besides that of courage (Letter X).
Hurd’s main attempt to deal with this other "quality” begins
with Letter VIII, the most important section dealing with the
Faerie Queene and its unifying elements; here the notion of the
Classical-Gothic parallel is carried into literary criticism of a very
high order. Hurd finds two types of unity possible in an epic poem :
the classical or Aristotelian unity of action and the Gothic unity
based upon a "design” of multiple actions. This section of the Let¬
ters has received high praise from a recent Spenser critic, John
1965] Curry — Use of History in Bishop Hurd's Criticism
85
Arthos, who considers his own book to be a continuation of Hurd's
work : “Bishop Hurd’s discussion of the unity of the Faerie Queene
is one of the most fruitful that has been offered.” The critic points
out that Hurd, by saying that unity of design brings the whole
“under one view,” “avoids treating design as a form of unity with
an existence of its own.” To illustrate Hurd’s view, Arthos dis¬
cusses comments by other neoclassical critics on this type of unity,
showing that it is “derived . . . from the peculiar interests of the
poet, his temperament and his way of imagining or dreaming
. . . . Except for a certain sophistication of philosophy ... all of
these ideas appear to have been part of the great debates in Italy
in the sixteenth century” and were all considered by Tasso him¬
self.^ This comment is of great interest in a study of Spenser and
the romantic epic, but its applicability to Hurd is at best doubtful.
Actually there are enough English precedents for this use of the
word design: Hughes uses the word but does not apparently think
of the Faerie Queene as being unified. The use of the word that
is closest to Hurd’s is that of William Warburton in his discussion
of the unity of the Aeneid: he finds a lack of unity in the action,
but a unity of design in political allegory. Warburton does not
give a “picture” of the design, however, as does Cinthio, who claims
that the epics of Tasso and Ariosto have a unity shaped like a
human figure. Hurd’s picture of the structure of Spenser’s poem
is more like a wheel than Cinthio’s figure, but the two ideas are
otherwise similar :
This Gothic method of design in poetry may be, in some sort, illustrated
by what is called the Gothic method of design in gardening. A wood or
grove cut out into many separate avenues or glades was among the most
favorite of the works of art, which our fathers attempted in this species
of cultivation. These walks were distinct from each other, had, each, their
several distination, and terminated on their own proper objects. Yet the
whole was brought together and considered under one view, by the rela¬
tion which these various openings had, not to each other, but to their com¬
mon and concurrent center. You and I are, perhaps, agreed that this sort
of gardening is not of so true a taste as that which Kent and Nature
have brought us acquainted with; where the supreme art of the designer
consists in disposing his ground and objects into an entire landskip;
and grouping them, if I may use the term, in so easy a manner, that the
careless observer, though he be taken with the symmetry of the whole,
discovers no art in the combination (Letter VIII).
The picture of the Faerie Queene is of a wheel: the spokes are
the adventures of the twelve knights; the hub is the feast of the
®John Arthos, On the Poetry of Spenser and the Form of Romances (London,
1956), pp. 189-192.
'^"Hug-hes, I. lii— liii.
^William Warburton, The Divine Legation of Moses Demonstrated (London, 1755),
I, 251 (on types of unity other than that of action), 276 (on “design” as opposed to
unity of action).
86 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Queen, Arthos is wrong, however, in claiming that Hurd's notion
of Gothic unity is based on a sense of the individual nature of an
artist’s vision, Hurd’s notion is far simpler and more concrete : the
unity of the poem ‘'consists in the relation of its several advem
tures to one common original, the appointment of the Fairy Queen;
and to one common end, the completion of the Fairy Queen’s in¬
junctions” (Letter VIII), The unity of the poem lies solely in the
fact that its twelve stories were meant to begin and end together;
Hurd seems to have taken into account Spenser’s interest in the
unity of the whole, not Spenser’s talent in individualized stories
and peculiar method of story-telling. The traditional nature of
Hurd’s critical system here is shown by another aspect of his
gardening metaphor: Kent’s method “may be the truest taste in
gardening, because the simplest.” in other words, Homer’s classi¬
cal unity of action is the truest although the Gothic unity of design
has an inferior beauty which can at times be highly successful
This judgment that classical and simple unity supercedes the
Gothic and complex is highly revealing. For one thing, it shows
Hurd remaining true to his neoclassical standards. But, more im¬
portantly, it shows his method, an approach characteristic of many
critics who follow him. The historical method is used to arrive at
a point where one can put the traditional rules into practice. Un¬
like Lord Karnes, who uses the new empiricism to arrive at rules
for art, or Dr. Johnson, who uses his awareness of “nature,” Hurd
(like Thomas Warton and Bishop Percy) uses his knowledge of
history to arrive at rules and value judgments, and he uses it in
his theological writings in addition to his critical ones. As a mat¬
ter of fact, it is possible that the traditional form of Anglican ser¬
mons has influenced this entire historical movement in the eigh¬
teenth century; three of the most important historical critics were
bishops: Hurd, Percy, and Warburton. An example of this theo¬
logical method is seen in one of Hurd’s sermons when Hurd is dis¬
cussing the text for the day: “If there be any difficulty in these
words, it will be removed by considering the manners of that time,
in which Jesus lived, and the ideas of those persons, to Avliom he
addressed himself” (VI, 1). To develop this passage, Hurd has to
discuss the primarily agricultural nature of life at that time; the
monetary distresses that resulted from such a system, and the
nature of the various textual references that were obscure to his
listeners ; like a good preacher of any age, Hurd makes the passage
specifically applicable to his listeners : “We, of this nation, have
'^^Hurd g-oes on to criticize Spenser for weakening’ his “Gothic” unity by using
three other devices : the adaptation of Ariosto’s method of interwoven stories ; the
use of Prince Arthur in an attempt to gain classical unity of action ; the didactic use
of allegory. The result is “a perplexity and confusion, which is the proper, and only
considerable defect of this extraordinary poem” (Letter VIII).
1965] Curry — Use of History in Bishop Hurd's Criticism 87
not been so happy as to want examples of such distresses'’ (VI,
,16) . He then explains the character of a particularly horrible type
of Antinomianism which caused trouble about the time of the Res¬
toration and the nature of the “Popery” and “Atheism” which
reigned after the former menace had been dispelled.
This sermon is an example in little of the same method Hurd
uses in the Letters and in many other works of criticism, especially
his editions of Horace and Cowley, the Preface of his Dialogues,
and many passages in his theoretical essays and letters to friends.
The shape of Hurd’s thought may perhaps best be described with
an equation: as post-Restoration heresy is to disorders in Bibli¬
cal times, so supposed defects in Spenser’s poetry are to supposed
beauties in Homer’s. We might put this another way and say that
merely because a passage in the Bible is obscure, we are not to
decide that the Bible does not follow the rules of writing; the fault
lies in our imperfect knowledge. The relevance to literary criticism
is clear and shows Hurd’s method of thought: Spenser, Tasso,
medieval Romances, and Chaucer all seem strange to eighteenth-
century readers, but it is the latter who are in error owing to their
lack of historical information. Hurd has used his knowledge of his¬
torical theology well in his writing of historical criticism.
So far we have seen Hurd using history to show that Spenser and
the Italian poets based their fictions, even many of their supposed
miracles (see the first half of Letter X) , upon actual happenings of
their age. But his argument changes in the middle of Letter X to
a discussion of the poems as art rather than as reflections of his¬
tory: “this is not the sort of defence I mean chiefly to insist on.
Let others explain away these wonders, so offensive to certain
philosophical critics [he is thinking especially of Hobbes, whom
he mentions twice in this letter] . They are welcome to me in their
own proper form, and with all the extravagance commonly imputed
to them.” After quoting Addison on “the Fairy way of writing,”
Hurd sums up his argument about the poetic use of the superna¬
tural; this passage is generally given as one of the most “roman¬
tic” in the Letters:
So little account does this wicked poetry make of philosophical or histori¬
cal truth: all she allows us to look for, is poetical truth: a very
slender thing indeed, and which the poet’s eye, when rolling in a fine
frenzy, can but just lay hold of. To speak in the philosophic language of
edition of Horace (London, 1749) uses the method to show that the Ars
Poetica was intended as a work of drama; the Preface to the edition of Cowley (1772,
1777) explains Cowley’s false wit in terms of its age. The essays on imitation show
the historical learning- requisite to distinguish imitations of nature from imitations
of other writers. One of his letters shows his knowledge of the historical method in his
denial of the authenticity of Ossian : the letter is addressed to Warburton (December
25, 1761) in William Warburton, Letters from a Late Eminent Prelate to One of his
Friends (New York, 1809), pp. 247-248.
88 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54 !
Mr. HOBBES, it is something much beyond the actual hounds, and only
within the conceived possibility of nature (Letter X).
To understand this quotation, we ought to give another in the same
Letter; this following passage is generally ignored by those who
emphasize Hurd’s “Romanticism” :
We must distinguish between the popular belief, and that of the
reader. The fictions of poetry do, in some degree at least, require the
first (they would, otherwise, deservedly pass for dreams indeed) : but
when the poet has this advantage on his side, and his fancies have, or ,
may be supposed to have, a countenance from the current superstitions
of the age in which he writes, he dispenses with the last, and gives his
reader leave to be as sceptical and as incredulous, as he pleases (Let¬
ter X).^"
This limitation upon the poet’s ability to “create” is central to
Hurd’s criticism and shows his agreement with the majority of
French and Italian critics of the epic. The first quotation above, in
addition, shows a revealing use of the comment by Hobbes. First
of all, Hurd characteristically adds much to intensify the idea; if
the poet is to go “beyond the actual bounds,” then he should go
as far as possible; Hurd never advocates half measures. Secondly,
he misuses Hobbes’s comment, which originally meant that the
poet ought to use idealized creations, a principle closer to Rey¬
nolds’s “general nature” than to the Gothic use of supernatural
beings. Hurd shows by the order of argument in Letter X that he
knows what Hobbes’s comment means; here he enjoys turning the
great philosopher’s words against himself.
Hurd continues his argument about the supernatural when he
claims that the epic poet is not restricted to “the known and ex¬
perienced course of affairs in the world” but “has a world of his
own, where experience has less to do than consistent imagination”
(Letter X). “Experience” for Hurd is always treated as material
to be changed by the poet; as Hurd says in an essay written in i
the same year as the Letters, poetry “assembles, combines, or cor¬
rects its ideas, at pleasure; in short, prefers not only the agree¬
able, and the graceful, but, as occasion calls upon her, the vast,
the incredible. I had almost said, the impossible, to the obvious
truth and nature of things” (H, 9). Such poetry must be “consis¬
tent,” must be tied well together with suitable images which are
^^This quotation can raise an interesting- question in view of Hurd’s ironic refer¬
ence to fiction which “would . . . pass for dreams indeed.’’ We can ask what he would
have thought of Coleridge’s poetry of the supernatural. A poem like Kubla Khan
would be beyond his ken because Hurd assumes that only the known world is ever
a fit subject for art. This limitation upon the use of the supernatural is discussed in
H. T. Swedenberg, Jr., The Theory of the Epic in England, 1650-1800, in University
of California Publications in English, XV (Berkeley, 1944), 110, 139n. ; also see Trow¬
bridge, p. 460.
1965] Curry — Use of History in Bishop Hurd's Criticism 89
not contradictory.^^ This kind of criticism may well appear revolu¬
tionary if compared to the Preface by Pope to the 1717 edition of
his works, but the comparison would be false, for Hurd is not here
discussing pastorals and imitations but the epic. The similarity of
idea in Pope and Hurd is much closer when we recall Pope^s Pre¬
face and notes to the Iliad, especially the stress in the Preface upon
Homer’s matchless “invention.” Neither critic, however, has in
mind anything like Coleridge’s notion of the imagination; the two
eighteenth-century critics think of “invention” as a new mirroring
of actuality (if we can consider superstitions and exaggerations as
being “actual”), not as a uniquely personal response to, or creation
of reality.
Possibly the finest touch in the Letters is Hurd’s casuaP® intro¬
duction of the three types of poetry; this passage in Letter X,
seemingly unconnected to the rest of the Letters, is actually the
rationale behind the entire defense of Spenser and the Italians. He
divides all poetry into the poetry of “men and manners,” the
poetry that addresses itself to the heart “through the passions,”
and the poetry of the imagination. The first two are restricted to
the believable (the first must be true historically, the second true
of human nature) , but the third is not because the imagination per¬
mits “fanciful exhibitions.” Just as imitations of historical and
social fact and representations of emotion have their own rules, so
the imagination, which does not represent things directly to the
eyes (as the drama does), has rules based upon what the reader
is able to feign to himself. This leads Hurd to his belief that im¬
aginative art must be based upon beliefs or superstitions of the
poet’s age. He is thus able to conclude his argument in a suitably
traditional manner by claiming that no epic can succeed without
“admiration” ; this quality “cannot be affected but by the marvel¬
lous of celestial intervention, I mean, the agency of superior beings
really existing, or by the illusion of the fancy taken to be so.” As
proof of his assertion he gives the failure of two epics which at¬
tempt to reach greatness without using the supernatural: Vol-
“®What Hurd means by “consistent imag-ination” is clarified by a remark by
Upton in his Preface to Spenser : “’tis required that the fable should be probable. A
story will have probability, if it hangs well together, and is consistent : And provided
the tales are speciously told, the probability of them will not be destroyed, though they
are tales of wizards or witches, monstrous men and monstrous women ; for who, but
downright miscreants, question wonderful tales” : Mueller, p. 42.
“One difficulty we find in analyzing the Letters is the lack of systematic thought
displayed throughout ; Hurd is writing differently from what is usual in a critic who
is generally over-systematized. But Hurd, always respectful of genre, is writing in
the “Epistolary mode of writing,” which has three rules : there must be “an unity in
the subject” ; there must also he “a connexion in the method” ; it is imperative “that
such connexion be easy” (I, 24). This passage is from the edition of Horace; the
Preface contains elaborate rules for the epistle, all of which are relevant for Hurd’s
style and organization in the Letters, including his casual organization, familiar style,
and ironic or mocking comments. Hurd, in other words, looked upon this defense of
imaginative poetry as more than literary criticism ; it was to be a work of art itself.
90 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
taire's Henriade and Davenant's GondibertW This breakdown of
all poetry into types which correspond to the empirical division of
the human faculties (judgment, imagination, and passion) is the
most admirable theoretical doctrine in the Letters; by a consistent
application of his theory of the three types of poetry Hurd is able
to clarify many neoclassic confusions over the relation of judg¬
ment and fancy.
Finally, this defense of imaginative poetry shows what might
be considered Hurd’s most classical attribute as a critic — his in¬
sistence that each work of art achieve its proper effect and no
other. This attitude permeates Hurd’s criticism (we have seen it
operate in the discussion of conflicting unities in the Faerie
Queene), but it is stated most bluntly, even obsessively, in his
essay ‘'On the Provinces of the Drama”: “though mixed dramas
[tragedies using persons of low estate, comedy with those of high
estate] may give us pleasure, yet the pleasure, in either kind, will
be LESS in proportion to the mixture. And the end of each will
be then attained MOST PERFECTLY when its character, accord¬
ing to the ancient practice, is observed” (II, 84). Such a desire
for purity, for simplicity of one type of means leading to one end,
besides being part of Hurd’s personality, is an essential part of
the classical view of art. Even though English art has rarely at¬
tempted this kind of unity, it is a high ideal as the dramas of the
Greeks and Racine testify, and it is the only ideal that Hurd, at
least in theory, ever accepted despite his love of Shakespear, Spen¬
ser, and Chaucer : Hurd always claims that the great poets of Eng¬
lish literature would have been even greater if they had strictly
observed unity.
We are now able to make one generalization that seems to cover
Hurd’s position on literary criticism: that is, the rules are rules
only when they take into account all the relevant literature that
has been found to be elTective. This is a doctrine very important to
the future development of practical criticism because it opens a
critic’s eyes to what is actually in a work of art before the critic
decides what should be there. Thomas Warton does not subscribe
to this kind of latitude; he finds pleasure in Spenser, but he also
believes that the Faerie Queene is corrupt because it does not ad¬
here strictly to the form found in classical writers^® Hurd would
say that if the reader is satisfied, the rules have been followed to
”The notion that a successful epic must contain the “marvellous” was common
in the period ; Pope attacked Voltaire’s epic for this reason : see Austin Warren.
Alexander Pope as Critic and Humanist (Princeton, 1929), p. 219.
“®Warton’s inability to make his taste and rules consistent is discussed fully by
Raymond D. Havens, “Thomas Warton and the Eighteenth-Century Dilemma,” SP,
XXV (1928), 36-50, We should note, however, that Havens’s thesis does not apply to
the entire period ; as we have seen, Hurd refuses to admit a conflict between theory
and effect.
1965] Curry — Use of History in Bishop Hurd’s Criticism 91
the extent of the poet's success with the reader ; it is impossible to
please in spite of the rules because Hurd claims that only rules
followed correctly create pleasure. Suppose a reader were to lind
some literary work to which the so-called rules do not apply ; Hurd
would find that such a judgment means the rules in question either
are not rules or are not interpreted well by the critic. Directly
owing to this flexible attitude toward the rules, Hurd is able to
make his main contribution to the development of literary criti¬
cism : his successful use of the historical method in the form which
is basically the same as that which is used today. It is not his actual
rules that are in any way original, for these are typical of neo-
classicism in England; most critics of Hurd’s century would find
nothing odd in his notions of genre ; of the ordering of a story ; of
the purpose of imagery, description, and versification. These rules
are all deduced and all apply to all poetry. Hurd’s importance lies
in his realization that the specific application of these rules always
depends upon the work being discussed. In this manner Hurd finds
that much art of the past, which had previously been poorly ana¬
lyzed by critics, follows the essence of neoclassical rules. His criti¬
cism is not romantic because his view of art is the same as that
found in Dryden, Pope, and the other English Augustans. Hurd’s
difference lies in his full discovery of how to use history as an im¬
portant adjunct to criticism.
THE INSECT PARASITES OF THE EUROPEAN PINE SHOOT MOTH,
RHYACIONIA BUOLIANA (SCHIFFERMULLER)
(LEPIDOPTERA:TORTRICIDAE) IN WISCONSIN WITH
KEYS TO THE ADULTS AND MATURE LARVAL REMAINS
Torolf R, Torgersen and Harry C. CoppeP
The European pine shoot moth, Rhyacionia huoliana (Schiffer-
muller), was introduced accidentally into North America. It was
first discovered damaging pines at Great Neck, New York in 1913,
but it was not definitely identified until 1914 (Busck, .1914). Trans¬
portation of infested nursery stock resulted in the rapid spread of
the shoot moth, and by 1951 it was present throughout the North¬
east, southward to Virginia, and westward to Wisconsin and Illi¬
nois. The shoot moth was first reported in the Pacific Northwest¬
ern United States in Washington in 1959 (U.S.D.A., Pacific N.W.,
1960). By 1961, infested ornamental pines had been discovered in
several cities in Washington and Oregon, and in northern Cali¬
fornia (U.S.D.A., Pacific N.W., 1962; U.S.D.A., Pacific S.W.,
1962).
The preferred hosts of the shoot moth are the hard pines. In
North America the most commonly attacked ispecies are Pinus
resinosa Ait., P. sylvestris L., and P. mugho Turra. Although the
shoot moth does not usually kill trees, larval feeding in buds and
elongating shoots inhibits their growth and deforms them so that
they are unsuitable for future harvest.
R. huoliana has been present in Wisconsin since 1951. In 1953,
four counties reported infestations, and by 1959, pine plantations
in 27 southern and eastern counties had infestations (Wis. Con-
serv. Dept., 1953, 1959; Benjamin et al, 1959). In .1960, a project
was undertaken to investigate the bionomics of the shoot moth in
Wisconsin, and to determine the structure of its parasite and pred¬
ator complex. The information was compiled from field collections
and laboratory studies of material collected during the summers
of 1961-1963 from five forest plantations in the Point Beach State
Forest, Two Rivers, Wisconsin.
^Approved for publication by the Director of the Wisconsin Agricultural Experi¬
ment Station. This project was supported in part by the University of Wisconsin
Research Committee of the Graduate School with funds supplied by the Wisconsin
Alumni Research Foundation and in part by the Wisconsin Conservation Department.
The authors are Research Assistant and Associate Professor, respectively, Depart¬
ment of Entomology, University of Wisconsin-Madison.
93
94 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
This paper deals with the known parasites of R. huoliana in
Wisconsin. Keys for the separation of the parasites based on the
remains left in the bud after the parasite has emerged; and for
the separation of the parasite adults are given. Descriptions of the
final-instar cephalic structures, and spiracles of Hymenoptera,
puparia and buccopharyngeal armature of Diptera, and notes on
the biology of the parasites are also included.
Methods
The material upon which the keys are based consisted of adult
parasites, and host and parasite remains from buds that could be
positively associated with the parasites emerging from them. The
adults were identified by the staff of the Insect Identification and
Parasite Introduction Branch of the U. S. Department of Agricul¬
ture at Beltsville, Maryland.
Material used in the preparation of the key to parasite remains
included host larval and pupal remains; empty egg chorions (in a
few instances), cast larval and pupal skins, and cocoons of the
hymenopterous parasites; and puparia with the included bucco¬
pharyngeal armature of the dipterous parasite. Cast larval skins
of the hymenopterous parasites were removed from the buds,
softened in 10 percent potassium hydroxide for 30 minutes to sev¬
eral hours, and washed in distilled water. Skins could be dyed
lightly by first running them up to 70 percent alcohol, and then
immersing them in a solution of iodine crystals dissolved in 70
percent alcohol ; the skins were then mounted on microscope slides
in non-resinous mounting medium (Turtox CMC-10) or in Hoyer’s
medium.
Illustrations of parasite remains were made with the aid of a
projecting prism for gross characters and outlines, and an Ernst
Leitz binocular compound microscope fitted with an ocular grid for
fine details. The terminology used for the parts of the cephalic
structures and spiracles of the final-instar larvae of Hymenoptera,
and, in part, the buccopharyngeal armature of the Diptera is the
same as that compiled from various authors by Finlayson (1960).
Zuska (1963) was referred to for the terminology used in describ¬
ing the puparium of the Diptera.
Drawings of the parts of adult parasites were made from pinned
specimens with the aid of a Bausch & Lomb binocular dissecting
microscope fitted with an ocular grid. Illustrations of wing vena¬
tion were made with the aid of a prism projector, from wings
mounted on microscope slides in non-resinous mounting medium.
1965] Toi'gersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites 95
Parasites Obtained
The following parasites, including two species of Diptera and
18 of Hymenoptera have been reared from R. huoliana in
Wisconsin:
Diptera
Chloropidae: Oscinella conicola (Greene).
Tachinidae: Erynnia tortricis (Coq.)
Hymenptera
Braconidae: Apanteles sp., Bracon n. sp., Bracon gelechiae
Ashmead.
Ichneumonidae : Exeristes comstockii (Cresson), Scambus te-
cumseh Viereck, Scambus sp., Itoplectis conquisitor (Say), /.
? evetriae Viereck, Coccygomimus annulipes (Brulle)., Gam-
brus sp,, Porizonini, Atrometus sp.
Eulophidae: Elachertus pini Gahan, Hyssopus thymus Girault.
Eupelmidae: Eupelmus cyaniceps Ashmead, Macroneura vesicu-
laris (Retzius).
Pteromalidae : Habrocytus thyridopterigis Howard.
Eurytomidae : Eurytoma pini Bugbee.
Two keys have been prepared for the separation of the above
species. The first is designed to aid in separating the parasites on
the basis of the host and parasite remains left in the bud after the
parasite has emerged. Twelve species of parasites, one dipteron and
eleven hymenopterons, are included in the key to parasite remains.
The remaining seven species have not been included because in¬
sufficient material was available. The second key is for the identi¬
fication of the adults of the parasites of R. buoliana.
KEY TO THE PARASITES OF R. BUOLIANA BASED ON
PARASITE REMAINS'^
1. Internal solitary parasites emerging from fully developed
pupae; parasite remains inside host pupal skin _ 2
External solitary or gregarious parasites or hyperpara¬
sites of larvae or pupae ; parasite remains in host
gallery _ 5
2. (1) Parasite remains a dipterous puparium (Figs. 1-4). _
_ Erynnia tortricis (Coq.)
Parasite remains consisting of the shed larval skin of
final-instar hymenopterons larva _ 3
"‘Final-instar larval skins of Hymenoptera, or dipterous puparia and buccopharyn¬
geal armature.
96 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
3. (2) Hypostomal arms present (Fig:. ,18); atrium of spiracle
nearly the same width as the stalk (Fig. 35) _
- Atrometus sp.
Hypostomal arms lacking (Figs. 15, 16) ; atrium of spira¬
cle not as above; atrium large, leading into a narrower
stalk (Fig. 34), or directly into a closing apparatus by a
small opening (Fig. 33) _ 4
4. (3) Atrium of spiracle about three times as wide as the stalk;
stalk ends in a well-developed closing apparatus (Fig. 34)
_ Itoplectis ? evetriae Vier.
Atrium of spiracle without a stalk; connected directly to
a well-developed closing apparatus through a small open¬
ing (Fig. 33) _ Coccygomimus annulipes (Brulle)
5. (1) Cephalic structures reduced, only mandibles, or mandibles
and clypeus, developed (Figs. 19, 21, 24) _ 6
Cephalic structures well-developed, not limited to the
above _ 8
6. (5) Cephalic structures consisting of mandibles and a heavily
sclerotized clypeus armed with denticles (Fig. 21) _
_ Macroneura vesicularis (Retz.)
Cephalic structures apparently consisting only of
mandibles _ 7
7. (6) Atrium with chambers tapering gradually, ending at a
distinct closing apparatus (Fig. 38) _
_ Hahrocytiis thyridopterigis How.
Atrium with chambers tapering sharply, ending in a long,
thin, hnely-annulated stalk; very small closing apparatus
present (Fig. 36) _ Hyssopus thymus Gir.
8. (5) Mandibles armed with a single large denticle posteriorly
(Fig. 27) ; cephalic structures limited to little more than
pleurostomata bearing the superior and inferior mandibul-
ary processes _ Eurytoma pini Bugbee
Mandibles armed with two rows of fine teeth, or several
thin leaf-like teeth ; cephalic structures consisting of epis-
toma, pleurostomata, hypostomata, and labial sclerite _ 9
9. (8) Mandibles armed with several thin leaf-like teeth in addi¬
tion to the heavilv sclerotized primary mandibular blade
(Figs. 8, 11) _ _ 10
Mandibles armed with two rows of tiny hair-like teeth on
the primary mandibular blade (Fig. 13) _
_ Exeristes comstockii (Cress.)
Scambus (Scambus) tecumseh Vier.
and Scambus ( S.) spp.
10.(9) Row of leaf-like teeth limited posteriorly by the posterior
angle of the mandible which is drawn out into a tooth
1965]
Torgersen and Compel — Insect Parasites
97
(Fig. 8) ; spiracle with a distinct closing apparatus (Fig.
30) _ Bracon n, sp.
Row of leaf "like teeth not limited posteriorly by a tooth,
posterior angle smoothly rounded (Fig. 11) ; spiracle with¬
out closing apparatus (Fig. 31) --Bracon gelechiae Ashm.
KEY TO THE ADULTS OF THE PARASITES OF
R, BUOLIANA^
*Apanteles sp. and Oscinella conicola (Gr. ) are included as questionable parasites
ot R. buoUana.
1. Wings extremely abbreviated, apparently absent; reduced
to tiny opaque, nearly acute pads whose apical portion is
bent erect - _ Macroneura vesicularis (Retz.)
Wings well-developed _ 2
2.(1) One pair of wings; Diptera _ 3
Two pairs of wings ; Hymenoptera _ 4
3. (2) Thorax with a complete transverse suture; body with
many bristles; insect much like a small (5 mm.) house¬
fly in appearance _ Erynnia tortricis (Coq.)
Thorax without a transverse suture; body covered with
fine isetae, only a few bristles; tiny (1 mm.), black shin¬
ing flies _ Oscinella conicola (Gr.)
4. (2) Wing venation reduced (Figs. 40-43); antennae
geniculate _ 1 _ 5
Wing venation well-developed (Figs. 44-46) ; antennae
filiform _ 9
5. (4) Abdomen compressed, shining black; head and thorax
coarsely punctate ; venation as in Fig. 40 _
- Eurytoma pini Bugbee
Abdomen not compressed, more or less flattened _ 6
6. (5) Stigma in forewing furcate (Fig. 43) ; tarsi 4-segmented;
black minute insects _ 7
Stigma in forewing not furcate (Figs. 41, 42) ; tarsi 5-
segmented ; bright metallic green or blue insects _ 8
7. (6) Stigma in fore wing strongly furcate (Fig. 43) ; pro- and
mesothoracic femora and tibiae nearly entirely fuscus __
_ _ Hyssopus thymus Gir.
Stigma in forewing not so strongly furcate as in Fig. 43 ;
pro- and mesothoracic femora and tibiae nearly white _
_ Elachertus pini Gah.
8. (6) Mesoscutellum (sqU) acute anteriorly, axillae (ax) nearly
touching medially (Fig. 51) ; marginal vein more than
four times as long as stigmal vein (sv) plus stigma (st)
(Fig. 42) _ Eupelmus cyaniceps Ashm.
98 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
9.(4)
10.(9)
11.(10)
12.(9)
13.(12)
14.(13)
15.(12)
Mesoscutellum truncate anteriorly, axillae widely [separ¬
ated (Fig, 52) ; marginal vein only slightly longer than
the stigmal vein plus stigma (Fig. 41) _
_ Habrocytus thyridopterigis How.
Fore wing with a single recurrent vein (rv) (Figs. 44,
45) _ 10
Forewing with two recurrent veins (Fig. 46) _ 12
Forewing with both 2nd marginal (2nd M) and 2nd sub¬
marginal (2nd SM) cells present (Fig. 45) _ 11
Forewing with neither 2nd marginal nor 2nd submarginal
cells present (Fig. 44) _ Apanteles sp.
Mesopleuron, and at least anterior half of mesonotum
glabrous and shining black ; abdomen mostly yellow-
brown, sometimes with darker shading caudally; tergum
of petiole and anterior medial portion of segment II black
_ Bracon n. sp.
Mesopleuron and mesonotum not glabrous and shining,
rather dull black, clothed in short grey hairs; abdomen
entirely fuscus above ; inner margin of eyes each marked
with two yellowish semi-circles — Bracon gelechiae Ashm.
Major axis of the petiole (abi) and that of the rest of the
abdomen forming a distinct angle (Figs. 53, 54) ; petiole
distinctly elongate _ 13
Major axis of the petiole and that of the rest of the abdo¬
men more nearly parallel (Fig. 55) ; petiole not distinctly
elongate _ 15
Abdomen extremely compressed; petiole (abi) and the
second abdominal segment (ab2) about six times as long
as their greatest diameter (Fig. 53) ; head and thorax pat¬
terned with yellow _ Atrometus sp.
Abdomen not markedly compressed; petiole and second
abdominal segment as in Fig. 54 _ 14
Propodeum divided into several areas set off by propodeal
carinae; abdominal segments mostly dark, terga of seg¬
ments II and III each with fusco-testaceous areas later¬
ally, sometimes joined medially _ ^ _
_ Porizonini: Unknown species 1
Propodeum not divided into areas by propodeal carinae ;
abdominal segments I, II, III, and the anterior portion of
segment IV ferruginous _ Gambrus sp.
Hind tibia dark at extreme base, i.e. tibia with apical and
basal bands and a median pale band _ 16
Hind tibia pale at extreme base, i.e. tibia with or without
bands, but pale at base, or with apical and subbasal dark
bands and median basal bands _ 18
Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites 99
Inner margin of eye weakly concave above antennal socket
(Fig. 50) ; tarsal segments 1, 2, and 3 without distinct
bands basally _ Coccygomimus annulipes (Brulle)
Inner margin of eye rather strongly concave at antennal
socket (Fig. 49) ; tarsal segments ,1, 2, and 3 with dis¬
tinct white hands basally _ _ 17
Abdominal terga with white or cream-colored posterior
margins _ Itoplectis conquisitor (Say)
Abdominal terga entirely dark Jttoplectis ? evetriae Vier.
Nervellus (nv) intersected by the discoidella (dsc) at or
below the middle (Fig. 48) _ 19
Nervullus intersected by the discoidella near or above the
middle (Fig. 47) _ Exeristes comstockii (Cress.)
Median pale band on hind femur incomplete ventrally _
_ Scambus (Scambus) tecnmseh Vier.
Median pale band on hind femur complete ventrally _
_ Scambus (Scambus) sp.
NOTES ON PARASITE BIOLOGY AND DESCRIPTIONS
Diptera
Chloropidae
Oscinella conicola (Greene)
This tiny choloropid was recorded from R. buolinana-mfested
buds by Watson and Arthur (1959), who stated that it had pre¬
viously been known to feed in red pine cones, and considered it
as having a questionable role as a shoot moth parasite. Torgersen
and Coppel (1962) reared two O. conicola from a shoot moth-
infested bud and listed it as a parasite. No shoot moth emerged,
and the bud was not dissected to ascertain the status of the asso¬
ciation. According to Kulman (personal communication to H. C.
Coppel), in West Virginia, 0. conicola is very abundant in infested
tips, but there appears to be no adverse effect upon the shoot moth.
As members of this family may be parasitic or predacious as well
as phytophagous (Borror and DeLong, 1960; Imms, 1960), it
seems that the role of this insect is still not adequately clarified.
Tachinidae
Erynnia tortricis (Coq.)
Figs. 1-6
Four shoot moth pupae, collected in 1963, were parasitized by
E. tortricis. Two pupae, from which the flies had already emerged,
were collected on July 12. Two adults emerged on July 14 from host
pupae collected on June 26 and 28.
1965]
16. (15)
17. (16)
18. (15)
19. (18)
100 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
E, tortricis is an internal parasite emerging from the pupa of
R. buoliana. A puparium is formed within the host pupal skin, and
two stigmatophores borne on a single variably shaped trunk pro¬
trude through the host pupal skin where the wing pads, legs, and
antennae terminate (Fig. 1). Zuska (1963) stated that the stig¬
matophores are formed as late as during the pupation of the larva.
This might account for the variable shape of the stigmatophore
trunk since it may be e(xserted through the hard host pupal skin
while still soft and pliable ; hardening taking place as the exserted
portion dries. Exit from the puparium is through an opening made
by fractures along the horizontal and vertical sutures to form a
dorsal and ventral flap. The host pupal skin is forced open along a
line between head and prothorax, down one or both sides along
the sutures separating the wings from the legs and mouthparts.
The resulting flap may or may not remain attached to the host
pupal skin.
Puparium (Figs. 2, 3) 4.61 to 5.12 mm. long, not including the
stigmatophores; 2.05 to 2.56 mm. in diameter at widest point. Spir-
acular plate (Fig. 4) perforated by four to six oriflcia arranged in
a roughly radial pattern. Number of oriflcia often variable between
stigmatophores on a single individual; five oriflcia probably nor¬
mal. Distance from anus to posterior spiracles (as defined by
Zuska, 1963) slightly less than one one-third largest diameter of
puparium. Buccopharyngeal armature (Figs. 5, 6) 0.39 to 0.45
mm. long; attached to inside of ventral flap at site of secondary
mouth opening. Mandibular hooks moderately heavy, curving
slightly anteroventrally ; two or three teeth along ventral margin ;
in dorsal view (Fig. 6) each hook bears a denticle on either side.
Lightly sclerotized salivary gland plate present. Articulation be¬
tween mandibular hooks and intermediate sclerite difficult to dis¬
tinguish even after lengthy clearing; no articulation present be¬
tween intermediate and basal sclerites. Basal sclerite divided into
two dorsal wings that become progressively less sclerotized pos¬
teriorly; distinctly veined posteriorly. Ventral wings fused medially
to form lightly sclerotized flap.
Hymenoptera
Braconidae
Microgasterinae
Apanteles sp.
Fig. 44
A single specimen of Apanteles sp. was collected in the insectary
on July 24, 1963. The specimen had escaped from a bag of R.
buoliana-infested buds that had been collected the previous day.
This species is included as a questionable parasite of R. buoliana.
1965]
Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites
101
Figure 1, Pupal skin of Rhyacionia
buoliana (Schiff.) with the puparium
of Erynnia tortricis (Coq.) in situ.
102 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Braconinae
Bracon n. sp.
Figs. 7-9, 30
According to C. F. W. Muesebeck (personal communication) this
species is apparently undescribed. The parasite develops externally
on the shoot moth larva, one, two, or three to a host. Eight indi¬
viduals were recovered from six host larvae. These emerged from
July 1 to July 16. The collections of buds from which these para¬
sites emerged were made from June 18 to June 24, 1963. In one
instance, a single host larva supported three braconids of this
species and six H. thyridopterigis, all of which emerged success¬
fully. The pteromalids emerged nearly two weeks after the
braconids.
Cocoon tan ; a regular ellipse approximately 2 mm. by 5 mm. ;
exit hole cut at one end of cocoon about 1.25 mm. in diameter.
Cocoon constructed near host remains; tied down by spreading
mat of silk strands. Meconium, pupal skin, and mature larval skin
are found in cocoon. Exit from host gallery through gallery en¬
trance kept open by host larva before death.
Cephalic structure (Fig. 7) characterized by fusion of epistoma,
pleurostomata, and hypostomata to form a vaulting arch over the
mandibles, stipital scjerites, and labial sclerite. Superior mandib-
ulary processes well-developed; inferior processes simple, each ac¬
companied by a lacinial sclerite. Primary mandibular blade fol¬
lowed by several thin, leaf-like teeth posteriorly; these leaf-like
teeth limited posteriorly by the posterior angle of mandible which
is drawn out into a heavily sclerotized tooth (Fig. 8). Stipital
sclerites form nearly a straight line with one another; encounter
dorsal arms of labial sclerite at a point immediately below a line
drawn through the labial palpi. Labial sclerite open dorsally ; thick¬
ened along ventral margin; dorsal arms narrower than ventral
margin, widened slightly at their ends where they enclose a silk
press that is nearly as wide as long. Maxillary and labial palpi bear
two sensor ia each. Antennae about twice as long as basal diameter ;
antennal sockets not apparent. Larval skin densely covered with
tiny spines (Fig. 9) and scattered setae 0.03 mm. long. Spiracle
(Fig. 30) consists of a large atrium on a thick, nearly parallel¬
sided stalk that is clearly annulated ; stalk ends at a distinct closing
apparatus. Atrium sculptured on its inner walls by two sub-parallel
rings made up of continuous lines of minute warts.
1965] Torgersen and Copp el— Insect Parasites 103
Braconinae
Bracon gelechiae Ashmead
Figs, 10, 11, 31, 45
B. gelechiae was originally described as a parasite of gelechiids
on oak (Muesebeck et al, 1951), It has since been recorded from
R, frustrana, as Microhracon gelechiae, by Cushman (1927), and
from R, huoliana by Schaffner (1959) in the Northeast, and
by Watson and Arthur (1959) in Ontario. Miller and Nets-
wander (1955) in OhiO', listed B, gelechiae as a species of unverified
status in connection with parasite rearings from bud collections
containing R. huoliana.
Nine specimens of B, gelechiae developed on five shoot moth
larvae. This species is a gregarious external parasite of the larva;
from one to four parasites develop on a single host individual. The
emergence period lasted from July 3 to July 17. Collections from
which these individuals emerged were made from June 15 to July
3, ,1963,
According to Cushman (1927) M. gelechiae develops as a soli¬
tary or gregarious external parasite on large larvae of R. frus-
trana. He stated that the pupal period is spent in ,a dense brown
cocoon. In the material collected at Two Rivers, the cocoon of this
parasite was very light, nearly white. The roughly elliptical cocoon
is not closely associated with the host remains, and may be found
as distant from the host remains as the entrance to the gallery.
The cocoon is about 1.1 mm. by 4,1 mm,; exit from the cocoon is
through a hole about 0.8 mm, in diameter cut at one end. Meconium,
pupal skin, and the final-instar larval skin may be found in the
cocoon, but they are often missing.
The cephalic structures of this species (Fig. 10) were prepared
from a single damaged specimen, consequently the juxtaposition
of its parts is not accurate. The general aspect of B. gelechiae is
the same as the Bracon species above. In particular, this species
differs from the former in the following respects; The cephalic
structures are smaller overall ; the dorsal arms of the labial sclerite
are narrow as compared with the width of the ventral portion;
the silk press is longer than wide ; the mandibles bear several thin
leaf-like teeth, however, they are not limited posteriorly by a tooth,
but rather the posterior angle of the mandible is smoothly rounded
(Fig, 11) ; the antennae are slightly less than twice their basal
diameters in length. The larval skin, like that of B, n. sp., is cov¬
ered with minute spines and a few scattered setae. Spiracle (Fig.
31) with a large atrium atop a scarcely tapering, distinctly annu-
lated stalk ending in a short non-annulated, parallel-sided section ;
104 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
there is no closing apparatus. Inner wall of atrium bears two rings
of fine wavy lines around its lower half ; these lines not composed
of a series of warts as in the previous Bracon species.
V A
0 05mm
9
Figures 2-6. Puparium and buccophyaryngeal armature of Erynnia tortricis
(Coq.) : 2, puparium, posterior view; 3, puparium, lateral view; 4, stigmato-
phore plate, dorsal view; 5, final-instar buccopharyngeal armature, lateral
view; 6, final-instar buccopharyngeal armature, dorsal view. 7-11. Cephalic
structures and spines of final-instar hymenopterous larval skins: 7-9, Bracon
n. sp. ; 7, cephalic structure, anterior view; 8, distal portion of right mandible,
ventral view; 9, portion of skin showing spines; 10-11, Bracon gelechiae
Ashm, ; 10, cephalic structure, anterior view; 11, distal portion of right man¬
dible, ventral view.
1965]
Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites
105
Ichiieumonidae
Ephlaltinae :Pimplini
Exeristes comstockii (Cresson)
Figs. 12-14, 32, 47, 55
Exeristes comstockii is a common parasite of lepidopterous
larvae that feed inside the growing shoots or in the cones of pines
(Townes and Townes, 1960). E. comstockii was recorded as a para¬
site of R. buoliana in Connecticut (Friend, 1935), Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, New York, and New Jersey (Schaffner, 1959),
Michigan (Miller, 1959), Ohio (Miller, 1953), West Virginia (Har¬
man and Kulman, 1962), Wisconsin (Torgersen and Coppel, 1962),
British Columbia (Mathers and Olds, ,1940), and Ontario (Watson
and Arthur, 1959). Among the other species that are often found
in plantations infested with R. buoliana, and whose damage is
sometimes attributed to the shoot moth, the following are known
hosts of E. comstockii: R. rigidana (Fern.) , R. frustrana (Comst.) ,
Dioryctria zimmermani (Grote), Petrova comstockiana (Fern.),
and occasionally Pissodes strobi (Peck) (Townes and Townes,
1960).
The biology of E. comstockii was studied by Cushman (1927),
Miller (1953), and by Arthur (1963), who also illustrated the
immature cephalic structures and spiracles. E. comstockii is a soli¬
tary external parasite on the shoot moth larva. There are two
generations per year. The summer generation develops and over¬
winters on a host other than R. buoliana, but it is not known what
species serves as the overwintering host at Two Rivers. In On¬
tario, the adults of the spring generation emerge between June 9
and 27 (Arthur, 1963). Miller (1953), in Ohio, recorded adult
emergence from June 6 through July 15. Laboratory emergence
at Two Rivers extended from July 2 through July 29. The average
peak laboratory emergence date for three years’ observations was
July 14. The sex ratio is slightly less than 2:1 in favor of females.
From the earliest and latest host collection dates, and the earli¬
est and latest emergence dates from 1961 to 1963, it was calculated
that the development time for E. comstockii from egg to adult is
from 22 to 26 days. Males are produced on the average, in 23 days ;
females in 26 days. These averages correspond exactly to those of
Arthur (1963).
The parasite larva constructs a cocoon of loosely spun white
silk. The cocoon is variable in shape depending upon its position in
the gallery, and is commonly closely associated with the host
remains.
Cephalic structure (Fig. 13) well-developed; epistoma complete,
with two setae and one sensorium on either side; labial sclerite
106 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
encloses labrum with several pairs of setae and at least two pairs
of sensoria; suspensorial sclerite present medially behind mandi¬
bles. Superior mandibulary processes long, directed ventrad; in¬
ferior processes simple, each accompanied by a lacinial sclerite.
Mandibles with long, slightly curved blades with two rows of fine
hair-like teeth (Figs. 12, 13), Hypostomal arms extend laterad;
hypostomal spurs long and narrow; stipital sclerites progressively
less sclerotized laterally, most heavily sclerotized medially where
they meet hypostomal spurs and labial sclerite. Labial sclerite
nearly closed dorsally; ventral portion more than twice the width
of the dorsal arms, and irregularly dentate along ventral margin;
opening of silk press evident medially where dorsal arms bend
inward. Maxillary and labial palpi with two sensoria each. An¬
tennae long, approximately three times as long as average diameter.
Vertex with four large pigmented areas, the median areas largest,
lateral areas narrower and each accompanied by a much smaller
area posteriorly (Fig. 14). Larval skin with fine warty appearance,
and scattered setae. Atrium of spiracle (Fig. 32) bears closely
spaced annulations and numerous projections on the inside upper
one-half of chamber; chamber tapers to a stout stalk with parallel,
finely-crenulate sides, enclosing a well-defined closing apparatus.
The final-instar spiracle differs from that illustrated by Arthur
(compare Arthur, 1963, p. 1086, Fig. 4). The material illustrated
in this work had a greater number of annulations, and a stouter
general aspect, with a more pronounced taper.
Scambus (Scamhus) tecumseh Viereck, and Scambus spp.
Ichneumonids in this genus have been reared from shoot moth
material rather commonly, but not in large numbers. Raizenne
(1952) listed rearings from shoot moth collections made from
1938 to 1948 in Ontario. Also in Ontario, Watson and Arthur
(1959) recorded a complex of Scambus species, hispae and S.
tecumseh, as active parasites of the shoot moth. S. hispae was
reared as a parasite of R. buoliana in the Northeast by Schaffner
(1959). Miller and Neiswander (1955) listed S. hispae as an un¬
verified parasite of R. buoliana in Ohio.
Collections made at Two Rivers, from 1961 to 1963, yielded five
specimens in the genus Scambus. Three females, identified as S.
(S.) tecumseh emerged during July of 1963. Emergence dates for
these were July 3, 16, and 25, from hosts collected on June 18, 25,
and 28, respectively. Two undetermined specimens of Scambus
emerged on June 7, 1961 and Julyl 1, ,1963, from shoot moth-
infested buds collected on May 13, 1961 and June 22, 1963. All the
Scambus species reared at Two Rivers were solitary, external,
larval parasites. Incompletely formed pupae were also found asso-
1965] Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites 107
ciated with the parasite remains. S. (S.) tecumseh was sometimes
a victim of the cleptoparasitic habit of Eurytoma pini.
The final-instar cephalic structures and spiracles of the Scambus
species and E. comstockii are so similar that it was not possible
to separate the two adequately. It is suggested that Arthur (1963)
be consulted for separation of E. comstockii and the Scambus com¬
plex, since too little Scambus material was reared at Two Rivers
to make valid comparisons.
Ephialtinae : Ephialtini
Itoplectis conquisitor (Say)
This ichneumonid is an extremely common parasite of lepidop-
terous pupae and prepupae, especially those exposed or weakly pro¬
tected. Over 80 species of lepidoptera have been recorded as hosts
for I. conquisitor (Muesebeck et al, 1951; Arthur, 1963). Townes
and Townes (1960) stated that it may act as a secondary by para¬
sitizing ichneumonids and braconids within their cocoons. It has
been reared as a parasite of R, buoliana nearly everywhere this
host occurs in North America. Finlay son (1962) illustrated the
final— instar cephalic structure and spiracle. Arthur (1963) illus¬
trated the first four larval instar cephalic structures and spiracles,
and described the biology of the species. Other notes on the biology
of 1. conquisitor, as a parasite of a Coleophora species, were dis¬
cussed by Doner (1936).
I. conquisitor was not recovered from the shoot moth at Two
Rivers, but Wilkinson (1957) reared it from pupae of R. buoliana
collected in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. Individuals of I. con¬
quisitor, including females apparently searching for hosts, were
collected in flight in the plantations at Two Rivers. Field captures,
during ,1961 and 1962, were made from June 29 to October 8. Most
of the individuals were caught in the early half of July of both
years. In 1962, the peak flight activity was about ten days earlier.
Nests of Archips cerasivorana (Fitch) were numerous on
Prunus ispp. growing adjacent to some of the plantations. Several
nests were collected and placed in rearing cages on July 17, 1962.
Five individuals of L conquisitor emerged between July 18 and 23.
Itoplectis ? evetriae
Figs. 16, 17, 34
Three individuals, two males and a female, emerged from shoot
moth pupae in the summer of 1963. The emergence dates were
July 12 and 13 for material collected on June 21 ; the female
emerged on July 20, from a pupa collected on June 30. These speci¬
mens were tentatively identified, by L. M. Walkley. as possibly a
108 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figures 12-17. Cephalic structures of final-instar hymenopterous larvae:
12-14, Exeristes comstockii (Cress.) ; 12, right mandible, dorsal view; 13,
cephalic structure, anterior view; 14, right side of vertex of head capsule,
dorsal view; 15, Coccygomimus annulipes (Brulle), cephalic structure, anterior
view; 16, 17, Itoplectis ? evetriae Vier. ; 16, cephalic structure, anterior view;
17, right mandible, dorsal view.
new species near evetriae, but more specimens are needed to estab¬
lish whether the separating* characters are stable.
This species is a solitary, internal parasite emerg'ing from the
pupa of R, huoliana. No cocoon is present, and the host is empty
except at the end of the abdomen where the parasite remains are
found closely associated with the sclerotized portions of the host
1965] Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites 109
genital apparatus. Exit from the host pupa by the adult parasite
is through a hole cut in the anterior end of the pupal skin. The
exit hole has a jagged margin, and occurs on the pupa at about
the middle of the scutellum. The adult parasite escapes from the
host gallery by cutting a hole through the silk plug made by the
host larva prior to pupation.
Cephalic structure of mature larva (Fig. 16) heavily sclerotized;
epistoma, pleurostomata, and hypostomal spurs fused to form a
ring broken ventrally by the labial sclerite. Superior mandibulary
processes isimple, articulate about one-quahter of the way down
the articulating surface of each mandible; inferior processes in¬
dented to receive the large, blunt mandibular condyles. Hypostomal
arms absent, two small projections present opposite the inferior
mandibulary processes where the hypostomal arm would ordin¬
arily arise. Hypostomal spurs long and narrow; stipital sclerites
reduced. Labial sclerite broadly U-shaped, rectangular; ventral
margin greatly widened; dorsal arms widely separated at their
apices. Spiny hypopharyngeal region present, bounded laterally by
dorsal arms of labial sclerite, and ventrally by pre-labial sclerite.
No silk press evident. Mandibles (Fig. 17) heavy, without teeth,
but each with a blunt protuberance posteriorly near base of pri¬
mary blade. Maxillary palpi each with one large sensor ium, and
about three smaller ones ; labial palpi each with two large sensoria,
and about five smaller ones. Epistoma with three sensoria on each
side. Antennae reduced to buttons. Vertex with two elongate pig¬
mented areas that are more heavily sclerotized than the remainder
of the vertex. Larval skin finely textured, with very short, hardly
noticeable setae. Atrium of spiracle (Fig. 34) nearly round; num¬
erous irregularly shaped protuberances scattered over its inner
wall. Atrium borne on short annulated stalk about one-third its
diameter; stalk with about eight rings; terminates at a distinct
closing apparatus about twice as wide as the stalk.
Coccygomimus annulipes (Brulle)
Figs. 15, 33, 50
The rearing of C. annulipes from R, buoliana is a new host rec¬
ord (Torgersen and Coppel, 1962). It had previously been recorded
from other Olethreutinae, including Carpocapsa pomonella (L).
Grapholitha molesta Busck, Gretchena holliana (Sling.), and Las-
peyresia nigncana Steph, (Townes and Townes, 1960).
C. annulipes is a solitary internal parasite that emerges from
the pupa of R, buoliana. A single female emerged on August 8
from an infested bud collected on July 24. The specimen emerged
from a shoot moth pupa containing the remains of a fully formed
110 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
moth. The thorax of the pupal case was split mid-dorsally, indi¬
cating that either the host had already begun to emerge when it
was finally killed by the parasite, or the activity of the parasite
in attempting to escape, caused the pupal case to rupture. Exit of
the parasite adult is made by cutting through the posterior few
segments of the pupal case, leaving a jagged margin.
Cephalic structure of final-instar (Fig. 15) heavily sclerotized;
epistoma, pleurostomata, and hypostomal spurs form a ring broken
ventrally by the labial sclerite. Superior mandibulary processes
stout, articulate about one-quarter of the way down the articu¬
lating surface of each mandible ; inferior processes simple, heavily-
bodied, with apical depression in which mandibular condyle articu¬
lates. Hypostomal arms absent, lightly sclerotized projections pre¬
sent opposite inferior mandibulary processes where hypostomal
arms ordinarily arise. Hypostomal spurs stout; reduced stipital
sclerites distinct, heavily sclerotized medially, but less so laterally.
Labial sclerite nearly elliptical, as opposed to that of 7. ? evetriae
which approximates a rectangle; widened ventral portion forms
nearly a semi-circle; dorsal arms widen markedly apically; nearly
meet medially ; an indistinct silk press lies between apices of dorsal
arms. Hypopharyngeal region bears long teeth. Mandibles heavily-
bodied; without teeth, but each bears a protuberance at the base
of the blade. Maxillary palpi each with at least two sensoria ; labial
palpi each with one large sensorium and four small sensoria. Labral
sclerite absent, but labral area bears several small setae on either
side. Antennae reduced to buttons, each with three sensoria ; large
sclerotized antennal socket surrounds each antenna. Vertex with
two elongate pigmented areas. Atrium of spiracle (Fig. 33) nearly
round ; its inner wall without protuberances or patterning. Atrium
not borne on a stalk ; connected directly to a well-developed, deeply
fluted closing apparatus.
Gelinae :Mesostenini
Gamhrns sp.
Fig. 54
Two individuals, one male and one female, of this species
emerged on July 21, 1961. The buds from which they emerged were
collected on July 18. Each specimen developed on a single host.
Ophioninae : Porizonini ( =Campoplegini )
Unknown species 1
This tribe commonly parasitizes lepidopterous larvae (Muese-
beck et al, 1951). Schaffner (1959) listed the rearing of several
1965]
Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites
111
Figures 18-26. Cephalic structures of final-instar hymenopterous larvae, and
egg chorion: 18, Atrometus sp., cephalic structure, anterior view; 19, 20, Hys-
sopus thymus Gir.; 19, cephalic structure, dorsal view; 20, right mandible,
dorsal view; 21, 22, Macroneura vesicularis (Retz.) ; 21, cephalic structure,
dorsal view; 22, silk press, dorsal view; 23-26, Hahrocytus thyridopterigis
Howard; 23, egg chorion, lateral view; 24, cephalic structure, dorsal view;
25, 26, right mandible; 25, dorsal view; 26, posterior view.
campoplegine larvae collected in conjunction with studies of the
parasites attacking R. huoliana in the Northeastern United States.
A single specimen of an unidentifie'd species in this tribe was
reared from shoot moth material collected at Two Rivers in 1961.
A male emerged on August 18 from a shoot moth-infested bud
collected on July 13.
112 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Anomalini
Atrometus sp.
Figs. 18, 35, 53
The only Atrometus species that has been reared from the shoot
moth is A. clavipes, recorded by Wolff and Krause (1922) in
Europe, and by Watson and Arthur (1959) in Ontario. Besides
R. buoliana, several other tortricids have been recorded as hosts
of A. clavipes. These are: Grapholitha molesta Busck), Spilonota
ocellana (D. and S.), Acleris variana (Fern.) (Muesebeck et al.,
1951), and Ancylis comptana Froh. (Watson and Arthur, 1959).
The individual reared at Two Rivers was identified as Atrometus
species near clavipes (Davis) and paediscae (Ashm.). One speci¬
men emerged on July 17 from shoot moth-infested material col¬
lected on June 20, 1963. The specimen was a solitary, internal
pupal parasite.
The adult parasite emerges from the pupa through a hole cut
in the anterior end; the exit hole has a jagged margin around the
pupa at about the anterior one-third of the iscutellum dorsally, and
across the middle of the labial palps ventrally. No cocoon is
formed; the larval skin is found at the end of the pupa opposite
the exit hole.
Cephalic structure of the final-instar larva (Fig, 18) character¬
ized by a wide epistoma fused on either side with the pleurosto-
mata and hypostomal arms; pleurostomata and hypostomal arms
greatly widened, and extend laterally. Superior mandibulary proc¬
esses stout, articulate in depressions at the dorsal end of the artic¬
ulating surface of each mandible; inferior processes articulate
with stout mandibular condyles. Mandibles heavily-bodied. Hypo-
pharyngeal region with a cobblestone texture. Hypostomal spurs
absent; stipital sclerites curve downward from hypostomal arms
to meet the labial sclerite, and then curve upward to the hypo-
pharnygeal region. Labial isclerite open, widened ventrally; dorsal
arms widened slightly apically where they bend medially. U-shaped
mouth of silk press evident between dorsal arms. Labial and max¬
illary palpi each have one large sensorium, one narrow crescent¬
shaped sensorium, and two or three small radiating sensoria, re¬
spectively. Epistoma with a single sensorium on each side; labral
area with two palp-like organs each with four sensoria. Antennae
were not located. Larval skin smooth, without setae, but has a few
patches of very short stout spines. The condition of the single
larval skin did not allow determination of the position of these
spines on the larva. Atrium of spiracle (Fig. 35) small, opens di¬
rectly into closing apparatus that is about equal in diameter to
atrium.
1965]
Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Pafasites
113
Eulophidae
Elachertinae
Elachertus pini Gahan
Three specimens of Elachertus pini were reared from shoot moth
material collected in April and May of 1959 by H, C. Coppel, offi¬
cers of the Wisconsin Conservation Department and the Plant In¬
dustry Division of the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture (Tor¬
gersen and Coppel, 1962), This was a new parasite record for R.
buoliana. Previously this parasite had been collected only from a
Dioryctria species and from R, frustrana (Peck, 1963).
^ Hyssopus thymus Girault
Figs. 19, 20, 36, 43
H. thymus is a very common parasite of R, buoliana especially
in the Midwestern and Eastern United States, and has also been
reared from shoot moth material in Ontario. Friend (1935), Friend
and Hicock (1936), and Friend et al (1938) recorded it as the
most common parasite of the shoot moth in Connecticut. Rearings
from shoot moth material collected throughout the Northeast
(Schaffner, 1959), showed a preponderance of this species, both in
the number of collections yielding the parasite, and in the number
of individuals reared. The number of individuals recorded by
Schaffner probably represents many fewer hosts because this is
a gregarious species, but is not so designated in his paper. How¬
ever, the figures indicate the tremendous activity of H. thymus as
a parasite of the shoot moth. At Natrium, West Virginia, H. thy¬
mus is the most commonly reared parasite of R, buoliana (Harman
and Kulman, 1962).
The biology of H. thymus was studied by Miller (1953), Coppel
et al. (1955), and Watson and Arthur (1959). This tiny eulophid
is a gregarious, external parasite of the shoot moth larva; two
generations, and a partial third generation are produced per year.
Adults emerge in the spring after overwintering as pupae in the
gallery of the dead host. The summer generation of H. thymus at
Two Rivers emerges between June 18 and August 7. Peak emerg¬
ence takes place during mid- and late July, From 95 parasitized
hosts in 1963, 1,100 H. thymus emerged. The range in the number
of individuals emerging per host larva was 1 to 86, with an av¬
erage of 11.5. In 1961, when only 11 hosts were involved, the av¬
erage was 6.2 parasites per host, with a range from 1 to 13. Lon¬
gevity studies conducted at Two Rivers showed that adults can
survive for an average of 47 days, range for five individuals was
46 to 49 days, if they have a source of food and water.
114 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figures 27-29. Cephalic structure of final-instar larva, and egg- chorion of
Eurytoma pint Bugbee: 27, cephalic structure, dorsal view; 28, right mandible,
anterior view; 29, egg chorion, lateral view.
H. thymus emerged successfully from the same hosts with Eury¬
toma pini, Habrocytus thyridopterigis, and Macroneura vesicularis.
When H. thymus develops successfully on a single host with M.
vesicularis, it is probably due to the failure of the secondary to
destroy all of the developing eulophids.
Dissections of buds from which H. thymus have emerged reveal
the empty pupal skins. These skins are dark brown and fragment
either at the time of emergence of the adults, or are broken by
their movements following emergence. The final-instar larval skin
is attached to the abdomen of the pupal skin or adheres to the
gallery wall. The pupal skins are closely associated with the host
remains. No cocoon is constructed by the parasite.
Cephalic structure of final-instar larva (Fig. 19) apparently
limited to mandibles. Mandible (Fig. 20) with straight blade bear¬
ing a row of hair-like teeth. Antennae extremely flattened, much
vAder than long. Two pairs of sensoria, probably rudimentary
palpi, present near the bases of mandibles. Due to shifting and
flattening of mounted skins, the above characters may have vari¬
able positions. Larval skin smooth, and without setae. Atrium of
spiracle (Fig. 36) large, funnel-shaped, and many chambered, end¬
ing in a long stalk with a small closing apparatus at the end.
1965] Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites 115
Eupelmidae
Eupelmns cyaniceps Ashmead
Fig. 51
Eupelmns cyaniceps was recorded as a parasite of R. huoliana
by Raizenne (1952). Only one specimen of E, cyaniceps was reared
from shoot moth material collected at Two Rivers (Torgersen and
Coppel, 1962). An adult female emerged on August 5, ,1961 from
a bud collection made on July 25. The host remains consisted of a
partly devoured larva of R. huoliana accompanied by the larval re¬
mains of a final-instar E. comstockii. Therefore, it can be surmised
that E. cyaniceps can be a secondary parasite of R. huoliana
through E. comstockii. No cocoon is constructed. The fractured
shed pupal skin of E. cyaniceps was recovered, but the final-instar
larval skin was not found, either attached to the pupal skin, or
loose in the gallery.
Macroneura vesicularis (Retzius)
Figs. 21, 22, 37
Macroneura (—Eupelmella) vesicularis is a solitary, external,
primary or secondary parasite on a great variety of insects (Peck,
1963). Watson and Arthur (1959) recorded this species as a para¬
site of R. huoliana in Ontario. Only three other species of tortricids
are known, or suspected hosts of M. vesicularis (Peck, 1963).
Notes on the biology, and illustrations of the immature stages
of M. vesicularis, as a predator of Microplectron fuscipennis Zett.
in the cocoons of Neodriprion sertifer Geoffr. in Europe, were pre¬
pared by Morris (1938). Phillips and Poos (1927) described and
illustrated the egg and larval instars as Eupelminus saltator
(Lind.), and Doner (1936), in Wisconsin, discussed its biology as
a parasite of Coleophora pruniella Clem. Finlayson (1960) illus¬
trated the final-instar cephalic structure of M. vesicularis. This
species is thelytokous, and is easily distinguished from the other
parasites of the shoot moth by the apparent lack of wings in the
adult. The female paralyzes her host before ovipositing, and some¬
times feeds at the puncture (Doner, 1936). The egg is similar to
that of Eurytoma pini, with projections at either end. The two
differ in that the eggs of M. vesicularis lack spines. According to
Doner (1936), after a 36 hour incubation period, M. vesicularis
takes 20 days to develop to the adult on C. pruniella, and emerg¬
ence occurs from July 13 to 21. At Two Rivers, development takes
no fewer than 30 days, and in some cases as many as 43 days;
emergence is from July 19 to August 18, with the peak occurring
between July 24 and August 2. A single field capture of an adult
116 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
was made on June 25, 1962, fully a month ahead of laboratory
emergence of this species. The lengthy developmental and emerg¬
ence period is probably due to the cool springs and summers ex¬
perienced at Two Rivers.
Laboratory dissections of buds from which M. vesicularis had
emerged indicated that E. comstockii and H. thymus served as
hosts for this secondary parasite. E. comstockii was more often
the primary involved, possibly indicating M. vesicularis prefers
the larger host. In a single case of multiple parasitism, both M.
vesicularis and 20 H. thymus developed and emerged successfully
on a single host. This case probably indicates a situation wherein
the secondary simply overlooked some of its tiny competitors, or
the secondary had not reached the voracious final-instar until after
the H. thymus had pupated and emerged.
No cocoon is constructed by the parasite larva. The shed pupal
skin is honey-colored, fragmented, and may or may not be closely
associated with the host remains. Exit from the bud is made
through a hole cut in the silk plug which was made by the host
larva prior to death. The exit hole is about 0.75 to 1.00 mm. in
diameter.
Cephalic structure of final-instar larva (Fig. 21) consists of
mandibles and a heavily sclerotized clypeus with denticles along
its ventral margin; labrum bears four pairs of papillae. Fig¬
ure 21 shows a portion of the pleurostoma, also part of the
inferior mandibular strut. Curved blade of mandibles without
teeth. Inferior mandibular condyles stout, articulate in groove of
inferior mandibular strut. Mandibular strut was called hypo-
pharyngeal bracon by Phillips (1927). Lightly sclerotized silk
press present ; apparently consisting of two closely appressed tubes
with fine spiral thickenings in its walls (Figs. 21, 22). Maxillary
and labial palpi bear three sensoria each. Antennae slightly less
than twice their basal diameter in length. Larval skin smooth,
characteristically covered with scattered long setae, and a few
•short setae at the posterior end of the skin. Atrium of spiracle
(Fig. 37) narrowly funnel-shaped, numerous chambers decreasing
in size to the closing apparatus which is followed by a long annu-
lated stalk.
Pteromalidae
Pteromalinae rPteromalini
Habrocytus thyridopterigis Howard
Figs. 23-26, 38, 41, 52
R. buoliana was recorded as a host of H. thyridopterigis by
Raizenne (1952) in Ontario, by Schaffner (1959) in the North-
1965]
Torgersen and Compel — Insect Parasites
117
Figures 30-39. Spiracles of final-instar hymenopterous larvae: 30, Bracon n.
sp.; 31, Bracon gelechiae Ashm,; 32, Exeristes comstockii (Cress.) ; 33, Coc-
cygomimus annulipes (Brulle) ; 34, Itoplectis ? evetriae Vier.; 35, Atrometus
sp.; 36, Hyssopus thymus Gir. ; 37, Macroneura vesicularis (Retz.) ; 38, Habro-
cytus thyridopterigis Howard; 39, Eurytoma pini Bugbee.
east, and as a questionable recovery from the shoot moth by Miller
and Neiswander (1955) in Ohio. This species is a gregarious pri¬
mary or secondary parasite of the shoot moth at Two Rivers. From
24 host larvae, 68 parasite individuals emerged; an average of
2.83 parasites per host (range 1 to 8). For three seasons, 1961
through 1963, the emergence period was from July 1 to August 15.
The peak emergence period was in early August in 1961, and in
mid- July in ,1962 and 1963. Adults were captured in the held as
early as June 9, weeks before this species emerged from laboratory
collections.
When H. thyridoptqrigis acted as a primary, it was associated
with the larva of the shoot moth. E. comstockii was the most com¬
mon primary parasite hyperparasitized by H. thyridopterigis. Re-
118 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
mains of Eurytoma pini and H. thymus were also recovered, indi¬
cating that these also served as hosts. This parasite emerged suc¬
cessfully with H. thymus, Eurytoma pini, and Bracon n. sp. from
the same host individuals.
The larva constructs a silken cocoon which may or may not be
closely associated with the host remains. The shed pupal skin is
lightly golden brown fragmented, and sometimes found outside
the cocoon. Mature larval skin does not always adhere to the shed
pupal skin and may be loose in the host gallery. Egg elliptical
(Fig, 23), more rounded at one end, and evenly patterned with
tiny spines and papillae except for the pointed end where the
chorion is smooth. Papillae are about equal in diameter to the
bases of the spines.
Cephalic structure of final-instar larva (Fig. 24) apparently
limited to mandibles, which, on the shed skin, project straight for¬
ward. Close examination reveals the presence of fragments of
what are probably the superior mandibulary processes attached to
the superior mandibular condyle of each mandible (Fig. 25). In
Figure 26, the superior mandibulary process is omitted. Mandibles
with slightly curved blades bearing a row of hair=like teeth. Palpi
present near the bases of the mandibles; their position may vary
with the disposition of the parts in handling the skin. Antennae
tapered, slightly longer than basal width. Larval skin not distinc- ;
tively textured ; light in color, and with few setae. Atrium of spir- |
acle (Fig. 38) with about seven gradually tapering chambers end¬
ing at a well-defined closing apparatus. Apical chamber of atrium '
patterned with very fine wavy lines. '
Euiytomidae !
Eurytoma pini Bugbee • :
Figs. 27-29, 39, 40 |
In much of the literature on the parasites of R. huoliana, Eury- \
toma pini has been listed as E. tylodermatis Ashm. (Friend and '
Hicock, 1933, 1936; Miller, 1953; Miller and Neiswander, 1955), ;
or E. appendigaster (Swed.) (Sheppard, 1933). Bugbee (1958) 1
believed that this species probably occurs wherever pines and its i
preferred host, R. frustrana, are present. It has been recorded as |
an active parasite of R. huoliana in Connecticut (Friend and ,
Hicock, 1933, 1936), Ohio (Miller, 1953), West Virginia (Harman i
and Kulman, 1962), Wisconsin (Torgersen and Coppel, 1962), .
and Ontario (Arthur, 1961). i
Arthur (1961) described the cleptoparasitic habits of E. pini,
and illustrated the immature stages. He observed adults emerging j
from early June to late June, and Miller (1953), in Ohio, recorded
1965] Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites 119
emergence from June 21 to July 21. At Two Rivers, the earliest
of 44 adults re'ared from parasitized R. huoliana during three
years, emerged on July 5, the latest on August 11. Peak emerg¬
ence occurred between July .18 and 21. The sex ratio is about 2:1
in favor of females; Miller (1953) observed a 3:1 sex ratio. E.
pini was collected in flight in the field on June 18, about two weeks
before emergence began in the laboratory. Unfed adults lived for
about six days (range 3 to 12), A single male, fed on honey water,
survived for 38 days.
The period required for development from egg to adult, calcu¬
lated from earliest and latest collection and emergence dates, is
approximately 28 days (range 21 to 34). Studies by Miller (1953)
showed that, exclusive of the egg and larval feeding period, it
takes an average of 18 days for development from the prepupal
stage to emergence of the adult.
At Two Rivers, a single adult emerged from each host. Most
authors have considered this species to be a solitary parasite, how¬
ever, Arthur (1961) observed up to three adults emerging from
a single host. E. pini usually develops on shoot moth larvae, but
it is not uncommon to find that it has developed on a pupa ; a situ¬
ation also observed by Miller (1953). Dissections of buds from
which E. pini had emerged revealed that this parasite had suc¬
ceeded at the expense of the larva of Scambus tecumseh or, more
commonly, the larva or pupa of E. comstockii. Remains of both E.
pini and E. comstockii were found in buds from which H. thyridop-
terigis developed and emerged successfully. In addition, there was
a single case wherein both E. pini and nine H. thymus emerged
from one host larva; and one case in which E. pini and H. thy-
ridopterigis successfully emerged, having developed either on, or
at the expense of E. comstockii. From these observations it is pos¬
sible to claim both secondary and multiple parasitic behavior for
E. pini.
No cocoon is constructed for pupation. The parasite remains
are closely associated with the host remains. The pupa is dark
honey-brown, fragmented, and usually has the mature larval skin
adhering to it. The adult escapes from the host gallery either by
cutting through the silk or resin mass, or directly through a thin
portion in the host gallery wall. The exit hole is 1.0 to 1.2 mm.
in diameter.
Egg elliptical (Fig. 29) ; slightly more pointed at one end. Blunt
end with a sharp barb-like process with a roughened surface;
pointed end with a long, smooth, thin-walled closed tube that is
slightly swollen at its tip. Chorion armed with numerous spines.
The presence of these eggs in a great many of the galleries of R.
120 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
40, Eurytoma pini Bugbee, forewing; 41, Habrocytus thyridopterigis Howard,
forewing; 42; Eup&lmus cyaniceps Ashm., forewing; 43, Hyssopus thymus
Gir., forewing; 44, Apanteles sp., forewing; 45, Bracon gelechiae Ashm. fore¬
wing; 46, Itoplectis ? evetriae Vier. forewing; 47, Exeristes comstockii
(Cress.), hind wing; 48, Scambus tecumseh Vier., hind wing; 49, Itoplec¬
tis ? evetriae Vier., head, anterior view; 50, Coccygomimus annulipes
(Brulle), head, anterior view; 51, Eupelmus cyaniceps Ashm., thorax,
dorsal view; 52, Habrocytus thyridopterigis Howard, thorax, dorsal view;
53, Atrometus sp., petiole, lateral view; 54, Gambrus sp., petiole, lat¬
eral view; 55, Exeristes comstockii (Cress.), petiole, lateral view, abi
first abdominal segment; abo, second abdominal segment; ax, axilla;
cx.i, metathoracic coxa; dsc, discoidella; mv, marginal vein; nv, nervellus;
prp, propodeum; rv, recurrent vein, sch, mesoscutellum; st, stigma; sv, stigmal
vein; 2nd M, second marginal cell; 2nd SM, second submarginal cell.
1965] Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites 121
buoliana successfully parasitized by other parasite species attests
to the great activity of E. pini as a cleptoparasite.
Cephalic structure of linal-instar larva (Fig. 27) consists of
mandibles and two broadly U-shaped sclerites bearing the mandib-
ulary articulations. Head capsule split medially (dotted lines)
down through cephalic structure dividing mouth frame into two
parts joined only by the cuticle of the venter of the head. Epistoma
absent ; pleurostomata bear large superior mandibulary processes ;
hypostomal arms reduced to narrow strips extending ventrad.
Hypopharyngeal bracon (Phillips, 1927) bears the inferior man¬
dibulary articulations. Mandible (Fig. 27) with a large curved
blade bearing a large denticle posteriorly. In anterior view (Fig.
28) mandible shows a distinctive curve to the isuperior mandibular
condyle ; this hooks behind the mandibulary process on the pleuros-
toma, ''Vestigial maxillary palps’" (Phillips, 1927) and three sen-
soria are present on either side below, or apparently on, the hypo¬
pharyngeal bracon depending upon the disposition of the skin. An¬
tenna about twice as long as its diameter; antennal sclerites sur¬
rounded by more heavily sclerotized areas than the remainder of
the head capsule ; a single sensorium is present near each antennal
socket. Larval iskin smooth; head capsule and skin bear scattered
long and short setae 0.07 to 0.15 mm. long; some shorter setae are
present around the cephalic structure. Atrium of spiracle (Fig.
39) funnel-shaped with numerous annulations; apical ring of
atrium patterned with fine wavy lines. There is a well-defined clos¬
ing apparatus composed of three distinct spindle-shaped valves.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to express their appreciation to Messrs, Don¬
ald Renlund and Philip Smith, officers of the Wisconsin Conserva¬
tion Department and Plant Industry Division of the Wisconsin
Department of Agriculture, respectively, for permission to use
data collected by their staffs; to Mr. Orville Coenan, Forest Man¬
ager, Point Beach State Forest, Two Rivers, Wisconsin, for grant¬
ing permission to utilize forest plantations for these studies; and
to Dr. William H. Anderson, Chief of the Insect Identification and
Parasite Introduction Branch of the Department of Agriculture,
and hiis staff, especially Miss L, M. Walkley, Messrs. B. D. Burks,
C. F. W, Muesebeck, and C. W, Sabrosky, for identifying the para¬
site specimens.
Summary
Twenty species of parasites of Rhyacionia buoliana (Schiffer-
miiller) have been reared in Wisconsin. Two keys have been pre¬
pared to separate the parasites. The first is designed to aid in
122 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
identifying the parasites on the basis of the host remains left in
the bud after the parasite has emerged. Twelve sepcies of parasites,
one Diptera and eleven Hymenoptera, are included in the key to
parasite remains. The second is for the identification of the adults
of the parasites of R. huoliana in Wisconsin. Brief notes on the
biology of each species, and descriptions of the final-instar cephalic
structures are also given.
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Eurytoma pini Bugbee (Hymenoptera: Chalcidae) , a parasite of the
European pine shoot moth, Rhyacionia huoliana (Schiff.) (Lepidoptera :
Olethreutidae). Can. Ent. 93 (8): 655-660.
Arthur, A. P. 1963. Life histories and immature stages of four ichneumonid
parasites of the European pine shoot moth, Rhyacionia hwoliana (Schiff.),
in Ontario. Can. Ent. 95(10): 1078-1091.
Benjamin, D. M., P. W. Smith, and R. L. Bachman. 1959. The European
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Borror, D. J., and D. W. DeLong. 1960. An introduction to the study of in¬
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Bugbee, R. E. 1958. A new species of Eurytoma Illiger, parasitic on the
Nantucket pine moth, Rhyacionia frustrana (Comstock) and the European
pine shoot moth, R. huoliana (Schiffermtiller) (Hymenoptera: Eury-
tomidae; Lepidoptera : Olethreutidae) . J. Kans. Ent. Soc. 31(3): 197-200.
Busck, a. 1914, A destructive pine-moth introduced from Europe, Evetria
huoliana Schiff. J. Econ. Ent. 7(4): 340-341.
COPPEL, H. C., A. P. Arthur, and M, G. Maw. 1955. Biological control ol
the European pine shoot moth, Rhyacionia huoliana (Schiff.). Ann. Tech.
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Doner, M. H. 1936. Hymenopterous parasites of Coleophora pruniella Clem.,
and parasites recorded from other species of Coleophora. Ann. Ent, Soc.
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Finlayson, T. 1960. Taxonomy of cocoons and puparia, and their contents,
of Canadian parasites of Neodiprion sertifer (Geoff.). Can. Ent. 92(1):
20-47.
Finlayson, T. 1962. Taxonomy of cocoons and puparia, and their contents,
of Canadian parasites of Diprion similis (Htg.) (Hymenoptera: Dip-
rionidae). Can. Ent. 94(3): 271-282.
Friend, R. B. 1935. The European pine shoot moth in Connecticut. 65th
Ann. Rept. Ent. Soc. Ontario, pp. 50-54.
Friend, R. B., and H. W. Hicock. 1933, The status of the European pine
shoot moth in Connecticut. J. Econ. Ent. 26(1): 57-62.
Friend, R. B., and H. W. Hicock. 1936. Notes on the European pine shoot
moth. J. Econ. Ent. 29: 210-214.
Friend, R. B., G. H. Plumb, and H. W. Hicock. 1938. Notes on the European
pine shoot moth in Connecticut. J, Econ. Ent. 31 : 506-513.
Harman, D. M., and H. M. Kulman. 1962. Parasites of the European pine
shoot moth, Rhyacionia huoliana. J. Econ. Ent. 55(6); 1007-1008,
Imms, a. D. 1960. A general textbook of entomology. 9th ed. London: Methuen
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Torgersen and Coppel — Insect Parasites
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Mathers, W, G., and G. F. Olds. 1940. The Eurox)ean pine shoot moth in
British Columbia. J. Econ. Ent. 33: 941.
Miller, W. E. 1953, Biological notes on five hymenopterous parasites of pine
bud and stem moths. Ohio J. Sci, 53(1) : 59-63,
Miller, W, E. 1959. Preliminary study of European pine shoot moth para¬
sitism in Lower Michigan. J, Econ. Ent. 52(4): 768.
Miller, W, E., and K. B, Neiswander. 1955. Biology and control of the
European pine shoot moth. Ohio Agr. Expt. Sta. Res. Bull. 760.
Morris, K, R. S. 1938. Eupelmella vesicularis Retz. (Chalicididae) as a pred¬
ator of another chalcid, Microplectron fuscipennis Zett. Parasitology 30
(1) :20-30.
Muesebeck, C. F, W., K. V. Krombein, and H. K. Townes. 1951. Hymenop-
tera of America north of Mexico. — Synoptic catalog, U.S.D.A., Agr. Mono¬
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Peck, 0. 1963. A catalogue of the nearctic Chalcidoidea (Insecta: Hymenop-
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Phillips, W. J. 1927. Eurytoma parva (Girault) Phillips and its biology as
a parasite of the wheat jointworm, Harmoiita tritici (Fitch). J. Agr.
Res. 34(8): 743-758.
Phillips, W. J., and F. W. Poos, 1927. Two hymenopterous parasites of
American jointworms. J. Agr. Res. 34: 473.
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sites. Can. Dept. Agr., Div. For. Biol. p. 189.
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No. 767.
Sheppard, R. W, 1933. The present status of the European pine shoot moth
in Southern Ontario. 63rd Ann. Rept. Ent. Soc. Ontario, pp. 58-61.
Torgersen, T. R,, and H. C. Coppel. 1952. The bionomics of the European
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Notes No. 82.
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478-484.
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(Schiff.). Wis. Dept. Agr. Un-numbered mimeo.
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Musei National. Pragae. 35: 333-372.
THE INSECT PARASITES OF THE LARCH CASEBEARER,
COLEOPHORA LARICELLA HUBNER, (LEPIDOPTERA:
COLEOPHORIDAE), IN WISCONSIN WITH KEYS TO THE
ADULTS AND MATURE LARVAL REMAINS
Norman F. Sloan and Harry C. CoppeF
The larch casebearer, Coleophora laricella Hbn., was first dis¬
covered near Northampton, Massachusetts, in 1886 (Hagen, 1886).
Its spread to the Lake States Region was rapid: at Ann Arbor,
Michigan in the early 1920’is (Webb, 1953) ; in northeastern Wis¬
consin in 1939 (MacAloney, 1939) ; at Port Arthur, Ontario in
1947 (Webb, 1953). An outbreak on the western larch, Larix oc-
cidentalis Nutt, was discovered in 1957 in Idaho and currently in¬
fests nearly two million acres (Pechanec, 1963).
The preferred hosts of the casebearer include all species in the
genus Larix. The eastern white pine, Pinus strobus L. (Peirson,
1927) and Douglas-hr, Pseudotsuga menziesii (Mirb.) Franco
(Webb, 1953) have been recorded also as hosts of the casebearer.
Laboratory feeding experiments indicate that it might also survive
on the western hemlock, Tsuga heterophylla (Rafn.) Sarg. Death
of the host tree rarely occurs but has been noted after three years
of consecutive defoliation (Patch, 1906), Increment loss may be
considerable according to Pechanec (1963), who recorded an aver¬
age reduction of 55% from 1956-62 in Idaho.
In 1961, studies were initiated on the bionomics of the larch
casebearer in Wisconsin primarily to determine the structure of
its parasite complex. Data were assembled both from field collec¬
tions and laboratory studies of material collected during the sum¬
mers of 1962-64 from three locations in Wisconsin; the University
Arboretum, Dane County ; near Antigo, Langlade County ; and near
Bloomington, Grant County.
This paper concerns the insect parasites collected from C. lari¬
cella in Wisconsin from 1961-1964 and one additional species col¬
lected by H, Coppel prior to the study. Keys both for the separation
^Approved for publication by the Director of the Wisconsin Agricultural Experi¬
ment station. This project was supported in part by the University of Wisconsin
Research Committee of the Graduate School with funds supplied by the Wisconsin
Alumni Research Foundation and in part by the Wisconsin Conservation Department.
Arboretum Journal Series No. 72, The University of Wisconsin Arboretum, Madison,
Wisconsin. The authors are Research Assistant and Associate Professor of Entomology,
respectively. University of Wisconsin-Madison.
125
126 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
of the parasites based on the remains left in the case after the
parasite has emerged, and for the separation of the adults are
given. The hnahinstar cephalic structures, spiracles, and adults are
illustrated and described. Notes on the biology of the parasites are
also included.
Methods
The material upon which the keys are based consisted of the
adult parasites and the remains positively associated with them.
The adults were identified by the staff of the Insect Identification
and Parasite Introduction Branch of the U.S. Department of Agri¬
culture at Beltsville, Maryland.
The key to parasite remains was based on the characters of the
larval and pupal skins of the parasites. The larval skins were re¬
moved from the host cases by soaking the latter in a bleach for 2
to 3 minutes to loosen the silk. The parasite skins were softened in
10% potassium hydroxide for 30 minutes to several hours, and
washed in distilled water. The washed skins were placed on a slide
in a drop of glycerine and carefully spread with insect pins until
the mouth parts and spiracles were exposed. The cover slips were
ringed with clear fingernail polish.
Illustrations of gross characters and outlines of larval remains
and adult parasites were prepared with the aid of a projection
prism. An Ernst Leitz binocular compound microscope fitted with
an ocular grid was used for the fine details of the larval remains.
Adults were drawn with the aid of a Bausch and Lomb binocular
zoom microscope fitted with 20X eyepieces and a 2X enlarger lens.
Antennae and legs of the adults were removed from the body and
placed on slides to allow examination in detail. The terminology
used for the parts of the cephalic structures and spiracles of the
final-instar larvae of Hymenoptera is similar to that employed by
Finlayson (1960).
Parasites Obtained
The following parasites were reared from C. laricella in
Wisconsin.
Hymenoptera
Braconidae: Agathis cinctus (Cress.), A. pumila (Ratz.), Apan-
teles laricella Mason, Bracon juncicola Ashm., Bracon pyg-
maeus Prov., Bracon sp.
ICHNEUMONIDAE : Isdromas sp., Gelis tenellus (Say), Campoplex
sp. (Phaedroctonus group)
Eulophidae: Sympiesis sp., Tetrastichus coerulescens (Ashm.),
Kratochviliana laricinellae (Ratz.) i
127
1965] Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
Pteromalidae : Capellia lividicorpus (Grit.), Habrocytus phycidis
Ashm,
Chalcididae: Spilochalcis albifrons (Walsh).
Two keys have been prepared for the separation of the above
species. It is possible to separate the parasites on the basis of the
remains left in the cases after the adults have emerged. Nine
species of parasites are included in the key to parasite remains.
The remaining six species have not been included because insuffi¬
cient material was available. The second key allows identification
of nine of the adult parasites of C. laricella in Wisconsin.
KEY TO THE COMMON IMMATURE PARASITES OF
C. LARICELLA BASED ON PARASITE REMAINS
1 Parasite pupal skin found in the host case _ 2
Parasite pupal skin not found in the host case _ 4
2(1) Parasite emerged from the pupated host; the hypostoma
more than half the total length of the cephalic structure
(Fig. 8) _ Spilochalcis albifrons (Walsh.)
Parasite emerged from the larva of the host; the hypos¬
toma not more than half the total length of the cephalic
structure _ 3
3(2) Cephalic structure much reduced (Fig. 10) ; spiracles with
closing apparatus very short (Fig. 17) _
_ Kratochoviliana laricinellae (Ratz.)
Cephalic structure reduced with a complete epistoma and
hypostoma (Fig. 12) ; spiracles with closing apparatus nearly
equal to the total length of the atrium (Fig. 18) _
_ Habrocytus phycidis Ashm.
4(1) Mandibles with distinct teeth (Figs. 1, 2, 5) _ 5
Mandibles without teeth or with very small ones (Figs. 3, 4,
8, 9, 10, 12) _ 7
5(4) Epistoma complete (Fig. 2) ; mandibles each with 4 teeth
(Fig. 6) ; hypostoma not forming a lateral, wing-like struc¬
ture (Figs. 1, 5) ; labial and maxillary palpi as single circles;
_ Bracon pygmaeus Prov.
Epistoma incomplete or appearing incomplete (Figs. 1, 5) ;
hypostoma forming a lateral, wing like structure ; labial and
maxillary palpi each as 3 circles enclosed within a larger
circle _ _ _ 6
6(5) Antennae appearing as a single semicircle and two crossed
semicircles (Fig. 5) ; incomplete antennal sclerite; labial
sclerite joined near junction of stipital sclerite and labial
sclerite _ Agathis cinctus (Cress.)
Antennae appearing as two small circles within two slightly
128 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
larger circles; complete antennal sclerite (Fig. 1); labial
sclerite in one piece _ Agathis pumila (Ratz.)
7(4) Atrium pitted on external surface; chambers tapering
sharply without a closing apparatus (Fig, 19) ; antennae
cone-shaped (Fig. 9) ; maxillary and labial palpi a single cir¬
cle with a smaller circle inside; four pits located directly
above both sets of palpi; two pits appear joined _
_ unknown ichneumonid
Atrium not pitted on external surface; chambers, if tapered,
with a closing apparatus (Figs. 20, 21) ; antennae flat topped ;
maxillary and labial palpi consisting of more than one
circle within a larger circle ; no pits near the palpi _ 8
8(7) Atrium tapering with a closing apparatus (Fig. 20) ; lacinial
sclerite present; maxillary and labial palpi consisting of two
openings within the larger outer sclerite (Fig. 3) ; labial
sclerite present _ Gelis tenellus (Say)
Atrium not tapering but with progressively larger chambers ;
no closing apparatus (Fig. 21) ; labral sclerite absent; max¬
illary palpi a split circle within the outer circle while the
labial palpi have two seperate openings within the outer one
(Fig. 4) _ Campoplex sp.
KEY TO THE ADULTS OF THE COMMON PARASITES
OF C, LARICELLA
1 Wing venation reduced (Figs. 27, 29, 31, 32, 33) ; antennal
segments not exceeding 12 _ 2
Wing venation well developed (Figs. 22, 25, 34, 36) ; antennal
segments exceeding 12 _ 5
2(1) Hind femur much enlarged and toothed on inner edges;
tarsus originating before the apex of the tibia (Figs. 27, 28) ;
dark brown insects with white to cream colored markings on
face and body _ Spilochalcis albifrons (Walsh.)
Hind femur not enlarged _ 3
3(2) Tarsal segments 4; antennal segments 7, the apical segment
pointed and with a false ring; metallic green (Figs. 29, 30)
_ Krato chviliana laricinellae ( Ratz. )
Tarsal segments 5 ; antennal segments more than 7 _ 4
4(3) Antennal segments 10 ; stigmal vein ending almost at the end
of the marginal vein (Fig. 33) ; dark purple-black insects _
_ Capellia lividicorpus (Grit.)
Antennal segments 12 ; stigmal vein not ending at the end of
the marginal vein, much shorter (Figs. 31, 32) ; dark green
insects ; female larger than male with large pointed abdomen
_ Habrocytus phycidis Ashm,
129
1965] Sloan and Copp el-— Insect Parasites
5(1) Fore wings with a dark stigma _ 6
Forewings without a dark stigma _ 8
6(5) Antennal segments 30; wing venation as in Fig. 25; wings
not colored ; thorax dark brown with yellow abdomen banded
with brown _ Bracon pygmaeus Prov.
Antennal segments 28; wing venation as in Fig. 22; wings
smoky colored; body all black _ 7
7(6) Ovipositor not longer than 1% the length of the abdomen
(Fig. 23) _ ^Agathis pumila (Ratz.)
Ovipositor longer than the entire abdomen (Fig. 24) _
- Agathis cinctus (Cress.)
8(5) Antennal segments 19; banded brown insect with brown
bands across the forewings (Fig. 34) --Gelis tenellus (Say)
Antennal segments 28; black insect without any colored
bands in the forewings (Fig. 36) _ Campoplex sp.
NOTES ON PARASITES BIOLOGY AND DESCRIPTIONS
Braconidae
Agathis cinctus (Cress.)
Figs. 5, 14, 24
One individual was collected in Polk County, Wisconsin, prior
to the present study by H. Coppel. The parasite is a solitary, in¬
ternal parasite and emerges from the larva of C. laricella. No
cocoon is present in the host case. The adult emerges by cutting the
silk threads that hold the top of the case closed ; thus, no exit hole
is found. The host remains consist only of the skin and head cap¬
sule which are tightly packed in the bottom of the case. The para¬
site's meconium is closely associated with the host skin.
The atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 14) is nearly spherical and
leads into an irregularly shaped stalk about one-third its diameter.
The stalk has about 10 annulations and terminates in a well-defined
closing apparatus. The cephalic structure of the final instar larva
(Fig. 5) is heavily sclerotized. Lateral wing- like structures are
formed by the hypostomata, hypostomal spurs, and the stipital
sclerites. The mandibles articulate at two points. The inferior man¬
dibular process is an extension of the hypostoma. The base of the
mandible fits into a groove formed in the wall of the hypostoma
which serves as the superior mandibular process. The labial
sclerite is joined near the top. The silk press is large and fills
the area between the two arms of the labial sclerite. The epis-
toma is incomplete and appears as a thickened area of unpig-
mented skin. The maxillary and labial palpi are each three-
segmented with one sensorium per segment. Three setae are
located above the maxillary palpi whereas six setae are found
130 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
within the labial sclerite frame and above the labial palpi. The
antennal sclerites are incomplete. The antennae each appear as
a single semicircle and two crossed semicircles.
Braconidae
Agathis pumila (Ratz.)
Figs. 1, 13, 22, 23
This is the most important parasite of C. laricella and was
reared in large numbers each year. It is a solitary internal para¬
site which emerges from the larva of C, laricella. No cocoon is
found in the host case. The adult emerges through the top of the
case and does not cut an exit hole. The host remains, parasite
larval skin, and the meconium are compacted at the base of the
case.
The atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 13) is nearly spherical. It leads
into an irregularly shaped stalk about one-third its diameter. Each
ring of the stalk is off-set from the next to form a staggered ap¬
pearance. There are about 27 annulations in the stalk which ter¬
minates in a well-defined closing apparatus. The cephalic structure
of the final instar larva (Fig. 1) is heavily sclerotized. As in
cinctus, a lateral wing-like structure is formed by the hypostomata,
hypostomal spurs, and the stipital sclerites. Articulation of the
mandibles is the same as with A. cinctus. The labial sclerite is one
piece with a cross bar joining the base of the two arms as a curv¬
ing bridge. The silk press is large and contained within the open¬
ing between the arms of the labial sclerite. The maxillary and labial
palpi are similar to those of A. cintus. The same number of
setae are found in A. pumila as in A. cinctus except for the
labral area, but the arrangement is slightly different. A. pumila
has additional setae in the area of the labrum. A row of three
setae is located directly above the mandibles with, addition¬
ally, a single seta above the row and two more above and to
the side on each half of the labral area. The antennal sclerites
are complete. The antennae each consist of two small circles with
a sensorium in each circle.
The two Agathis species are both dark colored insects, mostly
black with white body setae. The antennae each have 28 segments
including two basal segments. In Fig. 22 the first basal segment is
not shown. There are five tarsal segments. The legs are yellow
with bands of dark brown. The hind coxae are black. The wings are
smoky colored with small setae on their surfaces. A row of hairs
completely encircles the fore and hind wings. The stigma is large
(Fig. 22) and dark brown. The second cubital and the radial cells
are small.
1965]
Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
131
The two Agathis species are distinguished from each other by
their size. Agathis cinctus is larger. The most striking difference
is in the length of the ovipositor, the A. cinctus ovipositor being
longer than the abdomen whereas the A. pumila ovipositor is about
one-third the length of the abdomen. The two species are separated
from other Wisconsin parasites of the larch casebearer by their
general dark appearance and smoky wings. Although Isdromas sp.
and Campoplex sp. are dark colored and of about the same size,
their wings are not smoky, Apanteles laricellae, a dark colored
braconid, has clear wings,
Graham (1948) reported that A. pumila had one generation per
year in Ontario. The first larval instar overwintered within the
host larva. The parasite remained in the host larva until the host
development was completed in May or early June. As soon as the
host was tied in place for pupation the parasite larva began its
development and pupated within the host during the second or
third week in June. The presence of the parasite egg or larva did
not affect the host larva until pupation time when it was prevented
from pupating. Thus, the host larva remained in the field for an
additional two weeks in June. Adult parasites emerged during late
June and early July, and oviposited during July in the small needle¬
mining casebearer larvae. Eggs hatched in about 14 days and first
instar larvae appeared in July.
Braconidae
Bracon pygmaeus Prov.
Figs. 2, 15, 25, 26
Bracon pygmaeus develops as a solitary, external parasite. It
pupates within a white oval cocoon. The parasite larval skin,
meconium, and host larval skin are found within the cocoon.
Emergence occurs through a hole cut at one end of the cocoon and
through the host case. The irregular emergence hole is near the
top of the case.
Each spiracle (Fig. 15) has a single large atrium and a stalk
with little taper. The closing apparatus is long and consists of two
closely arranged valves. The epistoma, pleurostomata, and hyposto-
mata are fused and form an arch over the mandibles and labial
sclerite (Fig. 2). The superior and inferior mandibular processes
are about equal length. The mandible has a short blade with sev¬
eral teeth posteriorly. The stipital sclerites are in the same plane
and above the hypostomata. They are joined with the hypostomal
spurs at their junction with the labial sclerite. The two arms of the
labial sclerite are joined by a small sclerite which encloses the silk
press at its apex. The maxillary and labial palpi are simple with a
132 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
single sensorium in each. A row of four setae is located along the
epistoma and an additional set of four along the upper surface of
the labial sclerite. Six setae occur on the lower surface of the labial
sclerite. Two additional setae are found, one on each side of the
maxillary palpi. A single seta is located outside of the hypostomata
and above the arm of the stipital sclerite on each side of the cephalic
structure. The antennae are small, about twice as long as the width
of their bases. Antennal sclerites are not present.
Bracon pygmaeus is dark colored but easily separated from
AgatkU spp. by the yellow on the abdomen. The amount of yellow
is variable, from almost completely yellow to only small bands. The
antennae each have 30 segments. There are five tarsal segments. The
legs are yellow with brown bands. The body is covered with small
white setae. There is a cresent-shaped yellow band bordering each
eye. The wings are bordered with a row of long setae and have a
covering of short setae on their surfaces. The stigma is large (Fig.
25) and dark brown. The radial cell is large (Fig. 25, r) and the
intersticial nervure is continuous with the basal vein (Fig. 25, n).
According to Doner (1936) the ovipositing female of B. pyg¬
maeus injected the host larva with a lethal substance. The parasite
egg was then deposited on the external surface of the host. The adult
parasite may have fed extensively on the body fluids of the host.
The egg hatched in about 36 to 38 hours and the young larva began
to feed immediately. It molted to the second instar during the second ;
day of development. The second and third instar larvae molted on
the third and fourth days, respectively. Larvae were mature 6-10
days from egg deposition. Within 24 hours the delicate white cocoon
was spun within the case of the host. The pupal period lasted 4-5
days. There were three generations on the cherry casebearer, after
which the parasite disappeared from the area for the remainder of
the summer. The overwintering stage was unknown. It was thought
that the parasite passed the winter in an alternate host.
Ichneumonidae
Unknown
Figs. 9, 19
Examination of the remains of cases from which G. tenellus
adults had emerged revealed two cephalic structures of an unknown
ichneumoid.
The atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 19) has many small pits on its
surface. The pits are concentrated around the edge with few in the
center. The stalk is segmented, tapers sharply, and has no closing
apparatus. The cephalic structure of what is believed to be the final
imstar (Fig. 9) is heavily sclerotized, and the epistoma, pleurosto- -
1965]
Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
133
mata, and hypostomal spur are fused with the stipital sclerite to
form a continuous arch. The inferior mandibular processes are
prominent. The labral sclerite appears to have a second arm which
lies behind the mandibles. Three valcuoles occur on the labral scler¬
ite. Both maxillary and labial palpi consist of a circle with a single
sensorium in each. Four pits are located above the palpi, the ex¬
terior two of which are joined in each instance. The silk press is
small. Four setae are located near the inner edge of the labial
sclerite and one on each side of the cephalic structure between the
mandibular process and the hypostomal spur. The antennae are
cone-shaped, each with a complete antennal sclerite.
Ichneumonidae
Gelis tenellus (Say)
Figs. 3, 20, 34, 35
Gelis tenellus acts both as a primary and a secondary parasite,
thus the cephalic structure is found in conjunction with other
cephalic structures in the same host case. When secondary para¬
sitism occurs A. pumila is the most common primary host. The
parasite emerges through a small irregular hole cut in the side of
the host case. A thin silk cocoon is found within the case. The re¬
mains of the last larval instar are compacted with the host remains
and the meconium at the end of the case.
The atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 20) is composed of four hori¬
zontal sections and opens into a stalk with seven annulations and
a closing apparatus. The spiracles appear funnel shaped. The epis-
toma is complete, although it appears incomplete because the dorsal
portion is unsclerotized. The superior and inferior mandibular
processes are well developed. The lacinial sclerite is present. The
stipital sclerite does not appear to join with the hypostoma because
its exterior portion is not sclerotized. The silk press is large with
two ridges dividing its lower portion (Fig. 3) and two pits near
its apex. The labral sclerite is well developed. The maxillary and
labial palpi each have two almost equal sized sensoria. Setae are
numerous within the cephalic structure. Antennae are each about
two and one-half times as long as the width at their bases.
Gelis tenellus is perhaps the largest of the Wisconsin parasites
of C. laricella. It is light orange with areas of reddish brown scat¬
tered over the body surface. Body setae are almost completely lack¬
ing. The antennae each have ,19 segments. There are five tarsal seg¬
ments and the setae on the legs are very fine. The wing surfaces
are covered with small setae but their margins are not fringed
with them. Two dark bands of color cross the forewings. The
stigma is darker brown than the wing bands. No males of this
134 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
species are known. There are reports of a wingless form, however,
it was not found as a parasite of the larch casebearer in the study.
A detailed life history of this parasite was published by Muese-
beck and Dohanian ,1927) using larvae of Apanteles, on which G.
tenellus was a hyperparasite. The large egg was deposited singly
within the cocoon of the host on the external surface of the larva.
Host feeding was common and often all body fluids were with¬
drawn from the larva and no egg deposited. Several eggs may be
deposited on the same host but only one larva matured. Because
of their large size, only a few fully developed eggs were found in
the uterus at one time. The limit for oviposition was 6 to 8 eggs in
a 24 hour period. The total number of eggs deposited by one female
was 76, which took from May 11 to July 1. The egg hatched in
about 48 hours and the larva began to feed externally on the host.
The insect had five instars. The first required two days, the next
three a day each, and the fifth instar an average of seven days.
The fifth instar larva fed for only one and one-half days. The aver¬
age pupation period was 7.5 days. The total period from egg to
adult was 22 days. The number of generations varied from 1 to 4
per year, with three most common. Hibernation was as a mature
larva in the host cocoon. Some of the young from the same adult
mature in 18 to 24 days, whereas, some do not reach maturity until
the following spring. Females were produced parthenogenetically.
In Hemiteles areator (Panz.), the European species of Gelis,
parthenogenetic reproduction resulted in males.
Ichneumonidae
Campoplex sp.
Figs. 4, 21, 36, 37
Two males and one female of Campoplex sp. were reared in
1964. The female was obtained by dissection from the host case.
Emergence by the adult is through one small hole cut in the host
case. A thick silk cocoon containing both the final larval skin and
the meconium is found in the host case. The host skin is present at
the base of the host case.
The atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 21) is small. The stalk contains
many annulations and becomes progressively larger in diameter in
a series of steps. No closing apparatus is present. The cephalic
structure was illustrated from a single specimen which was
slightly distorted during preparation. The epistoma, pleurosto-
mata and hypostomata are fused to form an arch. The stipital
sclerites are fused to the base of a wishbone-shaped labial scler-
ite. The superior mandibular processes are well developed. The
inferior mandibular processes are represented by a groove in
1965]
Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
135
the base of the hypostomata in which the mandibles rest. The
silk press is a large “U' ’-shaped structure which originates in
the opening between the two arms of the labial sclerites and
extends toward the tips of the mandibles. The maxillary palpi
are egg-shaped with a divided sensorium in each. The labial
palpi are rounded with two sensoria in each. Many setae are
found wthin the cephalic structure (Fig. 4). The antennae are
each about twice as long as the thickness of their bases and are
flat-topped,
Campoplex sp. is a small black parasite with comparatively short
wings in comparison to its body length (Fig. 36). There are 28
antennal segments and five tarsal segments. The legs are mostly
yellow with areas of brown. The body has few short setae. The
wing surfaces are covered with small brown setae but lack setae
on the edges of either the fore or hind wings. They are not banded.
The costal vein is broken just before the small stigmal area. The
abdomen of the female (Fig. 36) is almost as wide as its thorax,
whereas the male abdomen (Fig. 37) is visibly narrower than the
thorax.
Eulophidae
Kratochviliana laricinellae (Ratz.)
Figs. 10, 17, 29, 30
Kratochviliana laricinellae is an internal, solitary parasite which
forms a white silk cocoon. The larval skin, meconium, and host
skin are present within the cocoon. A black pupal skin remains in
the cocoon also. Emergence is through a hole cut in the host case.
Location of the emergence hole is variable and is not an identifying
character.
The spherical atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 17) is unsculptured.
The stalk is nearly half as large as the atrium at the point of junc¬
tion, It tapers to about one-third its original width at the closing
apparatus which is short and narrower than the last segment of
the stalk. The cephalic structure is much reduced (Fig. 10). The
mandibles are large and appear to be the only part of the cephalic
structure present, however, mandibular processes are present. The
superior processes are well developed whereas the inferior proc¬
esses consist of grooves in the hypostoma which serve as articula¬
tion points. A large silk press is present between the mandibles.
The labial palpi each contain one sensorium. Three pits adjoin the
palpi. The antennae are small, each slightly larger than the width
at their bases. The antennal sclerites are large and well developed.
This brightly colored eulophid is primarily metallic green ex¬
cept for a metallic blue thorax. The sclerites of the thorax are bare
and have many small pits. The abdomen has a single row of setae
136 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
on the posterior edge of each tergite (Fig. 29). Each antenna is
geniculate and composed of seven segments. The terminal segment
is pointed and has a false ring. There are four tarsal segments on
the white to pale yellow legs. The wing surfaces are covered with
small white setae. The leading edges of the fore and hind wings
are fringed with setae whereas the hind edges are bare. The male
(Fig. 30) is smaller than the female and has a slightly narrower
abdomen. The ovipositor of the female (Fig. 29) is not visible from
above.
Detailed descriptions of the instars were made by Dowden
(1941) and of the life history by Graham (1948). The egg was
deposited in the body of the host larva. Host feeding by the para¬
site female was common. Many immature parasites died because
they had insufficient food as a result of the extensive feeding on
the host larva before egg deposition. Eggs hatched in about 48
hours. First instar larval development lasted two days with one
day in each of the second and third instars. A last-instar larva took
two days to complete its development after which it cut through
the host skin and moved to the cleared area of the case. Pupation
occurred in about 24 hours and about 8 to ,10 days were spent as
pupae before the adult emerged. Total developmental period from
egg to adult took from 17 to 23 days.
Graham (1948) stated that K. laricinellae produced three gen¬
erations per year. Hibernation took place in the host larval case
within the full-grown larval stage of the host. Pupation took place
in early May and the adult emerged 7 to 10 days later. It parasi¬
tized the overwintering larva of the casebearer which usually had
been feeding for a week or so. The host larva died when the para¬
site egg hatched. The adults which produced the second genera¬
tion emerged from mid-June to mid-July; the earlier ones para¬
sitizing the larvae already parasitized by A. pumila, and the later
ones the young needle-mining casebearers. Pupation did not take
place until the end of August or the first week in September. Very
little evidence was found to support Graham's theory of A. pumila
serving as a support for populations of K. laricinellae. Several
hundred cases were opened and the parasite remains examined.
No evidence of A. pumila remains in the same case containing the
remains of a successful emergence of K. laricinellae have been
found. As the field samples were collected and examined through¬
out the spring period some evidence of this should have been found
in the parasite remains if K. laricinellae was indeed dependent on
the nonpupated casebearers containing larvae of A, pumila.
The adults producing the third generation emerged from mid-
September to early October. This generation developed entirely
within the needle-mining host larvae and the resulting adult para-
1965]
Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
137
sites were very small. Emergence of the third generation usually
coincided with the formation of the host case and the beginning of
diapause. Development was rapid and the parasite larvae matured
and entered diapause in about two weeks.
Pteromalidae
Capeilia lividicorpus (Grit.)
Fig. 33
Capeilia lividicorpus is not included in the key to the immature
stages as the larval skins were inadvertently destroyed before illus¬
trations could be made. The adult is dull purple with few body
setae. The sclerites of the thorax are covered with many small pits.
The antennae each have 10 segments. There are five tarsal seg¬
ments on each leg. The wing surfaces are covered with small white
setae and their edges are fringed with setae. The male is similar to
the female, but has a small amount of yellow on the abdomen. This
makes the male easy to confuse with the males of H, phycidis and
K, laricinellae. The purple color of the thorax of C. lividicorpus,
however, distinguishes it from the others.
The life cycle was investigated by Beacher (1947) using the
pistol casebearer, Coleophora malicorella Riley, as a host. Copula¬
tion occurred shortly after the emergence of the insects. In gen¬
eral, a female required about one week to develop an interest in the
host. After preliminary movements of the antennae over the
case, the abdomen was curved downward and the tip applied
to the point of the case where the ovipositor was to be inserted.
The point of insertion was usually in the center of the case, the
head of the female being directed toward the distal end. Thus,
the thoracic region of the host larva was pierced, allowing the
paralyzing agent to reach a vital part quickly. When the host larva
remained quiescent for a few minutes, the true egg thrust occurred,
and the ovipositor often remained inserted for over a minute. C.
lividicorpus was an ectoparasite, and the eggs were deposited upon
the integument of the larva. Several eggs were commonly deposited
on a single host. The average number of eggs per female was 21,
usually deposited over a ten day period.
Larval maturity was attained in approximately 11 days after
eclosion, with the complete reduction of the host larva to a flat¬
tened, dried mass. Reports of ten parasite larvae reaching full
growth on a single host and isuccessfully emerging as adults were
known. The mature larvae averaged 2 mm. long and 0.5 mm. wide.
A fine white cocoon was constructed within the case of the host.
The pupal stage usually lasted seven days. The complete life cycle
averaged 20 days as follows ; egg stage 36 to 48 hours ; larval stage
138 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
(three instars) 11 days; pupal stage seven days. At least two gen¬
erations occurred annually on the pistol casebearer.
Pteromalidae
Habrocytus phycidis Ashm.
Figs. 11, 12, 18, 31, 32
This parasite was reared frequently from the different sampling
areas. In all instances but one it was a solitary parasite. In that
instance, two males emerged from the same case. A light brown
pupal skin is found within the host case. No cocoon is apparent and
the parasite appears free in the host case. The larval skin, me¬
conium and host skin are compacted at the base of the host case.
Emergence occurs through a hole cut in the side of the case.
The atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 18) is large and irregularly
sculptured. The stalk is almost as wide as the atrium and has seven
annulations before the large closing apparatus. The cephalic struc¬
ture is reduced and very small. The epistoma, pleurostomata and
hypostomata are fused into a single arch. The superior mandibular
processes are reduced to ball-and-socket type pivot points (Figs.
11, 12). The inferior mandibular processes are greatly enlarged
and extend for about one-third the width of the cephalic structure.
The labial sclerite, labial palpi, maxillary palpi, stipital sclerites,
silk press and labral sclerites are apparently lacking. Four setae
occur along the epistoma. The antennae are long, about two times
the width of the base. Antennal sclerites are lacking.
Habrocytus phycidis is a small metallic green parasite. The
thorax is bare, but the sclerites are covered with many small pits.
The antennae are geniculate and each is composed of 12 segments
which include two very small segments between the second and
fifth segments. There are five tarsal segments. The legs are light
yellow-brown. The wing surfaces are covered with small white
setae and both the fore and hind wing margins are fringed with
setae. The abdomen of the female (Fig. 31) is pointed and dark
green whereas the male (Fig. 32) has a rounded abdomen with an
area of light yellow grading to dark green at the apex.
Clausen (1962) reported that the majority of species of this
genus were external gregarious parasites of lepidopterous and
coleopterous larvae and pupae. In all but one of the larch case-
bearers examined they have been solitary. Host feeding was very
important in this group and detailed studies have been made of the
formation of a feeding tube by the female to enable her to draw
the fluids from the host. The female parasite pumped droplets of
a paralyzing fluid into the body of the host. Doner (1936), found
that the female of H. phycidis made repeated injections of the
paralyzing fluid. This was done by stinging the host several times.
1965]
Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
139
Figures 1-12. Cephalic structures of final-instar hymenopterous larvae.
1, Agathis pumila (Ratz.), cephalic structure, anterior view; 2, 6, Bracon
pygmaeus Prov. ; 2, cephalic structure, anterior view; 6, left mandible show¬
ing teeth; 3, Gelis tenellus (Say), cephalic structure, anterior view; 4, Cam-
poplex sp., cephalic structure, anterior view; 5, Agathis cincUis (Cress.),
cephalic structure, anterior view; 7, 8, Spilochalcis albifrons (Walsh) ; 7, left
mandible showing points of articulation; 8, cephalic structure, anterior view;
9, unknown ichneumonid, cephalic structure, anterior view; 10, Kratochviliana
laricinellae (Ratz.), cephalic structure, anterior view; 11, 12, Habrocytus
phycidis Ashm. ; 11, right mandible; 12, cephalic structure, anterior view.
leaving it, and later returning to re-sting it. The parasite usually
then left for a second time and returned shortly to oviposit in the
completely paralyzed larva. The number of eggs per female ranged
from 38 to 59 and these were deposited usually over an 8 to 10
day period.
140 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figures 13-21. Spiracles of final-instar hymenopterous larvae: 13, Agathis
pumila (Ratz.) ; 14, Agathis cinctus (Cress.); 15, Bracon pygmaeus Prov. ;
16, Spilochalcis albifrons (Walsh) ; 17, Kratochviliana laricinellae (Ratz.) :
18, Hahrocytus phycidis Ashm.; 19, unknown ichneumonid ; 20, Gelis tenellus
( Say) ; 21, Campoplex sp.
Clausen (1962) outlined the life history of the group as being
short, averaging three weeks from egg to adult. The incubation of
the egg required from less than one to three days, the larval period
4 to 10 days and the pupal period 4 to 14 days. The number of gen¬
erations per year was dependent on the availability of the host
stages, and most species produced generation after generation as
long as these were available. Hibernation of the majority of species
was in the mature larval stages within the host cell, cocoon, or
1965]
Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
141
Figures 22-26. Adult hymenopterous parasites of C. laricella: 22, 23, Agathis
pumila (Ratz.) ; 22, female; 23, tip of abdomen showing length of ovipositor;
24, Agathis cinctus (Cress.), tip of abdomen showing length of ovipositor;
25, 26, Bracon pygmaeus Prov.; 25, female; 26, tip of abdomen of male.
puparium. No descriptive studies were available on the immature
stages of H, phycidis.
Chalcididae
Spilochalcis alhifrons- (Walsh)
Figs. 7, 8, 16, 27, 28
Spiloehalcis albifrons is the only parasite of the complex which
always emerges through the host pupal skin. The parasite pupal
142 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figures 27-30. Adult hymenopterous parasites of C. laricella: 27, 28, Spilo-
chalcis albifrons (Walsh) ; 27, male; 28, hind femur showing enlargement and j
teeth; 29', 30, KratochviliaTia laricinellae (Ratz.) ; 29, female; 30, abdomen of j
male. j
skin is dark brown and occurs next to the host pupal skin in the j
host case. The parasite is solitary. A thick silk cocoon is present. J
The larval skin is usually found tangled in the silk of the cocoon, j
The host meconium and skin are packed at the base of the case, |
and the parasite meconium within the cocoon. j
The atrium of the spiracle (Fig. 16) is slightly smaller than the j
first annulation of the stalk. Seven annulations are present, and j
the fifth has a false segmented appearance. The last annulation is ; !
1965]
Sloan and Coppel — Insect Parasites
143
Figures 31-33. Adult hymenopterous parasites of C. laricella: 31, 32, Habro-
cytus phycidis Ashm. ; 31, female; 32, male; 33, Capellia lividicorpus (Gir.),
female.
funnel-shapped and the closing apparatus joins the stalk of the
funnel. The cephalic structure is reduced. The epistoma is incom¬
plete in appearance but may be complete with the dorsal portion
unsclerotized. The pleurostomata and hypostomata are fused to
form two side pieces. The hypostomata are long, nearly more than
half the total length of the cephalic structure. The labral sclerite
has a group of vacuoles at each end. The superior mandibular
processes are well developed. The inferior mandibular processes
are joined and extend completely across the cephalic structure
(Figs. 7, 8). The labial palpi appear as projecting knobs. Two sen-
soria are present in the area adjoining the labial palpi. Maxillary
palpi could not be located.
144 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figures 34-37. Adult hymenopterous parasites of C. laricella: 34, 35, Gelis
tenellus (Say); 34, female; 35, lateral view of abdomen of female; 36, 37,
Campoplex sp.; 36, female; 37, abdomen of male.
This chalcid is readily separated from the remaining Wisconsin
parasites by the presence of the much enlarged femora (Figs. 27,
28). The adult is black with areas of white or cream on various
parts of the body particularly in the facial region. The antennae
are geniculate and each is composed of 12 segments (Fig. 27, basal
segment not shown) . There are five tarsal segments. The tibia and
tarsal segments are cream colored and the remaining portions of
the legs are dark. The body is covered with fine setae,
Clausen (1962) reported that all known species were solitary
and developed internally. Arthur (1938) described the mating be¬
havior of Spilochalcis side (Walk.) a closely related species. Mat-
1965]
Sloan and Compel — Insect Parasites
145
ing took place soon after the female emerged and was preceeded
by a courtship. This included waving the antennae up and down
and swaying the body by the male. Wing stroking by the male also
occurred. Eggs were deposited 1 to 4 per host and hatched in 40
to 48 hours. One first instar larva usually killed the rest of the
parasites present. Three larval instars were reported by Arthur.
The larval period lasted 6 to 10 days, with emergence of the adults
20 to 25 days after the eggs were deposited. Clausen (1962) stated
that, for the group, the usual number of larval instars was five
rather than the three of Arthur's, these varying from the hymen-
opteri-form first instar larva to an oval larva in the fifth instar.
Summary
Some fifteen species of parasites of Coleophora laricella Hbn.
have been reared in Wisconsin. Two keys have been prepared to
aid in separation both of adult parasites and the parasite remains
left in the host case. Nine species of parasites are included in each
of the keys. Brief notes on the biology of each species, and illus¬
trations and descriptions of the final-instar cephalic structures are
also included.
Acknoivledgements
The authors wish to express their appreciation to the Univer¬
sity Arboretum Committee for permission to use the Arboretum
for a study area; to Messrs. S. Banash, Wisconsin Conservation
Department, Antigo; M. Conrad, Wisconsin Department of Agri¬
culture, Madison for aid in collections of field material; and to
W. H. Anderson, Chief of the Insect Identification and Parasite
Introduction Branch of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and
his staff, especially Miss L. M. Walkley, Messrs. B. D. Burks and
C. F. W. Muesebeck for identifying the specimens.
References Cited
Arthur, A. P. 1958, Development, behavior, and descriptions of immature
stages of Spilochalcis side (Walk.) (Hymenoptera:Chalcididae). Can.
Entomol. 90: 590-595.
Beacher, J. H. 1947. Studies of pistol casebearer parasites. Ann. Entomol. Soc.
Amer. 40: 530-544.
Clausen, C. P. 1962. Entomophagous Insects. Hafner Co., New York. 688 p.
Doner, M. H, 1936. Hymenopterous parasites of Coleophora pruniella Cl. and
the parasites recorded from other species of Coleophora. Ann. Entomol.
Soc. Amer. 27 : 224-244.
Dowden, P. B. 1941. Parasites of the birch leaf-mining sawfly (Phyllotoma
nemorata). U.S. Dept. Agr. Tech. Bull. 757. 56 p.
Finlayson, T. 1960. Taxonomy of cocoons and puparia and their contents
of Canadian parasites of Neodiprion sertifer (Geoff.), Can. Entomol.
92: 20-47.
146 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Graham, A. R. 1948. Developments in the control of the larch casebearer,
Coleophora laricella Hbn. Ann. Kept. Entomol, Soc. Ont. 79: 45-50.
Hagen, H. A. 1886. Coleophora laricella Hbn. very injurious to Larix europea
in Massachusetts. Can. Entomol. 18: 125.
MacAloney, H. J. 1939. Insect Pest Survey Bull., U.S. Dept. Agr. Res.
Admin., Bur. Entomol. Plant Quar. 19. 164.
Muesebeck, C. F. and S. M. Dohanian. 1927. A study in hyperparasitism.
U.S. Dept. Agr. Bull. 1487. 12-14.
Patch, E. M. 1906. Notes on insects, 1905. Maine Bull. 134. 218.
Pechanec, J. F. 1963. Annual report 1963, Intermountain Forest and Range
Expt, Sta., U.S. Dept. Agr. F .S. 58.
Peirson, H. B. 1927. Manual of forest insects. Bull. No. 5 Maine Forest
Service. 13 p.
Webb, F. E. 1953, An ecological study of the larch casebearer, Coleophora
laricella Hbn, (Lepidoptera :Coleophoridae) . (Unpub.) Ph.D. Thesis
Univ. Mich., Ann Arbor. 212 p.
THE BEAVER IN EARLY WISCONSIN
A. W. Schoryer
Wisconsin was noted among the French for the quantity and
quality of its beaver. Perrot (1864:57), who came first to the
Northwest in 1665, stated that as one went north to the Wisconsin
River, the winters became long and cold. Here the beaver was best
and the hunting season lasted longest. A memorandum of 1786
from the British traders (1892) at Montreal states that the Chip¬
pewa country south of Lake Superior was scarcely to be surpassed
or equalled for its fine furs. Johnston (1960) was at Fond du Lac
(Superior) in 1792 and thought that the region produced the best
assortment of furs of any place on the continent. Beaver of the
highest quality, however, came from north of Lake Superior ac¬
cording to Aigremont (1902) .
The upper Misissippi district in the season 1734-35 produced
100,000 good beaver skins, worth 178,000 livres, and this in spite
of the Indian troubles (Hocquart, 1906). Champigny (1902) ex¬
pressed the opinion that Le Seur’s request to develop mines on the
upper Mississippi concealed an intention to mine for beaver. The
number of Indian hunters frequenting Lake Pepin about 1766 was
2000 and each brought to trade 100 pounds of beaver (Carver,
1781:337). This is approximately 160,000 pelts. In 1774 about 130
canoes from Mackinac came to Prairie du Chien and departed with
1500 packs of various furs (P. Pond, 1908) .
Green Bay (La Baye, Baye des Puants) was long the beaver
emporium in the state. La Salle (1902), peaked at ecclesiastical
competition, wrote that the Jesuits at the mouth of the Fox River
held the key to the beaver country. There “a lay brother that they
have, who is a blacksmith, with two companions converts more iron
into beaver-skins than the Fathers convert savages into
Christians.”
In 1739 Green Bay produced only 110 packs of beaver, though
ordinarily 300 to 400 packs (Innis, 1927:151). A few years later
this post provided 500 to 600 packs of mixed furs and was farmed
for 9000 francs. The post was worth 312,000 livres to Rigaud and
Marin over a period of three years (1754-56) ; and in the time of
the Senior Marin it netted a profit of more than 150,000 livres an-
*The author is Professor Emeritus of Wildlife Manag-ement, University of
Wisconsin-Madison.
147
148 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
nually (Bougainville, 1908:183, 192). Todd and McTavish (1895),
merchants of Montreal, estimated in 1794 that Green Bay, includ¬
ing the upper Mississippi and the south shore of Lake Superior,
provided 300 packs ; and Milwaukee 120 packs,
A government factory, or trading post, was established at Green
Bay in 1810. Joseph P. Varnum, Indian agent at Mackinac, recom¬
mended the Bay on account of the valuable beaver pelts produced
in the area (Peake, 1954 :20) . This is a far cry from reality at that
time. During a period of four years the returns in beaver to the
factory were: 1816, none; 1817, 13 pounds; ,1818, none; and 1819,
2 pounds (Anon,, 1834). The factories were never able to compete
successfully with the private traders.
Fur Trade Annals
The arrival of Jean Nicolet at Green Bay in 1634 formed the first
visit of a white man to Wisconsin. As a result of intertribal wars,
no traders appeared in the state for nearly a score of years after¬
wards. The beaver trade then continued with few important in¬
terruptions. These were usually caused by Indian wars which were
a plague to the French since they interfered with the hunting of
beaver.
1654. Radisson and Grosseilliers are the first recorded traders. Defeat of the
Iroquois in 1653 permitted Radisson to accompany the Ottawa to the
St, Lawrence with a cargo of furs.
1656. Radisson and a com.panion returned to Wisconsin.
1660. Radisson and Grosseilliers built a trading post at Chequamegon Bay.
Antoine Trottier with a party arrived at the bay. Return was delayed
for three years by Indian wars. Insufficient furs were collected to meet
expenses.
1668. Perrot came to Green Bay.
1669. The mission of St. Francis Xavier was established at Green Bay by the
Jesuits who were active in the fur trade.
1673. Marquette and Joliet “discovered’’ the Mississippi though they were not
the first to do so.
1679. The trader Duluth obtained a peace pact between the Indians gathered
at Fond du Lac ( Superior) .
1678-80. La Salle had men at Green Bay to collect furs.
1685. Perrot left his command at Green Bay in autumn and built a temporary
wintering post at Trempealeau. The following spring he built Fort St.
Antoine in Pepin County.
1687. The mission house at Green Bay was burned by hostile Indians. Perrot
lost his furs valued at $40,000.
1693. Le Seur built a post on the southwestern shore of Madeline Island.
1694. A post was established by Le Seur on the Mississippi, below the mouth
of the St. Croix, on Pelee, now Prairie Island.
1689-1701. By royal decree there were few traders in the West. This was due
in part to a surplus of beaver and in part to the influence of the Jesuits.
1706. Boisseau was operating at Green Bay without a license.
1965] Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin 149
1716. Louvingy attacked the Fox village on Little Lake Butte des Morts. The
truce agreement stipulated that the cost of the war would be paid for
by the Fox in beaver.
1718. The French built a new military post on Madeline Island.
1727. A military and trading post was built on the west shore of Lake Pepin.
1731. Beauharnois sent Villiers to rebuild the fort at Green Bay. Linctot con¬
structed a fort at Mount Trempealeau on the site of Perrot’s old win¬
tering post. It was maintained for five years.
1740. The Chippewa drive the Sioux from Lac du Flambeau and Lac Court
Oreilles.
1759. Wolfe defeated Montcalm at Quebec.
1760. Montreal surrendered.
1761. Lieut. James Gorrell with seventeen men and two traders occupied the
delapitated French fort at Green Bay.
1763, Following the massacre at Mackinac, the English army permanently
abandoned Green Bay.
1765. The trader Alexander Henry arrived at Chequamegon Bay,
1779. The Northwest fur company was organized.
1784. The Mackinac Company was formed about this time.
1808. The American Fur Company was organized by John Jacob Astor.
1811. Astor formed, under the American Fur Company, the Southwest Com¬
pany which absorbed the Mackinac Company.
1834. Astor retired from the American Fur Company which was then headed
by Ramsay Crooks.
1848. The American Fur Company virtually ceased operation.
Utilization
The beaver formed one of the important foods of the Indians
and was captured throughout the year. It was roasted entire and
the French had to persuade them to discontinue this practise as
the pelt was destroyed. Perrot (1864:99) relates that the Ottawa
returned some prisoners to the Sioux in northwestern Wisconsin.
They did not bring back many beaver pelts since the Sioux were
accustomed to roast the whole beaver for eating.
Originally the pelt was of little value in the eyes of the Indians.
At Chequamegon Bay they could not understand why the French
would come so great a distance to obtain their well-worn robes (La
Potherie, 1753:86). While Marquette (1903) was at Chicago in
1674, the Illinois were so eager for French tobacco that they threw
beaver skins at his feet in order to obtain a few pieces of it. A
chief at Green Bay gave Perrot (La Potherie, 1753, 11:127) ten
beaver robes for some theriac.*
The flesh of the beaver was eaten quite extensively by whites
especially on trading expeditions. To some the flavor was unpleas¬
ant. Edibility resulted from long boiling or preferably roasting.
Lahontan (1703, 1:142) thought the flesh delicious in autumn and
winter but it had to be roasted to taste well. The roasted fat tail
was eaten eagerly by trappers. Thompson (1962:, 152, 209) wrote
*A mixture of many drug’s used as an antidote to poison.
150 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
tersely: '‘His meat is agreeable to most although fat and oily; the
tail is a delicacy.” Among the provisions for his trip down the St.
Louis River in Minnesota were four beaver tails. Hunger is a sauce
blind to discrimination. Du Creux (1951) in 1664 thought it a moot
question whether the beaver was a land or water animal. Ration¬
alization permitted the French to eat beaver on meatless days. The
faculty of medicine in Paris declared from its aquatic habits that
the beaver was a fish, so the faculty of theology decided that it
could be eaten on lean days (Charlevoix, 1744:142). The kidneys
of the beaver were collected at a few posts. Perrault (1909-
10:555) brought out a keg of them, from his post on the Red
Cedar River, weighing 45 pounds. In 1754 there were shipped to
France 1040 pounds of kidneys valued at three livres a pound
(Innis, 1927:153).
Special glands in the beaver secrete a yellowish, unctous sub¬
stance called castoreum. Its uses in medicine as given by Charle¬
voix (1744:145) represents the quackery of the age. In relatively
recent times it was used as a fixative in perfumes. Its most valu¬
able use was as a lure in trapping beaver. The amount collected was
not large. The inventory of October 15, 1824, of all the returns
assembled at Mackinac by the American Fur Company shows 83
pounds of castoreum. During the ten-year period, 1837-46, the
total collection at La Pointe was ,128.5 pounds with an annual vari¬
ation of 4.75 to 26.75 pounds. On August 20, 1837, 11.5 ounces of
castoreum were sold by the American Fur Company at Mackinac
for $5.50. William Brewster, Detroit, was informed by the Com¬
pany in March, 1839, that a price of $4.00 a pound was expected.
Though garments of beaver fur were worn quite extensively,
particularly in Russia, the greatest use of the fur was in the man¬
ufacture of hats. Only the hairs of the undercoat (wool) were em¬
ployed. The nature of the scales on beaver hairs gives them a high
felting quality by interlocking. At first the hat was made entirely
of beaver hair. According to Cadillac (1883) a satisfactory hat
could be made by using one-third dry beaver wool and two-thirds
of fat or semi-fat wool. These terms will be explained subsequently.
The French for a long period enjoyed a monopoly in hat manufac¬
ture. In 1752 the wool sold in France at 18 shillings a pound and
in England at 32 shillings. Beaver pelts were worth 6 shillings a
pound in France and 11 shillings in England. One English manu¬
facturer used 10 to 12 ounces of the wool in a hat for export and
7 to 8 ounces in one for domestic wear (Hume, 1803). In France
it was estimated that 10 pounds of pelt would produce 33 ounces of
wool which would make three and one-half hats, since at most 9
ounces of wool were used in a hat (Cadillac, 1883).
1965] Schorger—The Beaver' in Early Wisconsin 151
Hats were eventually cheapened by using a foundation of rabbit
and other common fur hairs, and limiting beaver wool to the nap
or surface (Lawson, 1943). About 1830 the silk hat came into
fashion and the use of beaver declined rapidly. In January, 1836,
the London agent of the American Fur Company wrote that the
abundance of nutria had lowered the price of beaver; and in
August of the same year that silk hats were in almost universal
use (Nute, 1944 :nos, 1168, 1865),
Hunting
Several methods for taking beaver were employed. The only trap
used by the Indians prior to the arrival of Europeans was the
deadfall which was baited with a branch of aspen or other suitable
wood. This mechanism was used from the Atlantic Ocean to the
Mississippi River (Le Clercq, 1691; Carver, 1781:185), The dead=
fall was of little use in winter, the season when the fur was most
valuable, since at that time the beaver seldom appeared on land.
Then the beaver had to be driven from its house. The early writ-
ers frequently garbled the procedure or omitted essential details.
Having found the exit from the house, by cutting a hole in the ice,
a net was placed in front of it. A hole was then cut into the house
to drive out the beaver which was caught in the net, drawn to the
surface, and dispatched (Hennepin, 1903:518), Before iron axes
and spuds were made available by Europeans, the opening of a
frozen beaver house was a laborious procedure for the Indian with
his primitive tools.
The beaver was taken in nets in other ways. According to Le
Jeune (1897,1:299) a hole was cut in the ice near the house into
which ,a baited net was placed. On attempting to eat the bark of
the wood, the beaver became entangled in the net, rose to the sur¬
face of the water and was killed with a club. This method entailed
a long, patient, and often fruitless vigil on the part of the Indian.
Also a hole was made in the house to drive the beaver into the
adjacent pond. The dam was then broken down and a net placed
in the gap to catch the beaver as it sought deep water when the
pond drained (Perrot, 1864:52). Carver (1781:185) states that
when a house was broken into the beaver sought the deepest water
in the pond. Here a net had been set in which the beaver became
entangled.
The use of nets was original with the Indians who made the
twine of various bast fibers. In northwestern Wisconsin, about
1662, the Sioux stretched beaver nets with attached bells in a rice
marsh where the Hurons were hidden. When the latter attempted
to reach dry land, the Soiux were warned and captured them
152 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
(Perrot, 1864:89). Traders carried twine for making nets. Duluth
(1902) gave an Ottawa some twine with the reminder that to
keep the Indians from dying of cold and hunger the French sup¬
plied them with guns, axes, and twine.
Another method of capture was to cut a hole in the ice and drive
stakes to form a ring within which fresh aspen was placed. One of
the stakes was withdrawn to permit entrance of the beaver. When
the beaver entered the enclosure the stake was inserted in the gap,
forcing the beaver to rise eventually to the surface where it was
killed with a club or a spear. Grant (1860) mentions that a board
closed the entrance after a beaver entered. The method was prac¬
tical only in February and March by which time the beaver had
tired of his stale food.
Some beavers lived in bank burrows in lieu of houses. There
were also escape burrows around the ponds if the banks permitted.
The Chippewa name for a burrow was o-tvazhe, corrupted to
‘‘wash.’' Before the steel trap came into use most of the beavers
were taken from washes. Henry (1921:127-28) wrote of his hunt¬
ing experiences with the Indians: “Breaking up the house, how¬
ever, is only a preparatory step. During this operation the family
make their escape to one or more of their washes. These are to
be discovered by striking the ice along the bank, and where the
holes are a hollow sound is returned. After discovering and search¬
ing many of these in vain we often found the whole family together
in the same wash. . . . From the washes they must be taken out
with the hands ; and in doing this the hunter sometimes receives
severe wounds from their teeth.”
The presence of a beaver in a wash could sometimes be detected
by the motion of the water at the entrance or by the muddy ap¬
pearance of the water after the beaver had entered, following
exodus from the house. The burrow rose from its under water en¬
trance to a dry chamber near the surface of the ground in which
was a small opening for the admission of air. In order to secure
the beaver the entrance to the burrow was closed with stakes and
the burrow opened at the chamber. If the beaver remained above
water it was killed with a club; and if submerged, it was with¬
drawn with a crooked stick or by hand (Le Jeune, 1897.1 :301 ;
Morgan, 1868:238). The Indians of western Manitoba had a pecul¬
iar breed of dogs with an extremely keen sense of smell. They were
used to detect the thinnest places in the beaver houses and the air
openings of the burrows (Thompson, 1962:153). The Chippewa
along Lake Superior also used dogs for detecting inhabited washes
(Grant, 1860) ,
Many beavers were taken with spears. Le Jeune (1897) was
requested by the Indians to furnish them with cord which was to
1965] S charger- — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin 153
be attached to spears with barbed iron points. The Indian held
the cord until the diving beaver became so exhausted that it could
be drawn in. The father of W. W, Cooke (1940:294) speared bea¬
ver in Buffalo County. He would follow a stream with his dog
which was so highly trained that he would come to a point at the
air opening of an occupied wash. Cooke would go to the edge of the
stream and locate the exit. On a signal the heavy eighty-pound dog
would rear and come down on the ground at the air hole. The earth
was usually so thin that it caved in. The beaver would break for
the stream and was speared easily.
Beavers were sometimes shot. At dusk when they came out to
feed or work on their dams, the hunter allowed his canoe to drift
silently down stream (Henry, 1921:125). The hazard lay in se¬
curing a beaver which had been killed since it sank quickly to the
bottom. The trade goods shipped to Milwaukee in 1821 for James
Kinzie (1888) contained 112 pounds of beaver and duck shot in¬
voiced at $22.40, As long as a demand existed for beaver for mak¬
ing hats, the value of the skin was not decreased by the perfora¬
tions produced by shot and spear. After the hair was removed, the
“leather,’’ or skin proper, was made into glue.
The most effective way of taking beaver was with the steel trap
which was in general use by ,1750 (Schorger, 1951:178). Pierre
Grignon who traded at Green Bay from 1763-95 always kept a
blacksmith to make traps (Grignon, 1857). All that was necessary
to catch a beaver was to place in the water a trap beside which
projected a stick having castoreum on the end. The discoverer of
this efficient lure remains unknown. Strangely the Indians learned
its use from the whites. Many aromatic substances were used as a
substitute for castoreum and were frequently mixed with it. In
Trempealeau County the Indians sometimes used castoreum but
camhpor would also serve (Bunnell, 1897:197). Cinnamon, cloves,
and oil of juniper were used in the Lake Superior region. The
government factories, of which there was one at Prairie du Chien
and one at Green Bay, carried in stock for this purpose cinnamon,
nutmeg, cloves, ginger, allspice, and mace (Peake, 1954:60).
The beaver dams were sometimes opened and a trap set in the
channel. Regarding the efficiency of this method in Dunn County,
Cartwright (1875:240) wrote: “There Mr. Putnam tried the old
but fatal plan of cutting down the dam to catch the beavers. He
did let them out; but he caught only two from the four or five dams
which he cut into.”
The steel trap became indispensable and competition in the nine¬
teenth century between traders caused them to loan rather than
sell traps to the Indian. If the trap was not returned he was
charged five dollars for it on the books, Newhouse (1874) sum-
154 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
med up the importance of the trap by stating that trapping for
furs took place in advance of civilization. The trap preceded the
axe and the plow and caused the bear and beaver to give way to
settlement. In his opinion it would not be inappropriate, accord¬
ingly, for Wisconsin to have a steel trap in her coat of arms.
Grades of Pelts
The Indians captured beavers at all seasons. Those taken in
summer for food might or might not be skinned. The poorest pelts
were taken at this season. The quality improved through fall, win¬
ter, and spring. The pelts were not fully prime until spring, the
best being obtained between the first of February and the first of
April, depending on latitude and altitude. In order to keep the
goodwill of the Indians, it was necessary for the trader to buy all
the skins presented, and this forced the establishment of several
grades (La Potherie, 1753, 1:269).
There is some inconsistency as to the grades among the early
writers. Lahontan (1703, 11:70) defines hazily five grades: (1).
Winter beaver, called Muscovite, valued at 4 livres and 10 sous per
pound. (2). Fat beaver, the long hairs of which have fallen out
while being worn by the natives and valued at 5 livres. (3). Soft
beaver, that is beaver taken in autumn, worth 3 livres and 10 sous.
(4). Dry or ordinary beaver, 2 livres. (5). Summer beaver valued
at 3 livres.
Six grades are given by La Potherie (1753, 1:267-69). The first
is fat winter beaver (gras d' hirer) with a fine thick undercoat and
long guard hairs. Six or seven skins were sewed together to make
a robe. The sweat from the Indian’s body and the bear’s grease
from his soiled hands turned the undercoat yellow. Handfulls of
the grease were taken to eat, some of which fell on the guard hairs
and gradually reached the undercoat. The chief source of grease
was probably the bear oil which the Indians applied liberally to
their bodies especially in winter.
The second grade was the half-fat winter beaver (demi-gras).
Due to pressing needs the natives sold these robes to the French
when they were only half-fatted. It was necessary, however, that
they be as supple as the fat robes. The third grade was the summer
fat. The robes had large guard hairs but a thin undercoat. The
fourth grade was the soft beaver (veule). The robes were of fine
quality but since they had been worn very little, the undercoat was
only slightly greased. The pelts were well prepared and the price
was the same as for the fat winter beaver. The fifth grade was
the dry winter beaver (sec). The skins were not used for robes on
account of the holes made by shot or spear. The skin was very
1965] Schorger—The Beaver in Early Wisconsin 155
thick and badly .prepared. The sixth grade was the Muscovite for
which grade the beavers were caught in traps. This was a fine fur
with long guard hairs. There was a large commerce with Russia
in this grade. The Russians combed out the undercoat, leaving only
the long guard hairs. The wool was sold to hatters.
Two kinds of pelts are mentioned by Charlevoix (1923 :146), the
green (vert) and the dry (sec). The green pelt was one which had
been worn by the Indians, hence was equivalent to the fat pelt.
The leather side was scraped, then rubbed with bone marrow to
make the pelt supple before the robe was made. He states that the
robe was worn with the hair side next to the body and was never
removed day or night; also that the long guard hairs soon fell out.
This is doubtful. If the guard hairs fell out, the ampulla, or base
of the hair, must have been cut by too severe scraping in removing
the flesh and fat adhering to the skin. In this case the hairs of the
undercoat would fall out also.
The values in trade of gras, demi-gras, sec (autrement bar-
deau),^ veule, and Muscovite pelts were argued by Cadillac
(1883.1) , He thought that the commerce in fat beaver should cease.
Properly, veule was only a dry beaver which had been scraped,
cleaned, and sewed into a robe. The leather was white, light in
weight, and thinned to the point where the hair could still be held
fast. In the half-fat the leather is greased inside and out, is more
worn, dusty, and matted than the veule and smells of the Indian.
It is dirty but not as much so as the gras.
Eight grades are given by Dobbs (,1744:25) whose information
came from French sources. They follow:
“The first is the fat Winter Beaver, kilTd in Winter, which is worth 5s. 6d.
per Pound,
“The second is the fat Summer Beaver killed in Summer, and is worth 3s. 6d.
“The third the dry Winter Beaver and fourth the Bordeau, is much the same,
and are worth 3s. 6d.
“The fifth the dry Summer Beaver is worth very little, about Is, 6d, per
pound,
“The sixth is the Coat Beaver, which is worn till it is half greased and is
worth 4s. 6d. per Pound.
“The 7th the Muscovite dry beaver, of a fine skin, covered over with a silky
Hair; . . , This is worth 4s. 6d. per Pound,
“The eighth is the Mittain Beaver, cut out for that Purpose to make Mittains,
to preserve them from the cold and are greased by being used, and are
worth Is. 9d. per Pound,”
His grades are poorly defined and he confused bardeaux with
Bordeaux. The English used only coat (fat) and parchment (dry)
beaver in their data on exports in the early part of the eighteenth
century (Dobbs, 1744:199),
I have been unable to find the meaning of hardean as applied to the beaver pelt.
156 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Most of the beaver pelts produced were dry. For example in
1723, Canada exported 649 packs of dry beaver, 330 of fat, 2 of
soft, and 20 of Muscovite (Innis, 1727:150). These grades fell
into disuse in the latter part of the eighteenth century in Wiscon¬
sin. The pelts were then graded as No. 1 and No. 2, I have not dis¬
covered the difference. Porlier (1911) shipped: “No. 1. 100 Bea¬
ver weighing 108 lb.; No. 2. 57 Beaver weighing 78 lb.’’ Both par¬
cels are stated to have been of the best quality. The No. 2 beavers
were the heavier, hence the largest; so that the difference in grades
does not appear to have been based on size.
Weight of Packs and Pelts
Beaver pelts were compressed into packs for economy of space
and ease of handling. Poor grades of bear skins were commonly
used as covers. Four methods of compression were used (Russell,
,1948). At small and remote posts a pole was employed. One end
was fastened to the ground and pressure was applied by the weight
of a man on the other end of the pole. The wedge press consisted
of a frame of four posts driven into the ground, and provided with
cross pieces beneath which were placed the furs covered with slabs
of wood. Pressure was obtained by driving wedges between the
slabs. Large trading posts having easy shipping facilities, such as
Mackinac, used a heavy metal screw press. This press was super¬
seded by the simple and efficient jack.
The weight of a pack of furs is usually given as 90 to 100
pounds. Chittenden (1904) states that a pack weighed 100 pounds
and contained 80 beaver pelts, which would be 1.25 pounds per pelt.
Larpenteur (1933) gives 100 pounds for a pack containing 60 av¬
erage pelts, or 1.66 pounds a pelt. A weight of 100 pounds is also
mentioned by Henry (1921 :197). The packs of beaver taken along
the Minnesota River in 1822 weighed 100 pounds and contained 80
skins; again 1.25 pounds a pelt (Neill, 1852). Harmon (1922) in
180,1 had his furs in packs weighing 90 pounds each. According
to Morgan (1868:228) an average pelt from the Upper Peninsula
of Michigan weighed 1.5 to 1.75 pounds.
Extensive data on the packs of beaver collected by the Northwest
Company at the Fond du Lac post in 1804-05 are given by Pike
(1895). Four packs of mixed large and small pelts averaged 91.5
pounds in weight and contained on the average 69.5 skins weighing
1.32 pounds each. He lists the weights of 115 packs. If the highly
abnormal weights of 72 and 127 pounds for two packs are rejected,
the average weight of a pack is 91.5 pounds.
The following data were compiled from 133 invoices of the
American Fur Company and its agents of beaver taken in the
1965] Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin 157
upper Great Lakes region, principally in Wisconsin. A total of
25,630 pelts weighed 29,545 pounds, or 1.15 pounds each. All lots
weighing less than a pound per pelt were rejected as young or
“cubs.” Their average weight was 0.88 pound. The heaviest lot con¬
sisted of 416 pelts having an average weight of 1.4 pounds, shipped
by Jacques Porlier in August, ,1821. Two apparently especially
selected skins weighed two pounds each. It may be accepted that
the average pack of Wisconsin beaver pelts weighed 91.5 pounds
and contained 80 pelts of 1.15 pounds each.
Large beaver, weighing 80 to 110 pounds, have been caught in
the state (Schorger, 1953; Jackson, 1961:193).
Prices
Originally the unit of value at the trading posts was a beaver
pelt or plus, pronounced plew. Not only were trade goods priced
in beaver pelts but furs other than beaver as well. In the Fond du
Lac region in 1820, a large prime beaver pelt was worth two otter
skins, and three of marten or mink (Doty, 1876:205). The cost of
goods at the posts varied considerably but was regulated largely by
the distance that the supplies must be transported. Examples of
the rate of exchange are given in Table 1.
English blankets for the Indian trade varied in size and weight
and were classified as 2, 21/2, 3, 31/2, and 4 point (Elliott, 1900).
The points were woven into the blanket. A black strip four inches
long represented one point, and a strip two inches long one-half
of a point. A 21/2 point blanket was six feet and three inches long,
five feet and two inches wide, and weighed seven and one-half
pounds (Peake, 1954:56). A 3 point Northwest or Mackinac blan-
Table 1. Rate of Exchange of Full Beaver Pelts For Goods
Inventory value.
158 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
ket was six and one-half feet long, five and one-half feet wide, and
weighed eight and one-half pounds. A 3 point American blanket,
e.g., was inferior in size, weight, and quality.
In 1820, according to Doty (Lc.) a plus (or pound) was esti¬
mated at $2.00 and a large prime beaver skin was worth two plus.
His data have been adjusted to full skins in the above table. Turner
(1889, ,1891) was informed by Andrew J. Vieau that a plus was
a pound of pelt worth $1.00 in his day. Vieau’s trading experience
was in the period 1834-50 and was confined to Milwaukee and a
few places north of this city, an area where the beaver was close
to extinction. The values given by Malhiot (l.c.) for his post at
Lac du Flambeau in 1804-05 are somewhat perplexing. He carried
a gun at ten plus and a 2 point blanket at two plus in his inven¬
tory. The blanket was traded at three plus. His plus must have
been a large skin weighing two pounds for in his return for De¬
cember 23 he lists 30 beaver skins, evidently small, at 16.5 plus.
Traders at Green Bay in 1810 charged $10.00 for a 2% point blan¬
ket (Peake, 1954:20).
It is difficult to follow the early prices in currency of beaver
since it is frequently impossible to determine if the price was
based on the whole skin or the pound. The hat manufacturers were
interested only in the weight of skins, so that selling beaver by the
pound became an early custom. A good example of confusion is
to be found in the tables in Innis (1927 :153, 154). In 1754 a skin
was priced at four francs, and the following year the price is four
francs per pound. In the Canadian trade the average beaver skin
was considered to weigh one and one-half pounds. Where weight
is not stated I have assumed (Table 2) that the price is per pound.
In Table 3 all prices are per pound.
Table 2. Price of Beaver Per Pound
skin sold for $2.25 making $1.50 per pound.
^Canadian livre, or shilling after the conquest of Canada, was worth 16.6 cts. There
were 20 sols to the livre and 12 deniers to the sol. One English shilling = Is. 4d. Cana¬
dian.
^Increase in price attributed to war with the English.
‘^Sterling.
1965]
Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin
159
The prices in Table 3 have been taken from the voluminous
papers of Wisconsin fur traders in the Wisconsin Historical So¬
ciety library and from those of the American Fur Company.
There was a financial crisis in England and the United States in
1837 and the American Fur Company did not know what to do
with its beaver. About this time the Northern Outfit of the Com¬
pany at La Pointe issued ‘‘beaver money” (Fig. 1) with which
the trappers were paid (Nute, 1928). The certificate was payable
in merchandise only. Under normal conditions two profits were
obtainable, one from the merchandise, the other from the furs.
Table 3. Price Per Pound Paid to Wisconsin Traders
*Prices in livres changed to dollars.
Figure 1, Beaver Money used at La Pointe, Madeline Island.
A
160 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
The Wisconsin traders in the first half of the nineteenth century
rarely made a profit, many continuing to sink deeper into debt. The
main reason why the Company continued to advance credits was
that most of the traders had acquired land which had grown in
value and could be put up for security. In 1844 Solomon Juneau
(Nute, 1955: no, 14,187) at Milwaukee was bankrupt with $20,000
of debts. John Lawe (Nute, 1944: no, 7,883), with forty-two years
of experience in the Indian trade, could lament that no one ever
heard of a rise in price of furs. Accustomed to dealing only in furs
and with no other means of support, the traders accepted with
resignation a fate improverishing and inescapable. The Company
was not free from the line of least resistance. Time and again it
was determined to close an unprofitable post, yet the trader was
continued in employment for years afterward.
Decrease of the Beaver
Few species of mammals can withstand continuous and indis¬
criminate trapping. There is precious little evidence that the In¬
dian practised conservation in spite of Lahontan’s (1703, 11:161)
statement that after breaking down a dam the Indians spared a
dozen females and half a dozen males for reproduction. It would
be an unusual pond that even had an initial population of eighteen
beavers. Indians were directly responsible for exhaustion of the
beaver as nearly all the pelts were taken by them.
Only a few Indian tribes were of importance in taking beaver in
Wisconsin. The Chippewa hunted the south shore of Lake Superior
and bartered their furs at Fond du Lac and La Pointe. In 1757 the
Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Winnebago, Mascoutin, Kickapoo, Prairie
Sioux and Lake Sioux came to Green Bay to trade (Bougainville,
1908:183). It is sometimes stated that the Sioux occupied lands
west of the Mississippi and were not residents of Wisconsin. In
the early days, the Sioux held the country immediately east of the
Mississippi and never relinquished in spirit their rights to this
borderland, especially the privilege of hunting. In the census of
1821, the number of Sioux men, women, and children residing east
of the Mississippi is given as 1,182 (Cass, 1911). As late as 1850
Grignon (1914) traded with the Sioux for the furs which they had
obtained up the Trempealeau River.
Beaver were so scarce in the Mackinac region by 1700 that the
Indians went 200 leagues to hunt them. Between October and
May a good hunter could capture 50 to 60 beavers, more or less
(Cadillac, ,1883). This means that he would average only one bea¬
ver in four days. Morgan (1868:243) wrote that an Indian family
of four effective persons would take 75 to 150 beavers in a season
1965] Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin 161
on the south shore of Lake Superior in well-stocked beaver terri¬
tory, and that 50 to 100 were not uncommon. This statement might
have applied to the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, but doubtfully to
Wisconsin. The winter of 1870-71, Cartwright (1875:272) and
a companion caught 73 beavers in Marquette County, Michigan.
By 1793, according to Dickson (1923; Doyle, 1923), very few
beavers were taken east of the Mississippi or on the streams
which flowed into it. The land of the Menominee on Green Bay
was almost exhausted of game. These Indians accordingly spent the
winter in part on the upper Wisconsin, but chiefly on the upper
Mississippi where they captured large numbers of beaver. They
excelled all the other Indians in art. The Winnebago, Sauk, and
Fox hunted chiefly deer, raccoon, and bear. Furs at Fond du Lac
(Superior), which was once a highly productive region, had
dwindled to a trifle by ,1807 (Monk, 1923). This year, at Prairie
du Chien, Dubuque (1910) outfitted a party of eight men to trap
beaver on the Missouri. The Fond du Lac Indians hunted south to
Pine Lake, Polk County, and in 1820 had but few beavers in their
territory (Doty, 1876:201). Brunson (1843) traveled overland
from Prairie du Chien to La Pointe. The only sign of beaver found
was between the headwaters of the Black and Chippewa rivers.
The statement of Lanman (1847) that the beaver was extinct
south of Lake Superior is not true. In the 1880’s it was supposed
to be close to extinction in the state (Strong, 1883 ; Paquette, 1892) .
It was suflftciently uncommon at that period that the trapping of
one, or the presence of its dams, was certain to receive publicity.
In 1912 it was still to be found in most of the northern counties
(Cory, ,1912). The estimate of Seton (1929) that in 1925 only
100 beavers remained in Wisconsin is much too low since 2,208
beavers were trapped in the season 1933-34. The recovery of the
beaver under protection has been remarkable as 14,232 were
trapped in 1958, and 9,806 in 1962. These figures were not ap¬
proached at any time during the nineteenth century.
I have tabulated the copious data on the shipment of beaver from
Wisconsin in the nineteenth century to be found in the fur papers
in the Wisconsin Historical Society without being able to find con¬
secutive quantitative data for any one post extending over a period
as short as ten years. Henry (1921:196) obtained 150 packs at
Chequamegon Bay in the spring of 1766. The return in 1832 at
adjacent La Pointe, under Lyman F. Warren, was down to 250
pelts. These came from the seven posts on the St. Croix, Lac Court
Oreilles, Lac Chetec, Chippewa River, and Lac Vassale* (Allen,
1834). The shipment of beaver from Green Bay declined from 535
pounds in 1813 to 198 pounds in 1836, but in neither case is possi-
""Corruption of Vaseux or Mud Lake, Town of Oakland, Burnett County.
162 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
ble to know the extent of the area from which the furs were col¬
lected. The last shipment of beaver from Milwaukee which I found
was 21.5 pounds in 1822.
If the returns from a post were poor, the trader had an excuse
whether valid or not. There was too much snow or none, high
water, severe competition from rival traders, and the Indians were
starving or ill. In March, 1835, Solomon Juneau wrote from Mil¬
waukee that the Indians were so discouraged by the arrival of so
many settlers north of Chicago that they refused to hunt. Then on
Nov, 23, 1836, Ramsay Crooks wrote that the progress of civiliza¬
tion will break up all of the American Fur Company's trade south
of the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers, worth $25,000 annually.
Distribution of the Beaver
The statement (McLeod, 1946; Lapham, 1946) that formerly
the beaver occurred on all the waters of the state is undoubtedly
correct. As demonstrated below it has been possible to show the
early presence of the beaver in nearly all of Wisconsin's counties.
I am indebted to Walter J. Zelinske and George J. Knudsen of
the Wisconsin Conservation Department for information on the
present and recent status of the beaver in certain counties. The
recent presence of the beaver is good presumptive evidence that
it occurred in primitive times. Numerous streams and lakes bear
the name Beaver from the former presence of this animal (Fig. 2).
Adams. — Beavers were numerous in the early days of settlement
(Cole and Smythe, 1919). In the fall of 1843 Kingston (1879) and
a companion descended the Wisconsin River from Grand (Wiscon¬
sin) Rapids. Fresh sign of beaver was noted on the east bank be¬
low the mouth of Yellow River, hence in the town of Quincy.
Beaver Pond is in the eastern part of the town of Jackson.
Ashland. — Lapham (1858) listed the beaver among the mam¬
mals inhabiting the vicinity of Ashland. In 1878 Joe Harper of
Butternut caught an old beaver which had lost a front paw (Ash¬
land, ,1878). According to McManus (1920) the headwaters of
the Potato River formed “a vast region of beaver dams." Some
beaver were to be found in 1920.
Beaver Lake, town of Morse, two and on-half miles SE of Mel¬
lon ; a second Beaver Lake, one mile SW of the city of Clam Lake ;
a third Beaver Lake, western part of the town of Marengo ; Bea-
verdam Lake, seven miles S of Marengo; Beaver Creek rises two
miles W of Butternut and flows S into Butternut Creek,
Barron. — Surprisingly to some inhabitants, several beavers
were caught in the county in 1881 by J. M. Parkhurst of Prairie
1965]
Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin
163
Figure 2. Early Distribution of the Beaver in Wisconsin.
Farm (Barron, 1881). The following year a few beavers were still
being captured near Rice Lake and their old dams were common
(Butler, 1882). An old and crippled beaver was caught in Hay
River by Mr. Harris of Barron in 1892 (Barron, 1892).
Beaverdam Lake, edge of Cumberland; Beaver Creek, town of
Dovre, flows NW into Tenmile Lake.
Bayfield. — In 1885 a colony of beavers was building a dam on
a stream a few miles from Bayfield (Bayfield, 1885). Nineteen
beavers were taken in March, 1921, by W. T. Gray, mostly in this
164 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
county (Jackson, 1961 :193), a good indication that the beaver was
fairly common.
Beaver Lake, seven and one-half miles N of Drummond.
Brown. — When Nicolet (1898) visited the Winnebagos at Green
Bay in 1634 at least six score beavers were served at one feast.
This is probably an exaggeration like his four to five thousand
curious male visitors, but it indicates that the beaver was common
in the region. Perrot (,1864:279) was in the Great Lakes region
from 1665-70. At the Potawatomi village on the eastern shore of
Green Bay near Point Sable, the Indians gave him five beaver
robes to dispel the ill-will which they had created in him. They did
not wish to hunt beavers as they were few, preferring to seek other
game to satisfy the needs of the body. Lahontan (1703, 1:139) was
at Green Bay in 1689 when he was served a roasted beaver tail.
He saw in the Indian village ten or twelve tame beavers which
came and went at will.
Buffalo. — W. W. Cooke (1940:295) came with his parents in
1856 to a homestead five miles from Gilmanton. Beavers were in
all the streams and two dams flooded part of the farm. His father
took them by spearing. They were pleased if $1.50 was received for
a pelt. In the fall of 1860 two trappers returned to Viroqua with
69 beaver pelts obtained on Beef River (Slough) in a period of
six weeks (Viroqua, 1860).
Burnett. — The winter of 1803-04 Curot (1911) collected three
packs of beaver at his trading post where the Yellow River leaves
Yellow Lake.
Calumet. — Old beaver sign has been found in the towns of
Charlestown and Brillion. At present there is a colony in the town
of New Holstein (In litt., Warden K. L. Reichenbach) . ;
Chippewa.— The fall of 1858 Cartwright (1875:241) and two
companions caught beavers on Mud, Elk, and O’Neil creeks. Trap- ■
pers in the fall of 1886 were taking four to five beavers nightly at
various places on Duncan Creek eight miles above Chippewa Falls.
The animals were also quite numerous on this creek near Bloomer
(Chippewa Falls, ,1886). Several beavers were taken on the same
stream a year later by J. L. Stevens. A substantial dam had been
built within a mile of Bloomer (Chetek, 1887). A fine beaver j
caught on Paint Creek, which flows into Lake Wissota, was ex¬
hibited in Chippewa Falls (Chippewa Falls, 1888). At this time
a number of beavers was taken by a Minnesota hunter in the woods
north of Chippewa Falls (Shullsburg, 1888). On October 25, 1891,
1965]
Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin
165
Frank Hunter on Duncan Creek trapped a beaver weighing 68
pounds (Chippewa Falls, 1891).
Beaver Lake, ten miles NE of Bloomer; Beaver Creek, town of
Wheaton, flows E into the Chippewa River near Chippewa Falls;
another Beaver Creek, a small stream flows N and enters Fisher
River eight miles NE of Cornell.
Clark. — Manly (1927) trapped on the upper Black River the
winter of 1843-44. He stated that the beavers living in the banks
could not be secured until the ice went out in the spring. At this
period the beaver was abundant (French, 1875.1). In 1874 a bea¬
ver minus one leg was killed on the Black River above Neillsville
(Neillsville, 1874). A beaver dam was discovered in 1886 on
O’Neill Creek a short distance east of Neillsville (Milwaukee,
1886). Two beavers were killed ''near the mound” west of the
Black River in the fall of 1889 (Neillsville, 1889).
There is a town of Beaver.
Columbia. — E. F. Lewis settled in ,1849 on Section 16, Town
13N, Range 7E on Beaver Creek, so-called because beavers had
built a dam across it (Lewis, 1920). The stream is now called Big
Slough. A beaver dam at Dorward’s Glen, town of Caledonia, was
still visible in 1896. Dorward (1901) saw it first about 1864.
Beaver Creek rises nine miles N by E of Columbus and flows into
Beaver Dam Lake.
Crawford. — During the 1959 season, 195 beavers were trapped
in the county (Bersing, 1959) .
Dane. — In 1836, according to Tenney (1877), the beaver had
not yet been exterminated in the town of Madison. At present it
is fairly common in the western part of the county.
Dodge. — Beaver Dam Lake and the city of Beaver Dam owe
their names to the beaver. Prior to construction of the dam, the
lake was a large marsh (Snyder, 1902). W. H. Murkley stopped at
Beaver Dam in the spring of 1849 and reported that he saw bea¬
vers working on a dam (Beaver Dam, 1924). In 1843 Lapham
(1925) visited Solomon Juneau’s trading post on the Rock River,
which according to the surveyor’s description was near Mayville.
Beavers were present until about 15 years previously.
Beaver Dam Lake is in the NW part of the county. The portion
of Beaver Creek draining this lake flows S into the Crawfish River,
town of Shields. On the map of Cram (,1839) Beaver Creek bears
the Algonquian name of the beaver, Ahmic.
166 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Door. — As late as September 14, 4905, a beaver was shot at
Washington Harbor, Washington Island (Sturgeon Bay, 1905).
Douglas. — At intervals the Brule was a famous stream for bea¬
vers. In 1680 their dams were numerous (Duluth, 1886). Henry
(1921:188) spent the winter of 1765-66 at Chequamegon Bay
where he advanced goods worth 3000 plus to the Indians who went
to Fond du Lac to hunt. When they paid their credits in the spring
he obtained 150 packs of beaver weighing 100 pounds each. Even
if it is assumed that on the average a pelt weighed as much as one
and one-half pounds, he obtained 10,000 skins!
The water was so low at the headwaters of the Brule in 1767
that Carver (1781:81) had to close several old beaver dams,
broken down by hunters, to raise the water sufficiently to float his
canoe. In 1840, at the proper season, the Chippewa went to the
Brule for “the beaver and otter that exist along its whole course.
There are indications of its once having been abundantly stocked
with these animals ; but the trappers have made such havoc among
them of late years, that the stock has become very much reduced’'
(Cram, 1841). Writing of the Brule in recent years, McManus
(1920:136) stated that it had many ponds formed by beaver dams.
Beaver Creek, flowing S, enters the St. Croix about nine miles
W of Gordon.
Dunn, — Perrault (1909-10:547, 555) built a post on the lower
Red Cedar River and during the winter of 1788-89 traded for 14
packs of beaver of 90 pounds each. From his rough map his post
could not have been much farther up the river than Menomonie.
On one occasion he camped down the river at the petit rocker, near
the po'st, where a deer pursued by wolves jumped from a cliff and
broke its legs on the ice of the river. His rock corresponds with
the Pinnacle midway between Downsville and Menomonie. Fur¬
thermore this is the only elevation sufficiently close to the river for
the tragedy to have occurred.
The winter of 1857-58 Cartwright (1875:240) and a companion
trapped beaver on Pine Creek, town of Sand Creek. The fall of
1858 he and two companions caught beavers on Gilbert and Wil¬
son creeks. Writing of the “Big Woods” a “Pioneer” (1884)
stated: “A notable feature to the eye of the observer, along the
small streams, is the great number of old beaver dams, showing
that at one time these animals must have been very numerous
here.” A few still lingered. The Big Woods comprised the present
towns of Eau Galle, Weston, Lucas, Stanton, Sherman, Sheridan,
and parts of others.
Big Beaver Creek flows SE into Hay River four miles NW of
Wheeler; Little Beaver Creek flows into Big Beaver; Beaver Creek,
1965]
Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin
167
rising in the town of Auburn, Chippewa County, flows W into the
Red Cedar three miles S of Sand Creek. The Beaver River on Per-
raulPs map (l.c.) appears to be the present Hay River.
Eau Claire.- — The fall of 1866 Charles Martin trapped several
beavers in the town of Bridge Creek (Bartlett, 1929). The Slayton
brothers of Augusta took four beavers during their hunt the win¬
ter of 1867-68 (Dodgeville, 1868), On January 22, 1877, a beaver
was killed on the upper Eau Claire River (Eau Claire, 1877).
Three large beavers were trapped in ,1883 by Herman Heckern on
Seven Mile Creek about seven miles east of Eau Claire. They were
then quite rare; however fifteen years previously they were plen¬
tiful (Eau Claire, 1883) . In the fall of 1886 a party of hunters cap¬
tured 40 beavers on Muskrat Creek, town of Wilson (Dele van,
1886).
Beaver Creek enters the Eau Claire River from the E seven
miles E of Altoona ; another Beaver Creek flows N into Otter Creek
at Brackett.
Florence. — A black beaver was caught by Paul Miller on Pine
River, town of Commonwealth (Florence, 1886).
Beaver Pond, town of Long Lake.
Fond du Lac. — Beavers had not been seen for many years in
the town of Osceola until the fall of 1872 when four were killed by
W. Tomkins (Fond du Lac, 1872) ,
Forest. — The county produced 296 beaver pelts in 1959. Insofar
as known, the beaver was never exterminated.
Grant. — At Muscoda, the fall and winter of 1845-46, Robert
and William McCloud bought beaver and other furs, fur-bearing
animals being numerous (Butterfield and Ogle, 1884). There is
now a considerable population of beaver in the county. The take
of beaver in 1959 was 202,
Green. — According to Jackson (1961) there were remains of
beaver dams and ponds as late as 1900.
Green Lake. — When Perrot (La Potherie, 11:109) came to the
Indian village at the site of modern Berlin there was a mixed popu¬
lation of Mascoutin, Miami, and Kickapoo. He gave the women
knives for skinning beaver and cutting meat. The Miami told him
that they had no beaver pelts because up to that time they were
accustomed to roasting the entire animal. As late as 1847 the In¬
dians were busily engaged in trapping beavers and muskrats
(Acme, 1890) .
168 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Iowa. — Fifteen beaver were trapped in 1959. Most of the beaver
occur along the Wisconsin River and the streams flowing into it.
Iron. — Beaver Pond, town of Gurney, two miles SW of Saxon;
Beaver Lake, six miles N of Mercer; a second Beaver Lake, six
miles NE of Mercer ; Beaver Creek, town of Sherman, flows N into
west arm of the Flambeau Flowage.
Jackson. — The creeks flowing into Black River had beaver dams
at short intervals in ,1841 (French, 1875). In January, 1887, Royal
McGregor caught a beaver on Robinson Creek, town of Manchester
(Black River Falls, 1887). The take in 1959 was 390.
Beaver Creek, town of Northfield, flows S into Pigeon Creek at
York; a second Beaver Creek rises in the town of Bear Bluff and
flows E; South Beaver Creek, rises in the town of North Bend,
flows W.
Jefferson.— Hawkins (1940) thought that the beaver was ex¬
terminated prior to settlement. He mentions that several well pre¬
served dams could still be seen near Milford. On one of the dams
was growing an elm tree estimated to be 100 years old. The father
of E. D. Coe (1908) settled on the west bank of Rock River, town
of Watertown, seven miles from the city of Watertown, in 1839.
The following winter about thirty Winnebago families camped
near his home. Beaver was among the furs taken by them. During
the archeological excavations at Carcajou Point, Lake Koshkonong,
there were found split incisors of beaver which had been used for
chisels (Hall, 1962). Thirty remains of the beaver at the Aztalan
site on the Crawfish River were identified by Parmalee (1960).
Juneau. — Beaver Creek rises in the town of Kingston and flows
S into the Lemonwier. The county furnished 398 pelts in 1959.
Kenosha. — There were no beaver in the county in 1956.
Kewaunee. — There are no resident beaver at present. Warden
Philip Hein has seen an occasional beaver in years past. He fur¬
nished a photograph of a beaver traveling along the Lake Michigan
beach in May, 1950.
La Crosse. — The Sioux called the Black River Chabadebah or
Beaver River (La Salle, 1902). The former presence of the bea¬
ver in Lewis Valley, town of Farmington, is mentioned by Sisson
(1955) . In 1881 a man living a few miles from La Crosse brought
to town the pelts of seven beavers which he had trapped (La
Crosse, 1881) .
Lafayette. — In April, 1894, W. H. Calvert shot a beaver on a
small stream on his farm near Benton. Its length from tip to tip
1965]
Schorger — The Beavei' in Early Wisconsin
169
was three feet and nine inches. None other had been seen for many
years (Dodgeville, 1894).
Langlade. — Beaver was formerly one of the principal furs taken
in the county (Dessureau, 1922). It furnished 205 skins in 1959.
Lincoln. — It was stated by Hoy (1882) that a few beavers
persisted in this and adjacent counties. The take in 1959 was 268.
Beaver Lake, town of Skanawan, three miles SE of Tomahawk.
Manitowoc,-— Beavers, though rare, were present in the county
in 1956.
Marathon.— Having seen sign of beaver on the Eau Pleine
River east of Colby, William Wilde set his traps, but secured only
part of the foot of a beaver (Colby, 1886). The following year a
beaver weighing about 70 pounds was trapped by J. W, Denney
(Colby, 1887). In the fall of 1889 beavers had a new dam two
miles up Little Rib River, town of Stettin. Several had been trapped.
The editor (Wausau, 1889) stated that a few years previously
the streams in the region were well-stocked with this animal which
was now becoming scarce. He entered a plea for protection. Two
years later two beavers were trapped on Little Rib (Wausau,
1891). In the early days, Michael De Jarden, a Chippewa, assisted
his father in trapping beaver and other fur-bearers near Mosinee
(Ladu, 1907) .
Beaver Creek, town of Bern, flows S to join Black Creek two
miles NW of Athens.
Marinette. — Stanislaus Chapeau (1831, 1835) wrote in 183,1
from his post on the Menominee River that a rival trader had se¬
cured most of the beaver. In June, 1835, he informed John Lawe
that he had 150 pounds of beaver.
Beaver Branch, town of Dunbar, flows S into KC Creek two
miles NW of Dunbar; Beaver Creek, Town of Beaver, flowing E,
enters the Peshtigo seven miles S of Crivitz.
Marquette. — In 1680 Hennepin (1903:306) descended the Fox
River from Portage and before reaching the lakes on this river
broke down several beaver dams in order to get the canoes through.
From Portage to Buffalo Lake the Fox is broadly margined by
marsh, a condition rendering the construction of dams improbable.
The dams were probably found between Buffalo Lake and Puck¬
away Lake. Beaver are still present.
Milwaukee.— -Lapham (1855) mentions an old beaver dam at
Milwaukee. It is shown on his Plate HI on a streamlet which en-
170 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
ters the Milwaukee River three and one-half miles north of its
mouth.
Monroe. — One hundred beavers were captured in 1959.
West and East Beaver Creeks rise in the NW corner to form
Beaver Creek which flows S into the La Crosse River at Sparta,
Oconto. — A beaver weighing 48.5 pounds was caught in the fall
of 1884 on the Pensaukee River, near Abrams, by George Lince
(Oconto, 1884). A year later a black beaver, “a rare variety,” was
captured near C, B. Alford’s logging camp (Oconto, 1885).
Beaver Lake, three miles N of Oconto Falls.
Oneida. — The county produced 280 beavers in 1959.
Beaver Lake, town of Cassian, about eight miles NE of
Harshaw,
Outagamie. — There were few beaver colonies in 1956.
Ozaukee. — According to Warden Albert W. Wilke, there has
not been a beaver in the county during the past 75 years.
Pepin. — Two beaver were trapped by W. B. Dyer on the Eau
Galle, west of Durand, in October, 1885. A colony was reported to
exist on this stream in the town of Waubeek (Durand, 1885). One
was also trapped on the Eau Galle by Dyer in ,1887 when they were
considered quite scarce (Durand, 1887). Three years later a trap¬
per came into Durand with the pelts of three beaver trapped on
the Eau Galle. A fourth beaver was shot but lost (Durand, 1890).
Pierce. — In 1659 Radisson returned to Montreal with a ''great
store” of beaver pelts obtained while living with the Indians on
Prairie (Pelee, Bald) Island, at the northern end of Lake Pepin
(Adams, 1961) . The number of beaver pelts taken in 1959 was 108.
Polk. — Branches gnawed by beaver, along with the bones of
extinct bison, were found in Mountain Meadow, Interstate Park,
town of Osceola (Pond, 1937).
The North and South branches of Beaver Brook rise near the
village of Turtle Lake and form Beaver Brook which enters the
Apple River at Amery.
Portage. — Beaver are present, 40 having been taken in 1959.
Price. — In 1897 Capt, Wiken had two colonies of beavers at
his lake; and a large colony was at work on the Jump River one
and one-half miles north of Prentice (Prentice, 1897).
Beaver Creek, a small stream in the town of Catawba, flows SW
into the North Fork of Jump River three miles SE of Catawaba;
a second Beaver Creek, rising in Ashland County, flows S and en-
1965] Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin 171
ters Butternut Creek three miles SW of Butternut ; a third stream
of this name, town of Flambeau, flows into Price Lake seven miles
W of Lugerville; Beaver Lake, three and one-half miles SE of
Fifleld; and Beaverdam Lake, five and one-half miles E of Fifield.
Racine. — West (1903) stated that the remains of beaver dams
were still quite common.
Richland.™ During the 1959 season, 50 beavers were trapped.
Rock. — At one time there were beaver dams in the town of Har¬
mony (Janesville, 1869). Remains of beaver dams and ponds were
still visible in 1900 (Jackson, 1961) .
Rusk. — This is one of the best beaver counties. The harvest in
.1959 was 348 beavers.
St. Croix. — The dams built of alders and the canals dug by the
beavers on Sand Creek, town of Emerald, were described by John
E. Glover (Hudson, 1874). The present population is low.
Beaver Creek, town of Springfield, flows NE into Tiffany Creek
at Downing.
Sauk. — Canfield (1890) came to Sauk County with a govern¬
ment surveying party in 1842. He wrote: ‘T have seen from five
to ten dams, within a space of half a mile, upon some small spring-
branch, and have often noticed where they have dammed large
streams. It would seem as though the whole country had once been
alive with them.'’ When the first settlers arrived in the town of
Westfield there was a beaver dam, about 200 feet in length, one
and one-half miles east of Loganville (Baraboo, 1921). Cole (1922)
stated incorrectly that the beaver was exterminated about 1820;
however, an occasional old dam existed. A beaver weighing 50
pounds was taken along the south branch of Honey Creek, Town
of Franklin, by Edward Tabor in 1859 (Baraboo, 1859), W. A.
Canfield had a section from a tree 27 inches in circumference sup¬
posedly cut by the same beaver. Parmalee (1960) identified 19 re¬
mains of beaver from the Durst rockshelter, section 12, town of
Honey Creek.
Beaver Creek, a small stream, enters Dell Creek 5 miles SW of
Delton.
Sawyer, — This county produced 706 beavers in 1959.
Beaver Creek, town of Weigor, flows into Little Weigor Creek
2 miles N of Weigor; a second Beaver Creek, town of Winter, flows
SW, entering Thornapple River 8 miles SW of Draper; Beaver
Lake, town of Round Lake, 6 miles S of Teal Lake.
172 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Shawano. — Beaver Creek, town of Belle Plaine, flows SW into
the Embarrass River five miles N of Embarrass.
Sheboygan. — The original government survey recorded beaver
dams in the towns of Plymouth and Sheboygan Falls. Charles D.
Cole bought beaver and other furs from the Indians at Sheboygan
(Buchen, 1944). At one time there was a large beaver dam on the
farm of W. Kuhlmey, town of Plymouth (Plymouth, 1901). There
were no beaver among the fur animals caught by the Indians about
1870 (Gerend, 1920).
Taylor. — A Mr. Hinman exhibited chips from a birch tree felled
by beavers near the headwaters of Black River (Kilbourn, 1869).
In the fall of 1876 a trapper caught eight beavers in the county
(Plover, 1877). The take in 1959 was 451 beavers.
Beaver Creek, town of Ford, flows into Johns Creek four miles
SW of Perkinstown.
Trempealeau. — Beaver Creek was so named by James Reed and
Willard Bunnell on account of the numerous beavers on the stream.
A Menominee Indian is reported to have taken 50 beavers during
a hunt on Trempealeau River. In September, 1843, W. Smothers
caught a few beaver on Pigeon Creek, and T. A. Holmes some on
Elk Creek (Bunnell, 1897 :238). James Reed was famous as a bea¬
ver trapper. He came to Trem.pealeau in 1840 and died on the
Little Tamarack in 1873. Much of his trapping was done on the
Trempealeau River and its tributaries. Pierce (1915) relates that
in 1863 Reed stopped at his home with his pony on which was a
large pack of beaver pelts and traps. In January, 1859, Reed came
into Osseo with 25 beaver pelts (Madison, 1859).
The spring of 1850 Antoine Grignon (19,14) traded with the
Sioux Indians who had trapped on the Trempealeau River and had
collected a fine lot of beaver and other furs. Beavers were still
quite plentiful on Beaver Creek in 1862. Cut trees, chiefly ash,
were to be found throughout the length of the stream (Galesville,
1862).
A beaver was killed by Andrew Benson in the mill pond at
Whitehall in November, 1878 (Whitehall, 1878). In the spring of
the following year Albert Spaulding caught a large beaver in the
Trempealeau River at Independence (Arcadia, 1879). Two beavers,
weighing 52 and 62.5 pounds respectively, were caught by A. Law¬
rence in the spring of 1887. He trapped nine during the season
(Merrillan, 1887). Though formerly so numerous in Beaver Valley,
it was considered to be extinct in 1917 ( Curtiss-Wed ge, 1917).
1965] Schorger — The Beavei^ in Early Wisconsin 173
Beaver Creek flows SE to join the Black River three miles south
of Galesville. Both Beaver Creek and its South Fork rise in Jack-
son County.
Vernon. — Beaver Creek, town of Greenwood, flows N into the
South Branch of the Baraboo two miles S of Hillsboro.
Vilas. — At his trading post at Lac du Flambeau, Malhiot (1910)
obtained about 100 beaver pelts the winter of 1804-05. The Lac
Vieux Desert region was ‘'tolerably well provided’’ with beaver in
1840 (Cram, 1841).
Amik (Beaver) Lake, seven miles W by S of the village of Lac
du Flambeau ; Beaver Lake, town of St. Germain, four miles NE of
Big St. Germain Lake; a second Beaver Lake, town of Boulder
Junction, seven miles N by E of the village of Boulder Junction;
and Beaver Creek, town of Phelps.
Walworth. — The beaver occurred formerly in the town of
Sugar Creek and their dams were to be seen at the lakes in the
town of Troy (Western Hist. Co., 1882), Their works were still
discernible in 1900 (Jackson, 1961). Lapham (1852) was informed
by Solomon Juneau that the last beaver killed in southern Wis¬
consin was on Sugar Creek in 1819.
Washburn. — In the vicinity of Long Lake old beaver dams
existed on dry land showing where streams had disappeared (Mc¬
Manus, 1919) .
Beaver Lake, town of Bass Lake, four miles SE of Stansberry;
Beaver Brook, town of Beaver Brook, flows NW into the Yellow
River at Spooner.
Washington, — Warden R. J. Lake has written that about 1929
beavers were planted in Moon Lake, town of Fond du Lac County :
“The animals multiplied, moved to Manitowoc County, the Sheboy¬
gan Marsh, built dams on all branches of the Milwaukee River.
They moved into Washington County and built dams at the outlet
of Smith Lake and Little Dricken in the town of Barton, blocked
off the drainage ditch in the Rockfield Swamp in the town of Ger¬
mantown as well as Cedar Creek in the Jackson Marsh,” The
beavers were eventually trapped out because of damage to prop¬
erty. None remained in 1956.
Waukesha, — Unonius (1950) came to Pine Lake in 1841. The
beaver was still present, but “was beginning to migrate from his
small but carefully constructed house.” The beaver had disappeared
at Waukesha, but his works were still to be seen when Silas Chap¬
man (1890) arrived in 1841.
174 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Beaver Lake, two miles N of Hartland.
Waupaca. — Beaver Creek, town of Bear Creek, a small stream,
flows W into Little Wolf River eleven miles SW of Clintonville.
Waushara. — William H. Boose of Wild Rose, has written to me
that remains of old dams can still be seen in the vicinity of this
town, and that he had personally trapped eight beaver in the
county. George J. Knudsen (in litt.) found the beaver rare in 1956.
Winnebago. — In 1670 stags, bears and beaver were abundant in
the country embracing the junction of the Wolf and Fox rivers
(Allouez, 1899.1), At the Menominee Indian payment at Lake Poy-
gan in 1847, the Indians had for trade many furs, including beaver
(Watertown, 1847). According to Overton (1932) beavers were
once abundant and their dams were still visible. Many beaver teeth
had been found.
Wood. — While digging a trench, J. Lavigne found a hand-made
beaver trap twenty inches in length under six feet of sand (Grand
Rapids, 1885). A total of 363 beavers was taken in 1959.
Beaver Creek flows S and enters Yellow River flve miles S of
Marshfield.
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Hall, R. L. 1962. The archeology of Carcajou Point. Madison. 1:40.
Harmon, D. W. 1922. A journal of voyages . . . North America. New York.
p.50.
Hawkins, A, S. 1940. A wildlife history of Faville Grove, Wisconsin. Trans.
Wis. Acad. Sci. 32:59.
Hennepin, Louis. 1903. A new discovery of a vast country in America. Chi¬
cago. 711p.
Henry, Alexander, 1921. Travels and adventures in the years 1760-1776.
Chicago. 340p.
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1735. Wis. Hist. Colls. 17:230.
Hoy, P. R. 1882. The larger wild animals that have become extinct in Wis¬
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Hume, A. 1803. Report upon the petitions relating to the manufacture of
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Innis, H. a. 1927. The fur-trade of Canada. Toronto. 172p.
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Kilbourn, 1869. Mirror May 26.
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1965]
Schorger — The Beaver in Early Wisconsin
179
Turner, F. J. 1889. The character and influence of the fur trade in Wiscon¬
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967p.
Whitehall. 1878 Messenger Nov. 20,
ARISTOTLE-GENERAL SEMANTICIST? OR
KORZRBSKI-ARISTOTELIAN?
Kenneth D. Frandsen^
Since scholasticism corrupted the brilliance of classical scholar¬
ship, the ancients have been suspect and many have agreed that
the early contributions should be seen but not heard. Attractively
displayed in the academic market place, the products of this at¬
titude are the offspring of what Alfred Korzybski called the ‘‘great
scientific revolution.''^ One of these products is labeled General
Semantics, and Korzybski's insistence on a clean break with what
he called “Aristotelian Semantic Clutches"’^ is exemplary of the
strongest form of that kind of revolutionism. But Korzybski's
formulation of a non-Aristotelian system seems clearly an echo of
Hamlet’s reply to Polonius signaling a confusion of subject matter
and cause for dispute. Whether there is sufficient cause for a new
system and what is its matter are two esentially separate questions.
When recast and directed to the general semanticist, the ques¬
tions are (1) What is Korzybski's rationale or justification for the
term, “non- Aristotelian ?" and (2) What does he offer that cannot
be found in Aristotle ? The answer to the first of these two ques¬
tions can be found in Korzybski's introduction to the second edi¬
tion of Science and Sanity. Consider that rationale briefly, ob¬
serving its generally semantic and semantically general
implications.
Asserting that the two-valued Aristotelian system could not deal
adequately with the electro-collodial, sub-microscopic levels of the
functioning of our nervous system, on which sanity depends, Kor¬
zybski concluded that the formulation of an infinite-valued, non-
Aristotelian system was an imperative necessity Thus Korzyb¬
ski announces his two fundamental premises: (1) The Aristotelian
system is two-valued, and (2) Sanity or insanity can be, in the
language of one branch of contemporary psychological theory, “re¬
duced” to physiological explanations.^ He observes that “applied”
*Mr. Frandsen is Assistant Professor of Speech at the University of Wisconsin-
Milwaukee.
'^Alfred Korzybski, Science and Sanity, 3rd. ed. (Lakeville, Connecticut: The In¬
ternational Non-Aristotelian Library Publishing- Co., 1948), p. 86.
Ubid., p. 94.
Ubid., p. XXX ff.
^Por an explanation of “Reductionism” in contemporary psycholog-ical theory, see
George Handler and William Kessen, The Language of Psychology (New York: John
Wiley, 1962), pp. 260-268.
181
182 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Aristotelianism promotes artificial and, therefore, harmful splits
such as “mind’' and “body” or “space” and “time.”^ Finally, he
notes the similarity between the primary goals of the Aristotelian
and non-Aristotelian systems — the formulation of a general method
for science and for life. The presumed difference between the two
systems rests with the departure from “two-valued” orientations
to “general, infinite-valued, process orientations.” The specific pro¬
posal accompanying this departure is the use of extensional devices
— ^indexes, dates, quotation marks, hyphens, and etc.
In short, Korzybski’s argument appears to be : ( 1 ) Modern
science has demonstrated that we live in a much more complex
world than was conceived of by our ancestors; (2) Because our
(Aristotelian) language behavior and symbolic processes are not
appropriate to the complexity of our world, our nervous systems
are adversely affected, resulting in insanity; (3) When our nervous
systems are affected in this manner, our language behavior and
symbolic processes become even more inappropriate to our complex
world; and (4) If we change our language and thought patterns —
pretraining the children and retraining the disturbed — we can both
prevent and cure certain mental disorders by correcting the im¬
proper activity of our nervous systems.^ Admittedly, this is a sim¬
plified version of a multi-faceted theory of psycho-physio-logical
therapy, but it will provide a convenient and comprehensible no¬
tion of Korzybski’s reasons for proposing to formulate a non-
Aristotelian system.
Reserving for the moment Korzybski’s obvious alliance with the
“reductionists” regarding physiological explanations of behavioral
phenomena and recalling his premises concerning the characteris¬
tics of the Aristotelian system, consider the second question : What
is there in Korzybski’s system that renders it tion- Aristotelian ?
To answer this, we should first determine what Korzybski means
by the term, “System.” His use of the word, system, carries at
least two implications. It is a term for a set of “this-is-the-way-
things-are-and-you-can’t-prove-they’re-not” statements, such as
the negative premise concerning the non-identity of words and
things and the assertions about what exists “inside our skins,”
and it is a term for a set of prescribed, symbolic antidotes for our
apparent, linguistic maladies — extensional devices, consciousness
of abstracting, etc.
System, as used by Korzybski, refers to a collection of observa¬
tions and hypotheses about living, thinking, knowing, and talking.
To be a non-Aristotelian system, then, it must go beyond or add
•"’Korzybski, pp. xxiii-xxxv.
nhid., pp. xxix ; 469-536 et passim.
1965]
Frandsen — Aristotle? or Korzyhsbi?
183
something new and original to Aristotle’s collection of observations
and hypotheses about living, thinking, knowing, and talking.
On the surface, it might appear that a simple comparison of
the two sets of observations and hypotheses would provide a use¬
ful answer to the question. Such an approach, however, provides
only an incomplete understanding of the relationships between
the two systems, A comparison of this sort would be vitiated by
the fact that the documents which constitute the so-called ''Aris¬
totelian Corpus” are fragmentary, somewhat disorganized, often
repetitious, sometimes internally inconsistent lecture notes which
probably spent their first three hundred years in the worm in¬
fested, mouldy cellars of Asia Minor and Rome. Furthermore, the
responsibility for integrating these documents into what was
thought to be a unified and consistent body of doctrine, a "system,”
rests not with Aristotle himself but with the Greek, Syriac, Arabic,
Jewish, and Latin-Christian phases of the whole "scholastic
enterprise.”'^
Korzybski’s itemized list of fifty-two "orientations,” appearing
in the introduction to the second edition of Science and Sanity, pro¬
vides such a comparison,® Presented in tabular form, the two sets
of observations and hypotheses are labeled "Aristotelian” and
"New General Semantic Non-Aristotelian,” and dated 350 B,C,
and 1941, respectively. In view of the origin of the so-called Aris¬
totelian system, this use of the extensional device known as dating
is false-to-facts. The point is that Aristotelian system 1941 is not
Aristotelian system 350 B.C, and either system could be called non-
Aristotelian when compared with the other.
Rather than examine Korzybski’s General Semantics to discover
what makes it non-Aristotelian, it seems more appropriate to re¬
examine Aristotle’s orientations to discover what they are and not
what "scholasticism” has made them. In the course of one re¬
examination of this type, Randall clearly identifies in the fabric
of Aristotelian thinking two central strands that place Aristotle
squarely on the side of the general isemanticists and in direct oppo¬
sition to his scholastic editors. The first is his persistent concern
for precise talking;^ the second, his thoroughgoing philosophy of
process which prompts Randall to call him the outstanding func¬
tionalist in the Western tradition.^®
For Aristotle, what can be said about things is vastly different
from the things themselves. This is the same principle that Kor-
zybski illustrates in the map-territory analogy. Aristotle’s treat-
’’John Herman Randall, Jr., Aristotle (New York: Columbia University Press,
1960) , pp. 22-31.
^Korzybski, pp. xxv— xxvii.
^Randall, pp. 34—58.
WMd., pp. 65-67.
184 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
ment of entities (ousiai) as objects of rational discourse in Books
Zeta^^ and Gammas- of the Metaphysics is consistent with the gen¬
eral semanticiists’ distaste for ‘'identification behavior.’’ But ousiai
are also entities in process. It is this “process orientation” con¬
cerning the things we talk about that indicates Aristotle’s point
of view.
The Aristotelian process orientation is closely linked with func¬
tionalism, or the “organism-as-a-whole” orientation that permeates
the works on biology. Chapter five of Book One in the work, On
the Parts of Animals, and the entire treatise. On Life, are par¬
ticularly representative of this point of view. It is clear from these
works that, for Aristotle, “Living organisms and their parts are
to be understood in terms of how they act and operate as a
wholeP^"^ This facet of the Aristotelian system is far removed from
the elementalism reflected in the scholastic interpretations.
Obviously, there are clear parallels between the central strands
of Aristotelian and General Semantic thinking. Because of these
parallels, the use of the term, “non-Aristotelian,” is not only mean¬
ingless but unnecessary. The abuse of the Aristotelian system and
the heralding of a non-Aristotelian system might be defended on
the basis of the superficial distinction between Aristotle’s opera¬
tional behaviorism and Korzybski’s physiological reductionism.
However, the significant fact is that Korzybski’s system is prob¬
ably more Aristotelian than the system or systems he criticized.
Korzybski attacked the “Platonic left-overs” as manifested through
scholasticism and not the mature nor the whole Aristotle. Aristotle
provides a system that, as Jaeger so conclusively demonstrates,
“remains provisional and open in every direction.”^^ Korzybski’s
contribution consists of concrete suggestions for talking-living
which are neither “anti” nor “non” Aristotelian but flow naturally
from the results of Aristotelian inquiiy.
wCh. 3. 1029a 27, 28.
i^Ch. 4 : 1006b 6-10.
i^See De Partibus Animalium I, Ch. 5 : 645b 15-20.
^mandall, p. 235 (italics mine.)
i-'>Werner Jaeger, Aristotle: Fundamentals of the Histo^'y of His Development,
trans. Richard Robinson, 2nd ed. (London; Oxford University Press, 1948), p. 374.
Cf. Martin Gardner, “General Semantics” in Fads and Fallacies in the Name of
Science (New York: George P. Putnam & Sons, 1952).
TWO RARE INCUNABULA IN MILWAUKEE
Alan D. Corre^
Alverno College in Milwaukee owns two rare incunabula which
apparently have not previously been noticed outside the walls of
the College, since they are not included in StillwelFs 1940 census
of American incunabula»
The first is an edition of the works of Horace with a commen¬
tary: Christophori Landini Florentini in qu. Horatii Flacci libros
omnes ad illvstrissimvm Gvidonem Feltrivm magni Federici dvcis
filivm interpretiones. It was printed in 1486 at Venice by Ber-
nadinus, and contains 178 numbered leaves.
The text is printed 20 lines to 110 mm., and the commentary 20
lines to 80 mm. There are 57 lines to a page. The work is bound
in boards with clasps. The bottoms of the first and last few pages
are worm-eaten.
The colophon reads: Impssu Uenetiis p m^istru Bernadinu de
tridino ex moteferrato Anno salutis. M.cccc.lxxxvi || a b c d e f g
hiklmnopqrstuxy. Vna q q Ira de andictis p qternum
unum se extendit dempta y. que qnternu signat.
The book is inscribed at the beginning: Rev, A. Michels, St.
Joseph-Con vent, Greenfield Park Milwaukee Wise. South Seid
(sic) Office,
I am informed that Father Michels was chaplain to the School
Sisters of St. Francis in Milwaukee, who operate Alverno College.
He apparently used to purchase books on his trips to Europe, and
on his death they were added to the College library.
The last page bears a very faint Latin inscription in ink, in¬
cluding the date 1507 in medieval numerals.
Pieces of a parchment manuscript, apparently liturgical in na¬
ture, were used in the binding of the book. Only parts are visible,
but phrases such as Deus qui dedisti legem moysi in sumitate
mentis synai et in eadem loco paratos. , are clearly readable. The
blue and red inks used .are not faded.
On the basis of the above details, we may identify this text with
no. 8884 in Ludwig Hain’s Repertorium Bihliographicum and H386
in StillwelFs 1940 census. According to Stillwell, only Harvard,
*The author is Associate Professor and Chairman, Department of Hebrew Studies,
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.
185
186 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Princeton and the Library of Congress, among libraries in the
U.S. possess copies, and as of 1940 there were five more copies in
private hands.
The other incunabulum, scarcely less rare, is the 1493 edition
of Augustine’s Epistolae, printed at Basel by Johannes Amerbach:
Liber Epistolarum heati Augustini episcopi hipponensis ecclesiae.
The pages are not numbered. The book consists of 4 blank pages
/ 394 leaves / 32 leaves of an annotatio / 4 blank pages.
The text is printed 20 lines to 85 mm. There are 52 lines to a
page. The work is bound in boards (some leather remains) with
clasps.
The colophon, which occurs before the annotatio, reads: Diui
Aurelij Augustini Hipponesis epi : Liber eplar: uigilanti
accuratissimoq stu- || dio emedatar & impressar: Argumetoru
quoq nouor praenotatioe succincte & di- || lucide expositar:
atq opa magestri lohanis de Amerbach civis Basilien. pfectar:
An- II no dni &c. xciij. Foelicita explicit.
The work was apparently closely studied as there are frequent
Latin marginal notes in ink.
The title page is inscribed : Bibliotheca conventis S. Lucij Frum
Minorum. . prope Heckingam. There are some other faint proven¬
ance notes.
This volume may be idenfified with Hain 1969 and Stillwell A
1127. These copies have been reported to the Bibliographical soci¬
ety, and will be listed in the forthcoming new census of incunabula
in the U.S.
ICE- WEDGE CASTS OF WISCONSIN
Robert F. Black
Introduction
Ice-wedge casts are the fillings of sand or other material that
replace former ice wedges. Ice wedges grow only in perennially
frozen ground subjected to marked seasonal temperature changes
and where atmospheric humidity is high enough to transfer mois¬
ture from the air and snow cover to open contraction cracks in the
ground (Leffingwell, 1919; Black, 1952b, 1954 and 1963; Lachen-
bruch, 1962; Black and Berg, 1963 and 1964). Thus, true ice-wedge
casts are diagnostic of permafrost and of cold humid climates.
Many ice-wedge casts are easily confused with sand wedges (Pewe,
1959) which grow in cold arid climates or with casts of composite
wedges (Black and Berg, 1964) that commonly represent humidi¬
ties intermediate between those which produce sand wedges and
ice wedges. Seasonal frost wedges (Black, 1952b) and solution
phenomena (Yehle, 1954) are also easily confused with true ice-
wedge casts, but obviously connote markedly different climates and
ground conditions.
No criteria are known to distinguish true ice- wedge casts from
all other features with 100 percent reliability. Nonetheless, com¬
parison of detailed features of a group of wedge-shaped casts in
polygonal pattern with those of sand-wedge or ice-wedge polygons
in polar areas permits their correlation. Once seasonal frost and
solution phenomena have been eliminated as possible origins, dis¬
tinction between former sand wedges and ice wedges is based on
the fabric of the fillings left behind. As sand wedges grow in in¬
crements annually of no more than a few millimeters in width, the
criss-crossing bands or layers of sand oriented vertically are gen¬
erally still retained. In contrast as ice wedges melt or sublimate
away, material adjacent and overlying them is dropped into the
void vacated. Such filling commonly goes mostly or completely
across the width of the wedges and stratification tends to develop
horizontally on top of the ice. As lowering of the ice surface con-
*The author is Professor of Geology, University of Wisconsin-Madison. Field
work leading to this paper was supported in part by National Science Foundation
Grant GP-2820, in part by the Research Committee of the Graduate School from
funds supplied by the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation, and in part by the
Wisconsin State Highway Commission. Printing costs in part were defrayed by the
University of Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey.
187
188 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and. Letters [Vol. 54
tinues, continued slumping and infilling leave a jumbled hetero¬
geneous deposit of the adjacent walls and overlying material that
has distinctive fabric. However, when the overlying material is
well-sorted sand, as in dunes, the filling has little fabric and is
easily confused with normal sand wedges. Most of the casts of
Wisconsin are of such type, but large inclusions of the walls and
overlying material in many casts attest to former large voids. Most
casts are, hence, believed to be true ice-wedge casts.
Since the fall of 1956, the writer has examined 20 localities con¬
taining ice-wedge casts and 2 other known localities are re¬
corded here for completeness (fig. 1) (table 1). All are in
Figure 1. Index map of Wisconsin, showing localities with ice-wedge casts
by numbers and generalized distribution of late-Wisconsinan drifts.
1965] Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin 189
Table 1: Localities With Ice- Wedge Casts
1. St. Croix County, New Richmond quadrangle, SE }{, SE )4, sec. 4, T29N, R18W;
excavation for military construction in till and kame.
2. St. Croix County, River Falls quadrangle, SW >^, SW ]4, sec. 36, T28N, R19W;
borrow pit in kame.
3. Pierce County, Arkansas quadrangle, NE j4, NE ]4, sec. 30, T26N, R15W: road
cut in till.
4. Barron County, Barron quadrangle, SW ]4, NE X, sec. 4, T33N, R12W; borrow
pit in Cambrian sandstone.
5. Dunn County, Menomonie quadrangle, NE X. SWX> sec. 15, T28N, R13W; road
cut in lacustrine sediments.
6. Dunn County, Menomonie quadrangle, NW NW jd, sec. 12, T27N, R12W;
road cut in Cambrian sandstone.
7. Chippewa and Eau Claire Counties, Elk Mound quadrangle, SE^^, SW^^, sec. 36,
T28N, RlOW and NE NW yi, sec. 1, T27N, RlOW; road cut in kame and till.
8. Eau Claire County, Elk Mound quadrangle, SEX, SE X, sec. 17, T27N, RlOW;
road cut in Cambrian sandstone.
9. Eau Claire County, Elk Mound quadrangle, SW X> SE X, sec. 16, T27N, RlOW;
road cut in till.
10. Eau Claire County, Osseo quadrangle, NE X, SW X, sec. 24, T25N, R7W; borrow
pit in outwash.
11. Clark County, Fairchild quadrangle, NE X, NE X, sec. 4, T24N, R4W; road cut
in kame.
12. Clark County, Fairchild quadrangle, NW X, NE X, sec. 10, T24N, R4W; borrow
pit in kame.
13. Jackson County, Hatfield quadrangle, NE X, NW X, sec. 12, T22N, R3W; borrow
pit in outwash.
14. Monroe County, Tomah quadrangle, NE X, NW X> sec. 7, T17N, RIW; borrow
pit in chert rubble and Cambrian sandstone.
15. Portage County, Amherst quadrangle, SW X, SE X, sec. 7, T22N, R9E; borrow
pit in till.
16. Outagamie County, New London quadrangle, SW X, SW X> sec. 31, T22N, R15E;
road cut in till.
17. Columbia County, Portage quadrangle, NE X. NE X> sec. 33, T13N, R9E, borrow
pit in till.
18. Richland County, Muscoda quadrangle, NW X. SE X. sec. 33, T9N, RIW; borrow
pit in outwash.
19. Dane County, Cross Plains quadrangle, SW X> SE X. sec. 28, T7N, R7E; road
cut in loess and Ordovician dolomite.
20. Rock County, Evansville quadrangle, SE X> NW X. sec. 18, T4N, RlOE; borrow
pit in kame.
21. Green County, Brodhead quadrangle, NW X. NW X> sec. 32, T3N, R9E; borrow
pit in kame.
22. Green County, Monroe quadrangle, NW X. NW X. sec. 15, T3N, R7E; road cut
in Ordovician shale and sandstone.
Paleozoic bedrock or in glacial drift dating from the Rockian ad¬
vance of about 29,000 to 32,000 years ago to that of Cary age,
perhaps 12,500-16,000 years ago. As of 1965, all but two localities
(16 and 17) were confined to the area of pre-Cary drift of south¬
west Wisconsin — the northern and eastern counties were singu¬
larly free of such features. Brief mention of one locality, the first
discovered (fig. 1, locality 2), was published early in this inves¬
tigation (Black, 1957) ; information on it and 15 other localities
was summarized in a report to the Vlth International Congress
on the Quaternary in Warsaw, Poland, 1961 (Black 1964). As
that report is not widely available in Wisconsin and few details
190 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
were included, those sites are again reviewed here with the newer
ones.
This paper attempts to summarize the available information on
the ice wedge casts of the state, and on the time and conditions
of their formation. Hopefully, this information will spur others
into looking more closely at exposures of unconsolidated materials
and of bedrock for such features.
Just why such casts were not recognized earlier is not known.
Former times of increased frost action and mass movements in
the '‘Driftless area” of southwest Wisconsin have been recognized
for decades, although the first review of periglacial or cold-climate
phenomena did not appear until fairly recently (Smith, 1949).
Smith discussed the products of frost weathering, solifluction, and
frost heave which produced block streams, block fields, rubble
zones, and talus. Up to that time no casts of ice wedges were
recognized in the state. None of the features reviewed by Smith is
diagnostic of permafrost conditions, yet permafrost features were
recognized to the south in Illinois (Sharp, 1942; Horberg, 1949).
There it is thought that sporadic permafrost existed briefly in a
relatively narrow zone marginal to the Wisconsinan-age glaciers
as evidenced by involutions and ice-wedge casts (Frye and Will-
man, 1958) .
It is now clear that permafrost has existed in Wisconsin, and
buried glacial ice survived perhaps 18,000 years in southern Wis¬
consin and even longer in northern Wisconsin — from the Rockian
advance of about 29,000 to 32,000 years ago to Two Creeks time
(11,000-12,500 years ago) in southern Wisconsin and until post-
Valders time (perhaps 9,000 years ago) in northern Wisconsin
(Black, 1964). The available casts indicate ice wedges that re¬
quired only a fraction of that time to grow, and details of the
events and climate of that long interval still remain shrouded in
mystery.
Ice-wedge Casts
Ice-wedge casts are most abundant in west-central Wisconsin
and are rarer in south-central Wisconsin. Most casts are in strati¬
fied deposits of sand and gravel and in sandy till ; none is in truly
fine-grained silts normally considered most susceptible to “frost
action”. The casts are in sandy gravel kames (localities 1, 2, 7,
11, 12, 20 and 21) (fig. 1), in gravelly sand outwaish (localities 10,
13, and 18), in sandy till (localities 1, 3, 7, 9, 15, 16, and 17), in
rhythmically banded lake clay-silt-sand (locality 5), and in thin
bedded rock (localities 4, 6, 8, 14, and 22 in sandstone and 19 in
dolomite). More than 200 casts are known; 45 were mapped at one
time in locality 2, and additional casts were exposed there as ex-
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
191
cavation proceeded. Casts were best displayed or were most num¬
erous in localities 2, 4, 7, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, and 21.
With the exception of localities 19 and 22, all casts are com¬
posed of clean, yellowish well-sorted glacial sand in marked con¬
trast in color and texture to the host material ; at localities 19 and
22 the filling is loess and colluvium or till. The coarser sand frac¬
tions are generally well-rounded to sub-rounded grains of quartz
with 10-40 percent of igneous and metamorphic rock and mineral
fragments. The finer fractions are generally angular to sub¬
rounded grains of quartz with appreciable other minerals as well
—typical glacial suites. Frosting of intermediate-sized quartz
grains is common. In most instances wind seems responsible for
transporting the sand considerable distance to its present resting
place.
Most casts are 0. 5-2.0 m high in vertical exposures and 0.2-2. 0
m wide (normal to the strike of the wedge) . The largest casts are
2-3 m wide; the highest 3-3.7 m. In all but localities 5, 6, and 22
the casts occur in groups where a wide range of sizes is observed.
The strike of the casts is such that in localities 1, 2, 4, 7, 10, 13,
15, 16, 17, and 21 primary polygons 5-20 m in diameter in plan
are outlined by wedges 0.4-2. 0 m wide and 1.0-2. 5 m high. Second¬
ary polygons 2-5 m in diameter also were seen at localities 2, 7,
and 15, outlined by casts of wedges 0. 1-0.4 m wide and 0.3-2. 0 m
high. Excavations at localities 2, 15 and 16 demonstrated that
true polygons in plan actually exist. The tops of all wedges (ex¬
cept possibly some of those of locality 16) are truncated by mass
movements, and it is not known how large they might have been.
No large amounts of the sand typical of the fillings were observed
in any of the nearby colluvium, but comparison of casts in locality
16 with others suggests that one-quarter to one-half the original
height and width have been removed.
Individual locations where ice-wedge casts have been found are
outlined below. All widths cited are maximum measured normal
to strike of wedges, not oblique widths showing in many excava¬
tions. Heights are true vertical measurements regardless of in¬
clination of casts. Thus, they represent the depth of penetration
and not the length of material penetrated. Isolated casts and typi¬
cal examples of wedges in groups were excavated or augered into
the walls to demonstrate their horizontal continuity. Colors are
those of the Munsell Soil Color Chart, taken dry unless otherwise
indicated. The National Research Council Grade Scale (1947) is
used for textural classifications in the sand range. Those sizes in
millimeters are :
192 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
Gravel _
Very coarse sand
Coarse sand _
Medium sand _
Fine sand _
Very fine sand
Silt and clay
< 0.0625 -
Descriptions are more complete for the smaller numbered locali¬
ties than for the higher numbered to avoid undue repetition. Differ¬
ences are emphasized. Generally detailed descriptions of individual
wedges and of samples of fillings are not attempted. At many sites
casts are in host materials with stratification that is cut and up¬
turned adjacent to the casts as from pressure effects within the
former wedges. Only the striking examples are cited.
Locality Descriptions
Locality 1, St. Croix County
Thomas E. Berg discovered casts of six ice wedges in an artifi¬
cial excavation about seven miles south-southwest of New Rich¬
mond. The writer examined them on August 13, 1958. The smallest
cast was 10 cm wide and the largest 50 cm; the shortest was 50
cm high and the tallest 130 cm. Outlines of the cross sections of
the wedges are shown in figure 2. The tops of all were cut off by
mass movement of the surface soil and by plowing on a slope of
7° to the south. The casts were spaced regularly around the per¬
iphery of a semi-circular pit, at intervals of 2.3 to 2.9 m. The
reddish yellow (5YR~7/6 to 7.5YR~6/6) well-sorted fine- to
medium-grained sand stood out in marked contrast to the light
reddish brown (5YR-6/4) poorly-sorted till and kame sand and
gravel (5YR-5/4 and 6/4 to 5/6). See figure 3 for textural anal¬
yses of the wedge fillings (A, B, and C represent casts 1, 3, and 6
respectively) and host materials (D represents till or sandy col-
cm
0 —
100 —
Figure 2. Cross sections of ice-wedge casts, Locality 1, St. Croix County.
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
193
Figure 3. Size-grade analyses of some sam¬
ples from Locality 1, St. Croix County.
luvium and E and F represent sand and gravel in the kame). The
general section consists of :
1 m reddish brown gravelly sand and sandy till or colluvium,
65 cm gravel with pebbles up to 10 cm in diameter,
30 cm reddish brown sand from very fine- to coarse-grained,
30 cm gravel to bottom of excavation.
Stratification of the kame was upturned along the casts. Occasional
blocks of dolomite and boulders of igneous rocks as large as 1 m
in diameter are found on the surface and through the kame. A con¬
centration of 2-3 percent of magnetite and 5-10 percent of igneous
minerals other than quartz characterizes the silt and very-fine sand
sizes of the wedge fillings and kame sand. Greater rounding and
high quartz content characterize the median sizes in contrast to
the greater angularity of the quartz in the silt and very fine sand
sizes and the high igneous content in both the smaller and larger
sizes.
The well-sorted and markedly frosted sand in the casts suggests
emplecement by wind action. No suggestion of a source other than
the local till and kame sand which it resembles in composition and
194 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
degree of alteration was seen. As the deposit is on top of the high¬
est hill for many kilometers in all directions, no source can be
imagined for lacustrine sand other than that in a lake contained
entirely by decaying ice.
Inclusions of till and clumps of coarse sand 2 to 3 cm across and
irregular borders of the casts indicate slumping of the sides into
a fairly large void — larger than the contraction cracks character¬
istic of sand-wedge formation. No trace of cracks outside the casts
was seen. The implication is that these were ice wedges that were
replaced by eolian sand.
Locality 2, St. Croix County
On February 6, 1957, the writer discovered numerous ice-wedge
casts in a borrow pit at the junction of county roads M and MM,
at River Falls. This locality contained the best-developed network
of ice-wedge casts and has been the best exposed of any seen in
the state. Figure 4 is a sketch in plan showing strike and width
of the casts seen in 1957, and figure 5 shows typical cross sec¬
tions of the casts. Fillings consist of clean, yellowish red or red¬
dish yellow (5YR-5/6 or 6/6 to 6/8) medium-grained sand in
Figure 4. Plan view of ice-wedge casts along edge of borrow pit, Locality 2,
St. Croix County, showing strike and width of the casts and strike and dip
of the stratification,
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
195
marked contrast in color (figs. 6 and 7) and in texture (fig. 8) to
enclosing reddish brown (5YR-4/4 to 3/4) poorly-sorted, dirty,
gravelly sand kame deposits.
On June 28, 1957, when the pit was mapped (fig. 4), the south
and east sides of the pit, about 100 m long, revealed 45 ice wedge
casts. Wedges in primary polygons 5=10 m in diameter (fig. 4)
were 0.4=1. 2 m wide and 1. 0-2.0 m high; wedges in secondary
polygons 2-4 m in diameter were 0. 1-0.4 m wide and 0.3-1.7 m
high. Upturned bedding from pressure effects during growth of
ice in the wedges was plainly visible adjacent to many casts. Col¬
luvium was slumped into the top of several casts. The tops of all
casts have been truncated by mass movement and deflation or by
current action in a short-lived lake ; a prominent stone layer crosses
their tops. Loess up to 50 cm thick now covers the stone layer in
which ventifacts are common. The borrow pit was worked sporad¬
ically after June, 1957, and the original group of casts was re¬
moved. Numerous additional casts have been exposed from time to
time in plan and in section during stripping and as borrow from
the excavation was removed. They showed features similar to the
ones described, but slump of side walls and of large masses of
overlying material into former large voids was particularly clear.
Size-grade analyses of 13 samples (not in fig. 8) of sand from
the casts are shown in Table 2 as averages of individual sizes and
Figure 5. Cross sections of some typical ice-wedge casts, Locality 2, St. Croix
County.
196 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figure 6. Typical large ice-wedge cast, Locality 2, St. Croix County. Shovel j
is 28 inches long. j
as a range of individual sizes. Moreover, the small-size fractions '
of two samples of the host material are also shown. These j
data indicate the well-sorted nature of the sand filling which '
has a median size in the medium-sand range, and which on the i
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
197
Figure 7. Ice-wedge cast with horizontal extension of the base, Locality 2,
St. Croix County. Pick handle is 15 inches long.
average is symmetrically distributed around the median. In con¬
trast the same size fractions of the host material are markedly
skewed to the coarser sizes.
Binocular microscope examination of individual fractions of the
samples from the casts shows that rounding of individual grains is
greater in the medium-sand size and decreases toward fine and
coarse fractions ; more angular grains and more angularity of sub¬
round grains are noted at the extremes. Quartz dominates all sizes,
on the average, but in some samples igneous rock fragments,
198 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figure 8. Size-grade analyses of some samples from Locality 2, St. Croix
County,
quartzite, and siliceous metamorphic rock fragments make up all
or most of the very fine gravel size. Various heavy minerals con¬
stitute an estimated 5-15 percent of the silt and clay and are 2-8
percent of the very fine sand. In contrast the same sizes from the
host material contain less than 1-2 percent of heavy minerals.
Table 2
1965] Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin 199
Rounding of grains in the host material is similar per size frac¬
tion to that in the casts. Igneous rock fragments in the coarser
sizes make up an estimated 5-10 percent of the total. Iron and
clay skins are common in the host material ; iron staining in irregu¬
lar bands or layers and some development of clay skins are present
in the casts. All material is oxidized; dolomite fragments are rare
in the coarser gravel and blocks of the host and absent in the fines.
The fine- to coarse-grained quartz sand is very similar in size,
degree of rounding and frosting to the sand making up the St.
Peter formation of Ordovician age which underlies the kame and
crops out to the west of the kame. However, the igneous and meta-
morphic rock fragments and heavy mineral suite of the casts are
markedly different from constituents in the St. Peter. The St. Peter
formation has less iron and clay skins in this locality and is gen¬
erally very pale brown (10YR~7/3) .
In the casts of some wedges distribution curves of samples from
the lower part of the cast, when compared with curves from sam¬
ples from the upper part of the same cast, show a variation in
skewness that is not explained. In most such pairs of samples, the
lower samples are skewed to the coarser fraction whereas the up¬
per samples are skewed to the finer fraction. This was not uni¬
versally true and insufficient samples are available to pursue the
matter further.
Whether destruction of the wedges took place beneath a shallow
lake, as was postulated earlier (Black, 1957), and fillings came
from the lacustrine sediments are still difficult to prove. The ex¬
istence of the former lake seems clearly established from beach
features and other deposits 10-15 feet above the level of the casts.
However, similarity of the fillings with those of other localities be¬
lieved to be due to wind work leaves one in doubt. Moreover, strong
wind action is indicated by ventifacts in the stone layer which has
slumped into some casts. The timing of wind work versus water
work is also yet to be established.
Locality 3, Pierce County
On May 20, 1958, Aleksis Dreimanis (personal communication)
saw three wedge-shape casts of sand in buff till near the break of
the slope overlooking Plum 'Creek, one mile southeast of Waverly.
He interpreted them as ice- wedge casts. The writer has not seen
them, and details are lacking.
Locality U, Barron County
On May 17, 1964, the writer examined four casts of former ice
wedges cutting sandstone bedrock in a borrow pit 1.7 miles south
of Barron, on Highway 25. This locality was recognized by John
Foss, State College, River Falls. One cast was 3.1 m high and 60
200 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
cm wide; another was 1.4 m high and 85 cm wide (fig. 9). The
other two were smaller. Curvature of the walls of the pit and the
strike of the casts suggest that the larger pair initially joined as
one wedge as also did the smaller pair. In the tallest cast 1.2 m of
the lower part was filled largely with broken fragments of sand¬
stone from the walls of the cast; the upper 1.9 m was filled with
well-sorted reddish brown (5YR-5/4) sand of which 94 percent
in the sample is fine- to coarse-grained; median size is 0.36 mm.
Figure 9. Ice-wedge cast penetrating Cambrian sandstone, Locality 4, Barron
County. Folded shovel is 21 inches long.
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
201
Silt and clay make up only 2.1 percent. Occasional pebbles up to 1
cm are scattered throughout the cast. Although frosted quartz
predominates, many varieties of igneous and metamorphic rocks
and minerals are present in a typically glacial suite. Iron oxide
and clay coatings are weakly developed, and mafic minerals are
little weathered. Fillings of the other wedges are essentially identi¬
cal, except that the upper part of the fillings consists of gravelly-
sandy till or colluvium that has slumped en masse into the upper
30-40 cm. The till exposed in the pit contains boulders to 2 m of
ventifacted Duluth gabbro; Lake Superior sandstone, red felsite,
granite and many other rocks are present. Quartz grains of the size
filling the wedges are not frosted but otherwise similar. Quartz in
local Cambrian sandstone is finer grained, unfrosted, and more
angular than the sand in the casts, and because of paucity of other
minerals and rocks cannot have provided a significant source of
the filling. The sandstone is white (lOYR-8/2) and various shades
of yellow and brown. Presumably wind played a significant role in
frosting quartz grains, in sorting of sizes, and in emplacing them
in the casts.
Locality 5, Dunn County
On March 28, 1959, the writer saw one coarse-sand cast of a
supposed ice wedge in rhythmically banded, lacustrine clay-silt-
sand exposed in a road bank of Interstate Highway 94, 2 miles
north-northwest of Menomonie. The cast was 15 cm wide and 2.3
m high. The coarse-grained sand filling contained a typical glacial
suite of minerals and was distinctly coarser than the enclosing
lacustrine sediments. As the ground was still frozen at the time of
visit, the cast could only be traced into the bank about 20 cm. The
cast bisected the top of a small erosional knoll carved out of the
lake sediments by streams established immediately after the drain¬
ing of the lake. The well-bedded lake sediments were upturned
adjacent to the cast.
Locality 6, Dunn County
On March 28, 1959, 6 miles east-southeast of Menomonie, the
writer saw one fine- to medium-grained glacial sand cast 1.9 m
wide and exposed vertically 1.3 m; the base was buried beneath
frozen talus in Cambrian sandstone. The glacial sand is distinctly
different in its mineral suite from that of the essentially quartz
sandstone. No such glacial sand was seen in the vicinity. The cast
was at the apex of a hill, but because of the frozen ground could
not be traced horizontally.
Locality 7, Chippewa and Eau Claire Counties
Two miles west of Eau Claire, on the County Line Road, 0.4 mile
east of Co. T, Thomas E. Berg recognized ice- wedge casts which
202 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
the writer mapped and described on July 18, 1959. Outlines of 17
casts are shown in figure 10. The largest was 220 cm high and 110
cm wide; the tops of all casts were cut off at the base of a pro¬
nounced stone line which is multiple and inclined 10-12 degrees
on the flanks of the knoll. The surface is covered with 40-80 cm
of loess.
The casts of clean reddish yellow (commonly 5YR-6/6) well-
sorted sand are in marked contrast with the gravelly sand kame
and till (commonly yellowish red, 5YR-4/6 to 4/8). Sand in the
casts has a median size of 0.2 to 0.3 mm whereas that of the host
is 0.6 to 0.8 mm. Typical sorting is shown in figure 11. The coarser
sand fraction of the casts has many frosted round to sub-round
grains of quartz, but only rarely were similar grains seen in the
host. Most grains in the host are commonly sub-rounded to angular.
A large variety of rocks and minerals, typical of glacial suites, is
present in both host and casts. The very fine sand size of the casts
commonly has several percent of heavy minerals. Iron oxide and
clay skins are much more abundant in the host than in the casts,
but weathering of mafic minerals and rocks is highly variable from
fragment to fragment.
Extended trends of wedges show they form primary polygons
5-8 m across and some secondary polygons 3-4 m across. Stratifi¬
cation in the kame is commonly upturned along the sides of the
casts.
In August, 1965, numerous ice-wedge casts were seen about two
miles northeastward, in the banks of the north-trending road in
the center of Section 30, Township 28 North, Range 9 West. These
have not been studied in detail but appeared very similar to the
other casts at locality 7 just described.
Figure 10. Cross sections
Eau Claire Counties.
1965]
Black— Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
203
Figure 11. Size-grade analyses of some
samples from Locality 7, Chippewa and
Eau Claire Counties.
Locality 8, Eau Claire County
On March 28, 1959, the writer saw several ice wedge casts
filling V-shaped notches in the Cambrian sandstone that outcrops
at the apex of a rounded hill 5 miles west of Eau Claire on County
Road E. The bedding of the sandstone was upturned in places along
the casts from expansive forces in the wedges. Wedges 15-60 cm
wide were as much as 200 cm high. Fillings consist of very fine-
to coarse-grained, light brown (7.5 YR-6/4) sand similar to that
in other casts m Eau Claire County, but more clay skins are seen.
The textural distribution of a typical sample is :
Percent
Fine gravel _ 1.6
Very coarse sand _ 1.6
Coarse sand _ 18.1
Medium sand _ 42.3
Fine sand _ 19.9
Very fine sand _ 13.0
Silt and clay _ _ _ - . - - — 3,8
204 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[VoL 54
The gravel is sub-rounded fragments of the local sandstone; the
sand fractions contained abundant (up to 10 percent) igneous
rocks and minerals of a typical glacial suite, showing little or no
weathering. Quartz in the larger sized fractions is sub-rounded to
rounded, but angular in the smaller sized fractions. No frosted
grains were seen but they may have been obscured by clay skins.
In contrast the local sandstone is pale yellow (5YR~7/3) with
angular to sub rounded quartz of very fine to fine sand. Glauconite
locally makes up a few percent of the total. Because of the differ¬
ence in size of grains and of lithology, the sandstone can provide
only a small part of the total filling. No till was seen in the cracks
or on the bedrock on the hill. The upper few decimeters of the
sandstone are locally much crumpled and contorted, supposedly
from frost action and gravity movements.
Locality 9, Eau Claire County
On March 28, 1959, the writer observed 14 well-defined casts of
ice wedges preserved in reddish-brown sandy till on dolomitic sand¬
stone of Cambrian age, 4 miles west of Eau Claire, on County
Road E. Widths ranged generally from 20 to 65 cm and heights
from 1.8 to 2.2 m. Casts were speced commonly 3-4 m along the
road. As the ground was frozen, no excavations were attempted be¬
yond a few centimeters. Samples of the filling showed them to be
well-sorted glacial sand similar to other localities in the county.
A typical reddish-yellow (7.5YR-6/6) sample shows:
Percent
Very coarse sand _ 0.9
Coarse sand _ 9.6
Medium sand _ 45.8
Fine sand _ 26.6
Very fine sand _ 15.9
Silt _ 1.2
Clay is absent. Igneous rock and mineral fragments make up 30-
40 percent of the coarser fractions which are sub-rounded to
rounded grains; the finer fractions are angular to sub-rounded
grains. Frosting was not observed.
Again because of texture and lithology the local bedrock can
have supplied only a small part of the filling. Slump and slope
wash obscure details of the wedges, but pressure effects along the
sides of the casts were seen especially where the till grades into
bedded kame sands and gravels. The tops of all casts were at a
marked stone line, and loess overlying was markedly different from
sand in the casts.
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
205
Locality 10, Eau Claire County
On August 27, 1959, the writer found several ice-wedge casts
of typical well-sorted yellowish glacial sand in a borrow pit in
gravelly sandy outwash 5 miles southwest of Augusta. The largest
cast was 130 cm wide and 105 cm high. Upturned strata were ob¬
vious adjacent to the sides of the casts. Spacing was irregular but
for three casts which were uniformly 3 m apart. These have not
been studied in detail.
Locality 11, Clark County
On July 17, 1959, the writer noticed several small ice-wedge
casts in dirty sand and gravel in small crevasse fills and kames
on Cambrian sandstone on Highway 10, 2.5 miles east of Highway
12. The typical yellowish well-sorted sand fills were generally about
30 cm wide and only 60-70 cm high. They were poorly displayed,
and have not been studied in detail.
Locality 12, Clark County
Clarence Milfred, on November 30, 1964, informed the writer
that he had seen several ice-wedge casts in a borrow pit of poorly-
sorted drift 5 miles east-southeast of Fairchild. Wedge-shaped
fillings of yellowish sand in the reddish brown drift seem typical,
but the writer has not seen them.
Locality 13, Jackson County
On August 27, 1958, the writer saw three ice-wedge casts in
relatively clean gravelly sand outwash, in a borrow pit 2 miles
southeast of Hatfield. One wedge (fig. 12) was 45 cm wide and 1.5
m high ; the other two were 15 cm wide and 1 m high. Their trends
and spacing around the periphery of the pit suggest a polygon
whose diameter is 15-30 m. Upturned strata along the flanks of
the casts were common. Frost-stirred rubble lies on top of the
casts and host and has slumped into the upper part of the casts.
Fillings (lOYR-7/3, very pale brown) are in marked contrast in
color to the host (5YR-5/6, yellowish red), but texture and lithol¬
ogy dilfer only in details. A sample of the typically uniform sandy
facies of the host contains 85 percent medium and coarse sand
whereas the cast in figure 12 contains 75 percent in the same size
range. The cast differs mainly in having almost no gravel and
over 17 percent fine sand whereas the host has distinct gravel
layers and less than 6 percent fine sand. Both are low in very fine
i sand, silt, and clay. Lithologically the coarser fractions of the
I host are dominated by igneous and metamorphic rocks and min-
■ eral fragments, but the same fractions of the cast are mostly well
rounded to sub-rounded quartz and only 3-5 percent are typically
glacial suites. Frosted grains are common in the cast but not the
206 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figure 12. Larg-e ice-wedge cast in outwash, Locality 13, Jacksoii
County. Folded shovel is 21 inches long.
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
207
host. The color difference is attributed largely to iron oxides and
very minor clay skins on the surface of the larger grains in the
host.
Although tree roots are utilizing the casts, they have played no
role in making them. Excavation shows that the casts are dis¬
tinctly linear, not circular features such as are produced by solu¬
tion. Ground water effects subsequent to filling of the wedges, has
left iron oxide zones traceable across both cast and host. However,
stratification of the host does not carry through the cast.
Locality IJf, Monroe County
Ronald H. Akers discovered numerous ice wedge casts in a bor¬
row pit 2 miles west of Tomah and later studied the lithology of
the sand and rubble host on the Cambrian sandstone into which
the casts penetrated (Akers, 1964, p. 104-108). The writer ex¬
amined them on July 5, 1963, and sketched the cross sectional out¬
lines of the more exposed ones shown in figure 13. More than 30
casts are present along the walls of the borrow pit. The widest
casts are 1.2-1. 6 m; the highest 2-3 m. Widths decrease abruptly
in the bedrock. The yellow to reddish yellow (lOYR-7/6 to 7.5YR-
7/6) well-sorted sand in the casts differs markedly in color and
texture from the coarser yellowish red (5YR-5/8) sand in lenses
in the overlying rubble. Sand in lenses in the rubble is typically
medium to coarse, well-rounded quartz with some very coarse sand
and gravel of chert and sandstone fragments; less very fine and
fine sand and silt and clay are present. However, the casts are
mostly fine to medium sand with about 10 percent each of coarse
and very fine sand. Very coarse sand or gravel are rare. The larger
grains are well-rounded and frosted quartz ; the smaller are angu¬
lar quartz. Fresh green glauconite makes up 1-5 percent of the
smaller sizes of the casts but is absent or only a trace in the host
sand. The local Cambrian sandstone is very similar to the finer
fractions of the sand in the casts, including the glauconite, and
presumably was the source. The host sand and rubble contain
plagioclase, potash feldspar, and calcium-magnesium carbonate
(Akers, 1964, table 16) and seem to have supplied relatively little
of the filling for the casts.
Locality 15, Portage County
On May 31, 1958, more than 25 ice wedge casts were observed
in a borrow pit in the Arnott moraine, 9 miles southeast of Stevens
Point. The casts are as much as 1.8 m wide and 2.6 m high. They
have been examined at different times during sporadic working of
the pit, and cross sectional outlines of some were sketched (fig.
14). The reddish yellow to yellowish red (5YR-6/6 to 5/6) sand
208 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figure 13. Cross sections of some ice-wedge casts, Locality 14, Monroe County.
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
209
Figure 14. Cross sections of some ice-wedge casts, Locality 15, Portage County.
210 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
in the casts differs from the red to light reddish brown (2.5YR-
4/6 to 5YR-6/4) sandy till of the host mostly in texture. Repre¬
sentative size analyses of four samples of the casts and two of the
host are shown in figure 15. Gravel larger than 10 mm in diameter
and numerous boulders of granite 1-2 m in diameter in the till
are excluded from the curves. In the casts generally 80 to 90 per¬
cent of the sand is fine to medium; the curves are skewed toward
the coarse fraction. Granules of angular disaggregated granite
are common in the casts. Very little silt and practically no clay
occur in either casts or host. The sand of the casts contains a typi¬
cal glacial suite of rocks and minerals, but glauconite is common
in the very fine fraction. Quartz is only 10-20 percent of the very
coarse fraction; most grains are igneous rocks of wide variety.
Quartz dominates the smaller fractions.
This pit contains pockets of sand in wedge-like form at depths
that suggest roots of truncated casts. Their color, texture, and
lithology are indistinguishable from those of the surface casts.
Several are at a slight discontinuity in the till shown by a color
change from red above to light reddish brown below and by slight
Figure 15. Size-grade analyses of some
samples from Locality 15, Portage County.
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
211
differences in pebble counts. Textures (%. 15) in the till and in
the casts above and below are identical. However, it seems clear
that the upper casts do not penetrate that discontinuity nor do they
join or cut the lower casts. Too little information is in hand to
pursue the problem of two generation of wedges; it remains a
possibility for which much additional work needs to be done.
In 1958 one wedge cut in half a disaggregated granite boulder
at a depth of 1.6 m. The width of the cast decreased abruptly from
many decimeters in the till above to only a few centimeters within
the boulder. It has since been removed.
The near surface wedges have all been truncated. Ventif acted
stones are common.
Locality 1 6, Outagamie County
On November 7, 1964, Fred Madison showed the writer the
tallest ice^wedge casts seen in the state, at the junction of County
D and TT, 4 miles south of New London. Two wedges were 3. 1-3.7
m high and 1.0-1. 1 m wide. They were traceable from the face
of the roadcut across the stripped upland for 5-10 m, and with a
third wedge indicated a polygon of about 10 m diameter. Slump
features on the sides and patches of reddish brown sandy till with
flow structures crossed at least half the width of the two wedges,
but the lowermost tip of one showed vertical foliation and separ¬
ated crack fillings typical of an original sand wedge. The fillings
of well-sorted very fine to fine sand were reddish yellow (7.5YR-
6/6) to strong brown (7.5YR-5/6 to 5/8) in contrast to the red¬
dish brown (2.5YR-5/4) till. Samples of the lower and upper part
of the tallest cast and a third from the lower part of the adjacent
wedge contain 61-67 percent fine, 19-27 percent very fine, and only
9-11 percent medium sand. Coarse and very coarse sand and gravel
constitute together 1-4 percent. In contrast overlying sand several
decimeters thick of eolian or lacustrine origin that seems to have
slumped into the upper part of the wedges is slightly different.
One composite sample contains 54 percent fine, 9 percent very fine,
and 35 percent medium sand. The very coarse sand and gravel
scattered throughout the casts is absent in the overlying sand and
only 0.3 percent coarse sand is present. In all samples only 1-3 per¬
cent silt and virtually no clay are present. Typical glacial suites
of rocks and minerals are present in all, but igneous rocks are
less abundant, more rounded, and fresher and cleaner in the over-
lying sand than in the casts where they are typically very angular
and corroded. It seems clear that the immediately overlying sand
is distinctly coarser, more mature, and has not supplied as much
of the filling as was thought on brief field examination. Appreci-
212 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
able glauconite in the finer sizes suggests a Cambrian sandstone
source rather than the till host.
Numerous other casts are present in the vicinity of the junction
of County D and TT and for 0.75 mile northward on County D,
particularly on the west or Waupaca County side of the highway.
All are smaller; some are 1. 8-2.4 m high and 20 to 60 cm wide.
Those to the north are truncated at a depth of 1-1.2 m. Several
joined in polygonal network as seen in plan on the sloping road
bank. They were not examined in detail nor sampled.
Locality 17, Columbia County
On June 13, 1961, the writer saw four ice wedge casts in the
top of a drumlin 1 mile north of Portage. They appeared in the
walls of a borrow pit in the apex of the rather sharp oval hill of
reddish-brown sandy till. By April, 1962, the pit had been enlarged
considerably but the same wedges could be identified and another
new one showed up. The extensions of the four casts were smaller
than those originally seen. One was 1.8 m high and 1.1 m wide;
another was 1.5 m high and 70 cm wide (fig. 16) ; the other two
were somewhat smaller. Spacing between three wedges in the
southwest part of the pit was 3 m, but other walls 15 m long of
the borrow pit showed no casts. Slump features and till masses
extending diagonally across much of the width of two casts dis¬
tinctly showed large linear voids existed that were not just oriented
downhill. Mixed loess and colluvium 30-90 cm thick covered the top
of the casts which are well-sorted reddish yellow (5YR~6/6) very
fine to medium sand. The till host is light reddish brown (5YR-
6/4), sandy, and with igneous boulders up to 1.5 m in diameter.
Only a few percent of the sand in the casts is typical glacial suite
of igneous rocks and minerals. That and the relatively high propor¬
tion of glauconite in the finer sizes suggest a Cambrian sandstone
source.
Locality 18, Richland County
On October 4, 1964, two small casts of supposed ice wedges
were seen in a gravel pit about 0.75 mile south of Eagle Corners.
One was about 30 cm wide and 50 cm high; the other only 10 cm
wide and 40 cm high. Both are filled with very clean reddish yellow,
very fine to medium sand and are in brown silty-clayey sediments
showing marked cryoturbations (?) nearby. The casts were dug
out enough to demonstrate their linearity, but no detailed study has
been done.
Locality 19, Dane County
One mile southwest of Pine Bluff, several wedge-shaped fillings
of loess and colluvium in dolomite of Ordovician age appear along
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
213
Figure 16. Ice-wedge cast, Locality 17, Columbia County. Exposed handle of
shovel is 20 inches long.
the county road. These are typical and are cited as just one ex¬
ample of many such features that are to be found in thin-bedded
rock in the state. Very locally pressure effects may be seen along
the sides of the casts which generally are 30-100 cm wide and 60-
120 cm high. Casts are spaced at fairly regular intervals of 3-4
m along the road. In many instances they seem to form polygonal
patterns in plan. These particular casts have not been excavated
more than a few decimeters and their origin is in doubt. It is
thought likely that contraction cracking from cold and dissication
214 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
would permit preferential solution and soil tonguing to operate.
Subsequent wetting and drying of the filling then could produce
the local pressure effects without the necessity of calling for ice
wedge formation.
Similar wedge were reported earlier (Black, 1964, loc. 16) in
Green County, but are not described here because of their dubious
origin.
Locality 20, Rock County
Several casts of reddish yellow, clean, well-sorted, fine-medium
sand are seen in the banks of a borrow pit in a dirty sandy gravel
kame which rises 15-20 m above the surrounding lowland 3 miles
northwest of Evansville. A stone line truncates the tops of each
of the casts which are poorly preserved in the slumping bank.
Several wedges have been discerned 30-60 cm wide and 40-100 cm
high. Only two have been excavated as much as 2 m into the bank
to establish their linearity. Slumping of the gravel into the wedges
has left them very irregular. No detail work on them has been
done, but they seem to be typical ice-wedge casts.
Locality 21, Green County
On April 14, 1962, the writer noted the truncated casts of four
former ice wedges in a gravel pit in a kame about 2 miles south¬
west of Albany. Two casts on the east flank are especially striking
although small ; one is 40 cm wide and 115 cm high, and the other
is 35 cm wide and 125 cm high (fig. 17). The well-sorted sand
casts are reddish yellow with strong brown, iron-cemented streaks
(7.5YR-6/6 to 5/6). The former was dug out along the surface
for a distance of about 4 m and continued uninterrupted. Samples
of the upper and lower parts respectively of the latter cast are 59
and 64 percent medium, 30 and 19 percent fine, and 8 and 12 per¬
cent coarse sand. Only traces of larger and smaller sizes are pres¬
ent. A typical suite of glacial sediments is present, but glauconite
suggests the Cambrian sandstone influence in source also. In con¬
trast the sand lenses with horizontal bedding in the host kame are
coarser textured. One that underlies the cast contains 55 percent
coarse and 41 percent medium sand which is yellowish red to red¬
dish brown (5YR-5/8 to 4/4). The sand in the gravel is still
coarser and darker (5YR-4/8 to 3/4). Clay skins are abundant.
At the extreme south end of the pit, 100-300 m from the casts,
fine sand is bedded parallel to the slope of 5-15 degrees. It is 0.5-
1.2 m thick and suggests a climbing dune from the south. Unfor¬
tunately the area is much disturbed through dumping of trash,
and the field relations are not clear. In the area of the casts 0.5-
2,0 m of loess and colluvium cover the truncated casts.
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
215
Figure 17. Ice-wedge cast, Locality 21, Green County. Six-inch scale.
A worker who was involved with the opening and working of
the original pit stated that the wedges of sand were much larger
and more common along the axis of the ridge of kames.
Locality 22, Green County
On June 5, 1961, the writer saw a wedge-shaped filling in a road
cut at the junction of County N and C, 3 miles west of Monticello.
Basal variegated shale and sandstone beds of the St. Peter for¬
mation of Ordovician age are contorted along a northeasterly axis
which is cut obliquely by a wedge-shaped filling that is 55 cm wide
and 80 cm high. The filling of poorly-sorted reddish brown (5YR-
5/3 to 4/4) colluvium or till contains some clay, abundant silt and
216 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
sand up to coarse size, and granule size fragments of shale and
dolomite. It is very hard and compact when dry. The horizontal
axis of the wedge is oblique to slope and structure and is difficult
to explain. Upturning of the St. Peter bedding planes along the
wedge demonstrate pressure effects, but proof that this feature
was an ice wedge is not available.
Mode of Formation
If it is conceded that large till or drift patches that cross much
if not all the width of many casts and that horizontal or diagonal
bedding and flow structures are proof of filling of voids essentially
the size of the wedges, then most casts were true ice wedges ini¬
tially rather than sand wedges. At least the development of sea¬
sonal frost wedges and solution phenomena seem not to be appli¬
cable, and no alternative origin comes to mind. Rarely, as at lo¬
calities 14 and 16 particularly, the lowermost tip of some casts
indicate possible sand wedge growth initially. At least vertically
oriented cracks up to a few millimeters in width are filled with
sand and cut the host as in active sand wedges in Antarctica. Yet
those same wedges have typical large inclusions and slump struc¬
tures in the middle and upper parts and must be considered true
ice-wedge casts or at least composites with more ice than sand.
If we accept the ice-wedge origin initially, then we must account
for the remarkable similarity of the sand filling the casts in 20 of
the 22 localities (filling at localities 19 and 22 are loess and col¬
luvium or till). Such similarity suggests uniform conditions
throughout the state during the replacement of the ice by the sand
and also a single or common mode of emplacement. Although a
lake can be demonstrated to have inundated locality 2, lakes with
such uniform bottom sands cannot be demonstrated for the other
localities which commonly are on the highest land in the area. The
textural analyses, rounding, frosting, and mineral distribution
point toward wind as the agent of transportation that brought the
sand to the casts. However, the situation is still somewhat per¬
plexing because sand identical to that in any one cast is not now
found on or anywhere in the vicinity of any cast (at locality 16 the
sand is somewhat different and at locality 21 sand 100-300 m
away has not been studied.) Stone lines show marked truncation
of all casts, except possibly some of those at locality 16, but such
sand is not found in the colluvium or soils nearby. Where has it
gone? Or was it ever widespread? We don’t really know.
Composition of the sand suggests multiple sources, particularly
the local drift surface and the Cambrian-Ordovician sandstones.
The amount of contribution from each source is not known but
1965]
Black-Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
217
seems to differ somewhat depending on the locality. We seem to
have no problem getting the sand in the first place, but concentrat¬
ing it in the casts without building up deposits nearby is difficult
and not explained. In order for such large fillings with so little
contamination to form, one would expect to see dunes over the casts
as at locality 16, Migrating dunes would permit textural and min-
eralogical variations at any one cross section such as seem to have
taken place there. If such dunes were more commonplace on and
near the other localities, the writer would feel better about the
situation.
In addition the uniformity of filling in the casts from top to
bottom indicate that surface conditions did not change appreciably
during the emplacement. Fillings worked downward and laterally
with remarkably little contamination from the walls of many in¬
clined casts or those whose lower apices were almost horizontal as
in figure 7, Flow structures of till and other patches of unconsoli¬
dated material or stratification indicated water was present. The
details of the filling mechanism are obviously open to various
interpretations.
From these few observations and conclusions it is readily ap¬
parent that details of the origin of the casts, require many more
observations before any definitive answers are likely to be
forthcoming.
Time of Formation
We do not know either the time when the original ice wedges
were formed nor when they were destroyed and replaced with
sand. No definitive criteria even suggesting their time of forma¬
tion have been found. At the present time we can do no more than
suggest a time by analogy — that is by parallelism of events or
changes of climate. This procedure is fraught with difficulties and
leaves much to be desired.
The climatic changes of the late Pleistocene in Wisconsin are
not known in detail, but the broad pattern is recognized (Frye,
Willman, and Black, 1965; Black, Hole, Maher, and Freeman,
1965), We know that permafrost does not exist anywhere in the
state today and that filling of the casts ceased long enough ago for
all to develop weak-moderate stains of iron oxide and clay skins
at former groundwater levels or levels of wetting and drying.
These require presumably only a few centuries or millenia, but
do not exclude a time encompassing many millenia. The presence
of fresh easily weathered rocks and minerals, including glauconite,
olivine, pyroxene, amphibole, and calcic plagioclase, suggest a rela¬
tively short but vague time since replacement. Truncation by col-
218 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
luviation and mass movements is extensive and universal; such
processes are going on today at least locally, but most casts are
protected by a cover of loess. Hence, truncation of the casts largely
ceased prior to the deposition of the bulk of the loess over them.
Unfortunately loess deposition seems to have been continuous in
many places beginning about 29,000 years ago up to the present
day, and cannot be used as a time indicator. Thus, we have no good
clue when replacement ceased, although it seems to have been some
thousands of years ago.
At the opposite extreme the age of the material in which casts
are found defines the maximum limit for a wedge. Most casts are
in Paleozoic strata or drift of Rockian age — 29,000 to 32,000 years
ago — but casts in two localities (16 and 17) are in till considered
Cary in age, about 12,500 to 16,000 years ago. (The Valders ice
advance of about 11,000 to 9,500 years ago either went over or
around locality 16, but the till in which the casts are found seems
typical of the Cary rather than the Valders. The Cary ice closed
around but apparently not over the hill at locality 1.) Those casts
in Cambro-Ordovician bedrock without drift cover of Rockian age
have loess filling that is less than the maximum age found in the
state (29,000 years old; Hogan and Beatty, 1963) based on the
degree of weathering. Consequently, no wedge formation is con¬
sidered as old as the Rockian advance, with the possible exception
of the buried and truncated wedges (?) at locality 15. It seems
clear that the Rockian ice advanced over a spruce forest, but no
trace has been found that trees grow again in the state until Two
Creeks time, about 11,000 to 12,500 years ago. The interval from
12,500 to about 29,000 years ago seems then to be the logical time
for growth of the original ice wedges. However, the wedges need
no more than a few thousand years at most and more likely only
1,000-3,000 in which to grow to their present size when compared
with growth rates of ice wedges measured in Alaska and Antarc¬
tica (Black, 1952a and 1963; Black and Berg, 1963 and 1964).
It seems reasonable then to assume that most wedges grew at about
the same time during a particularly cold period that logically would
be related to a glacial advance.
In Illinois the Farmdalian Substage of deglaciation spans much
of the early part and the Woodfordian Substage of multiple ice ad¬
vance and retreat the latter part of the time from 29,000 to 12,500
years ago (Frye and Willman, 1960; Frye, Willman, and Black,
1965) . The peak or maximum extent southward of ice in the middle
United States during that interval seems to have been about 20,000
years ago (Flint, 1963). It is not axiomatic that permafrost con¬
ditions in Wisconsin were most severe at precisely that same time,
but they can be presumed to be because of the southward shift in
1965] Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin 219
storm tracks that should have accompanied the southward flow of
ice. Such a southward shift would be brought about by the ice in
the Des Moines lobe west of Wisconsin and the Lake Michigan lobe
east of Wisconsin. Those lobes left central and southwest Wiscon¬
sin free of ice where the Rockian drift had been 10,000 years be¬
fore, Almost continuous cold high pressure air would have existed
over the area of the ice sheet, leaving the relatively small re¬
entrant in Wisconsin largely outside the zone of influence of the
moist air from the Gulf of Mexico, which supplied the bulk of pre¬
cipitation to the state. Hence, it is expected that winters would be
very cold and with relatively little snow ; summers would be cloudy
from overrunning Gulf air but still cold. Permafrost conditions
would be optimal. They would last at their peak only a few
thousand years.
In theory this might explain the origin and time of formation
of the ice wedges in the Rockian drift, but not those of the two
localities in the Cary drift. No evidence that they are in older drift
overrun by the Cary ice has been found. Whether permafrost was
able to develop locally in connection with the Valders glaciation is
not known, but climatic changes during that time seem not to have
been so severe (West, 1961). Both locations are high, wind swept,
and near former lakes associated with the Valders retreat; spo-
ratic permafrost seems possible and a ready supply of sand was
available. Not all other localities were, however, and no case can
be made to have all wedges produced so late in the Wisconsinan
Stage. At least two times then — 20,000 and about 10,000 years
ago— seem most likely for permafrost and ice wedge formation, but
presumably other climates were such as to have permitted sporadic
permafrost to develop.
Destruction of the ice wedges and replacement with sand is even
more difficult to place into proper time sequence. Glaciation and
cold climates are in general a smaller part of the interval from
29,000 years ago to the present than are warmer climates without
permafrost conditions. Although buried glacial ice from the
Rockian glaciation seems to have survived in southern Wisconsin
until Two Creeks time, as in the buried bedrock valley now con¬
taining Lake Geneva, and in northern Wisconsin until after the
Valders glaciation, such deeply buried ice masses melt out very
slowly. They would have no affect on the formation of ice wedges
nor on their destruction. Only climatic conditions would have been
important, A ready supply of sand, wind, and rapid thaw of the
ice wedges are required. Abundant vegetation, particularly forests,
would not favor the sand fills, but prairie conditions could. Hot dry
summers seem to be called for to promote melting and evaporation.
We cannot pinpoint one or more such periods with much assur-
220 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
ance, and the arguments are very tenuous (West, 1961). At our
present state of knowledge we can do no more than suggest that
destruction of those wedges that might have been produced 20,000
years ago could easily have accompanied the climatic changes of
the late Woodfordian (Frye and Willman, 1960) or following the
Tazewell-Cary substages ; those possibly produced during the Val-
ders must have accompanied the destruction of that ice for no indi¬
cators suggest any permafrost existed in the state after that ice
disappeared. Such unsatisfactory chronology does not tell us
whether wedges were produced at different times in the area of
the Rockian drift or were destroyed during more than one period.
Paleoclimatologic Significance
As ice wedges grow only in permafrost and permafrost forms
only where the mean annual air temperature is close to or below
0°'C, a marked change in the climate of Wisconsin must have taken
place for mean annual air temperature today is about 5-7 °C. An
analogy with ice wedges growing today in polar regions, where
their growth rates can be compared with their physical environ¬
ment, is interesting (Black, 1954 and 1963; Black and Berg, 1963
and 1964; Lachenbruch, 1962). Without going into the many de¬
tails or exceptions it can be said that primary and secondary net¬
works of ice-wedge polygons are generally found only in continu¬
ous permafrost where mean annual air temperatures are generally
colder than -5°C. Ice wedges are growing more readily in fine¬
grained materials with high moisture contents and are less com¬
mon and poorer developed in the sandier and more permeable ma¬
terials which characterize the hosts in Wisconsin. Lack of casts in
frost-susceptible materials can be contributed not to the absence of
wedges, nor to the climate, but perhaps to concurrent flow and
collapse of the host material during melting of the ice which pre¬
vented formation of wedge-shaped voids that could collect sand.
Consequently we can conclude that the well-developed networks of
primary and secondary polygons in western Wisconsin represent
continuous permafrost with annual ground and air temperatures
at least as cold as -5°C; the less well developed nets of primary
polygons and isolated wedges in southern Wisconsin call for dis¬
continuous to sporadic permafrost with ground and air tempera¬
tures slightly warmer than -5°C. Humidity was higher than that
which characterizes much of Antarctica where so many sand
wedges are growing actively. No quantitative values can be given
at this time because they are not known well enough for existing
wedges.
The shape of the wedges can at times or certain places be re¬
lated to rapidity of seasonal temperature charges in the ground
1965]
Black — Ice-Wedge Casts of Wisconsin
221
and consequently to climatic conditions. Short wedges that have
not been truncated indicate only a shallow penetration of the sea¬
sonal temperature cycle whereas deep ones prove that large tem¬
perature changes carried to those depths. It seems necessary to
have a rapid seasonal change in ground temperature of at least
4°C to initiate contraction cracks and changes of at least 2°'C to
propagate them to depth where the ground has more ice than pore
space — that is where mineral matter is a suspension in ice. As
thermal coefficients of rock are only about one-fifth that of ice,
correspondingly greater temperature differences are needed to
affect cracking in under-saturated sediment or rock. Rapidity of
temperature change is perhaps equally important as total change
in initiating cracking. At least relatively long cold periods of many
days are required to permit loss of heat in the ground to extend to
depths of 2 to 4 m. Rapidly alternating warm and cold periods of
a few days each produce only short wedges. The former seems
more characteristic of western Wisconsin and the latter of south¬
ern Wisconsin during the time of growth of the ice wedges.
Destruction of the ice wedges calls for rapid thawing and em¬
placement of the sand to avoid more contamination than is present.
Abrupt climatic change seems needed. Furthermore, wind action
to move the sand to the casts implies paucity of forests and rela¬
tively dry periods during each year. Lack of evidence of surface
runoff following the troughs of the ice wedges or of vegetation
in the casts suggest relatively low total precipitation. Replace¬
ment of the ice with sand hardly could have taken more than some
decades in order to avoid more modification of the wedges and casts
than is seen. Moreover, truncation of the sand casts by colluviation
and mass movements indicates a change of climate to more moist
conditions prior to deposition of the loess.
The whole story seems so complicated and the facts so few that
much more field evidence is needed to constrain our musings. At
least it is clear that our climate has changed abruptly and over a
wide range of conditions during the time from perhaps 20,000 to
10,000 years ago.
References Cited
Akers, Ronald H., 1964, Unusual surficial deposits in the Driftless Area of
Wisconsin: Ph. D, thesis. University of Wisconsin, 169p.
Black, Robert F., 1952a, Growth of ice-wedge polygons in permafrost near
Barrow, Alaska: Geol. Soc. Amer. Bull. 63, p. 1235-1236.
Black, Robert F., 1952b, Polygonal patterns and ground conditions from
aerial photographs: Photogr, Eng. 17, p. 123-134.
Black, Robert F., 1954, Permafrost — A review: Geol. Soc. Amer. Bull. 65,
p. 839-856.
222 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Black, Robert F., 1957, Pleistocene climatic change recorded by ice-wedge
polygon casts of Cary age at River Falls, Wisconsin: Geol, Soc. Amer.
Bull. 68, p. 1888-1889.
Black, Robert F., 1963, Les coins de glace et le gel permanent dans le Nord
de PAlaska: Annales de Geog. 391, p. 257-271.
Black, Robert F., 1964, Periglacial phenomena of Wisconsin, north-central
United States: Rpt. Vlth Intern. Congres on Quaternary, Warsaw, 1961,
V. 4, Periglacial Section, p. 21-28,
Black, Robert F., and Thomas E. Berg, 1963, Hydrothernal regimen of
patterned ground, Victoria Land, Antarctica: Pub. 61, Intern. Assoc. Sci.
Hydrology, Com. Snow and Ice, p. 121-127.
Black, Robert F,, and Thomas E. Berg, 1964, Glacier fluctuations recorded
by patterned ground, Victoria Land: in Antarctic Geology, edited by
R. J. Adie, North-Holland Pub. Co, p. 107-122.
Black, Robert F., Frances D. Hole, Louis J. Maher, and Joan E. Freeman,
1965, Guidebook, Field Conference C, Wisconsin: VII Intern. Congress on
Quaternary, United States. Nebraska Acad. Sciences, p. 56-81.
Flint, Richard Foster, 1963, Status of the Pleistocene Wisconsin Stage in
central North America: Sci. 139, p. 402-404.
Frye, John C., and H. B. Willman, 1958, Permafrost features near the Wis¬
consin glacial margin in Illinois: Amer. Jour. Sci. 256, p. 518-524.
Frye, John C., and H. B. Willman, 1960, Classification of the Wisconsinan
Stage in the Lake Michigan glacial lobe: Ill. State Geol. Survey Circ.
285, 16 p.
Frye, John C., H. B. Willman, and Robert F. Black, 1965, Outline of
glacial geology of Illinois and Wisconsin: in Quaternary of the United
States, edited by H. E. Wright, Jr. and David G. Frey, Princeton Univ.
Press, p. 43-61. Regional Repts. VII Intern. Congress on Quaternary,
United States.
Hogan, J. D., and M. T. Beatty, 1963, Age and properties of Peorian loess
and buried paleosols in southwestern Wisconsin: Soil Sci. Soc. Amer.
Proc. 27, p. 345-350.
Horberg, Leland, 1949, A possible fossil ice wedge in Bureau County, Illinois:
Jour. Geol. 57, p. 132-136.
Lachenbruch, Arthur H., 1962, Mechanics of thermal contraction cracks
and ice-wedge polygons in permafrost: Geol. Soc. Amer. Spec. Papers
70, 69p.
Leffingwell, E. de K., 1919, The Canning River region, northern Alaska:
U. S. Geol. Survey Prof. Paper 109, 251p.
Pewe, Troy L., 1959, Sand-wedge polygons (Tesselations) in the McMurdo
Sound region, Antarctica — A progress report: Amer. Jour. Sci. 257, p.
545-552.
Sharp, R. P., 1942, Periglacial involutions in northeastern Illinois: Jour. Geol.
50, p. 113-133.
Smith, H. T. U., 1949, Periglacial features in the driftless area of southern
Wisconsin: Jour. Geol. 57, p. 196-215.
West, R. G., 1961, Late- and postglacial vegetational history in Wisconsin,
particularly changes associated with the Valders readvance: Amer. Jour.
Sci. 259, p. 766-783.
Yehle, Lynn A., 1954, Soil tongues and their confusion with certain indi¬
cators of periglacial climate: Amer. Jour. Sci. 252, p. 532-546.
SOME MINERALOGIC CHARACTERISTICS OF SANDY
SOILS IN WISCONSIN
Frederick W. Madison and Gerhard B. Lee*
Sandy soils occupy about 7300 square miles, or 13.8 percent, of
the total land area in Wisconsin (Whitson, 1926). Some of these
soils are farmed, others are used for forestry, wildlife, recreation,
or other purposes. While considerable effort has been devoted to
the study of sandy soils, particularly in regard to their use and
management for agronomic or silvicultural purposes, relatively
little is known about some of their basic characteristics. This is re¬
flected in their present classification which groups them into a few,
broadly defined soil series. While it has been observed that differ¬
ences exist among the soils that comprise these series, the magni¬
tude of this variation and its relative importance is not well known.
Conversely, several series of sandy soils include very similar soil
individuals. Both problems result in part from the historical prac¬
tice of using geographic and physiographic factors as criteria for
grouping. Present-day efforts in classification, however, are aimed
at ordering soils according to their morphology and other genetic
characteristics. In many cases we lack the knowledge necessary to
do this well.
The purpose of the present study has been (1) to establish some
basic mineralogical characteristics of sandy soils in Wisconsin and
of the sediments from which they formed and (2) to delineate
general geographic areas in which sandy soils are apt to be min-
eralogically similar.
Location of Samples
Soils used were selected in order to obtain samples representa¬
tive of the principal soil series in major sandy soil regions of the
state (Fig, 1)^. In some cases it was possible to include two or
^Contribution from the Department of Soils, University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Supported in part by the Research Committee of the Graduate School from funds
supplied by the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation. Paper read at the 95th
annual meeting of the Wisconsin Academy of Science, Arts, and Letters. Published
with the approval of the Director, Wisconsin Agricultural Experiment Station. The
authors are Research Assistant and Associate Professor of Soils respectively. Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin-Madison.
'^Among the samples used were several collected during an earlier study of Plain-
field and associated soils (Soil Survey Staff, 1957) and several collected for subsoil
fertility studies (Corey & Beatty, 1961).
223
224 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figure 1. Map of Wisconsin Showing Location of Sample Sites.
more widely separated profiles of the same kind of soil. This made
it possible to compare the mineralogical composition of soil individ¬
uals classified in the same series which may have been formed in
sediments from different source areas or which may have been sub¬
jected to different degrees of reworking or weathering. Conclu¬
sions regarding the mineralogic character of these soils and their
parent sediments are based on lithological studies of the gravels
(particles greater than 2 mm. in diameter), grain-size analysis and
mineralogical studies of the light and heavy minerals, heavy min¬
erals being those minerals with specific gravities greater than 2,95,
1965] Madison and Lee — Charast eristics of Soils 225
Methods of Analysis
Air-dried samples were passed through a 2 mm square mesh
screen. The gravel fraction was treated with 6N HCl to remove
iron oxide coatings after which individual pebbles were identified
and counted.
Particle-size distribution of the less than 2 mm fraction was de¬
termined by the hydrometer method of Day (1956), except in the
case of the six profiles collected for a study of Plainfield and re¬
lated sandy soils (1957) whose particle-size distribution had pre¬
viously been determined by the pipette method (Kilmer and Alex¬
ander, 1949).
Volume measurements of heavy minerals were made as described
by Madison and Lee'^ using pear-shaped centrifuge tubes having a
calibrated neck in which the heavy minerals settled and where
their volume could be easily determined to the nearest hundredth of
a milliliter. Weight percentages of heavy minerals was also
determined.
Very fine sand-sized heavy minerals were mounted on glass
slides with Lakeside #70 cement. Light mineral grains were im¬
pregnated with a 3:1 mixture of Castoglas and Styrene, mounted
on glass slides and thin-sectioned (Madison, 1963)^. Slides were
etched with hydroflouric acid and the potassium feldspars stained
with sodium cobaltinitrite as described by Baily and Stephens
(1960). Percentages of the various minerals present were deter¬
mined by point counting with a standard petrographic microscope.
Results and Discussion
Lithology of Gravel Fraction
Lithological studies of gravel fractions were made to determine
if any particular rock type was dominant in the suite, this domi¬
nance serving in turn as a basis for interpretation of source area.
A further purpose was to determine the presence of lithological
discontinuities which would imply a change in source area. The
gravel fraction in soil profiles from the central sand area reflected
the influence of the Pre-cambrian rock complex in the Wausau
area. Amounts of coarse materials decrease rapidly southward
down the Wisconsin River Valley, This is attributed to two factors :
namely, increased distance from source area and dilution of the
sediment by the addition of quartzose materials from the Paleozoic
sandstones. A great variety of rock types and general lack of con-
^Madison, F. W. and G-. B. Lee, 1965. A simple method for determining- the
heavy mineral content of sands and its application to soil genesis research. In
manuscript.
^Madison, F. W., Mineralogical studies of some sandy soils in Wisconsin. M. S.
Thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1963,
226 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
sistent patterns are the dominant characteristics of the gravel frac¬
tions of the sandy sediments of northern Wisconsin. This is a re¬
flection of the complexity and diversity of rock types found in the
Pre-cambrian shield. A lack of coarse clastic material can be attrib¬
uted to (1) reworking of sediments, (2) fine and medium grained
source rocks, (3) moderate competency of the transporting me¬
dium, or (4) extensive transport of sediments prior to deposition.
Results of the present study suggest that the first two of these
processes have been primarily responsible for the textural charac¬
teristics of the sands of the '‘Driftless Area'', whereas all of the
first three processes have been operative in producing the textural
characteristics of the sands of northeastern Wisconsin.
Mineralogical Composition of Soil Parent Materials
Results of mineralogical studies of C horizons are summarized
in Table 1. In this table, soils are grouped according to geographi¬
cal location.
Vilas soils are representative of podzolized sandy soils of north¬
ern Wisconsin. The wide ranges shown for all constituents reflect
the mineralogic complexity of the Pre-cambrian shield area. Gen¬
erally high feldspar percentages as well as high volume percent¬
ages of heavy minerals suggest that source rocks are primarily
igneous and/or metamorphic and that these sediments are in their
first cycle of erosion. The latter suggestion is further supported by
the occurence of large percentages of augite and hornblende in the
heavy mineral fraction, as well as lesser percentages of andalusite,
sillimanite, hypersthene and diopside, all of which are relatively
unstable in the zone of weathering.
Omega soils often occur in complex association with Vilas soils.
They are also associated with other podzolic soils in northern Wis¬
consin in a zone extending from Polk and Burnett counties in the
west through Marathon county to Shawano and Menominee coun¬
ties in the east. Geologically this region coincides roughly with the
contact between the Pre-cambrian shield rocks and the Cambrian
sandstones which overlap them. The data (Table 1.), particularly
values for quartz and feldspar, show a mineralogic similarity of
parent materials over a wide geographic range. Two samples from
Polk county showed the influence of the Pre-cambrian Iron Forma¬
tion in that their volume percentages of heavy minerals ranged
from 3.08 to 4.24 and that their heavy mineral suites were domi- j
nated by iron oxide minerals. The mineralogy of these sediments .
also implies geologically young materials which are probably in |
their first cycle of erosion.
Shawano and Suring soils are formed primarily from glacio-
lacustrine sands in the Valders drift region of northeastern Wis- *
1965]
Madison and Lee — Charast eristics of Soils
227
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^Total sand (2.0-0.05 mm) fraction.
^Very fine sand (0.10-0.05 mm) fraction.
^Mainly magnetite, hematite, ilmenite, and leucoxcene.
228 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
cousin. Spinks (and Leeman) soils in this area are developed in
eolian deposits associated with these glacio-lacustrine basins. Par¬
ent materials of these soils appear to be very uniform both in
particle-size distribution and mineralogical composition of major
constituents. Data from mechanical analyses of these samples
showed more than 80 percent fine and medium sand; that is, ma¬
terial ranging from 0.5 to 0.1 mm in diameter. The general uni¬
formity of these materials is believed due to extensive reworking
in glacio-lacustrine environments associated with the Valders gla¬
ciation. Paleozoic sandstones of the area have also contributed to
this uniformity because of their own textural and compositional
maturity,
Plainfield, Nekoosa, and Gotham soils, with associated Morocco
and Kellner soils, occur over extensive areas in the central sand
plain of Wisconsin. Mineralogically these materials showed higher
quartz contents and lower contents of feldspars and heavy minerals
as compared to sands in the northern part of the state. This ap¬
pears to be due to the addition of quartzose materials from local
Paleozoic sandstones which have, in effect, diluted the sediments
derived from Pre-cambrian rocks in the Wausau area. Heavy min¬
eral suites of these sands were found to contain monazite, a cerium
phosphate mineral, in equal or greater amounts than apatite, sug¬
gesting that the former mineral may be, in some instances, an im¬
portant source of the nutrient element phosphorus. I
Boone and Hixton are residual soils formed from sandstone and ,
are found primarily in the ‘‘Driftless” area of west central Wis¬
consin, Many valleys in this area are filled with fluvial sands and
soils formed in these sediments have been classified as Plainfield.
The Paleozoic sandstones of Wisconsin have been through several '
erosional cycles and, hence, are both texturally and compositionally
very mature. From the data (Table 1) it is apparent that residual
soils from these rocks, as well as related soils formed in trans- I
ported sediments, reflect this maturity. Authigenic feldspars, which '
are potassium feldspars formed during the lithification of the sand¬
stones, were the most variable constituent of these sediments. ;
Heavy mineral contents of these materials were found to be ex¬
tremely low; heavy mineral suites were made up of only the most ;
resistant minerals.
The remaining groups represent two mineralogically anomalous i]
situations. One of these groups included samples of Gotham and I
Spinks soils obtained from the interlobate moraine in southeastern ii
Jefferson county. This area is underlain by Ordovician limestones.
The ablation of glaciers, however, has concentrated large numbers ■
of igneous and metamorphic erratics in this area which is believed ;
229
1965] Madison and Lee — Characteristics of Soils
to account for the mineralogic complexity and variability of these
sediments.
The other group includes samples from Sparta soils. Two of
these were obtained from terraces along the Wisconsin River in
Iowa and Portage counties while the third came from a terrace
along the Mississippi River in La Crosse county. These sands, be¬
cause of their association with major drainageways, are made up
of materials derived from a variety of sources and, as such, are
mineralogically anomalous in the areas where they occur.
Weathering of Sandy Soils
Weathering studies were made in an attempt to determine if dif¬
ferential weathering has occurred within a sequence of sandy soils
in which varying degrees of podzolization can be recognized mor¬
phologically. To assess the intensity of weathering, the ratio of
zircon plus tourmaline to hornblende was calculated for the A, B,
and C horizons of four soils; namely, Vilas — a Spodosol, Omega —
a podzolized Entisol, and Shawano and Plainfield — two less podzo-
lized Entisols.
Figure 2 shows the results of this study. Based on the formulae
of Frye et al (1960), calculations were made which showed a 55
percent depletion of hornblende in the A2 and 15 percent in the
Bhir of the Vilas. Weathering in the Omega appears to have been
less intense with only a 22 percent depletion of hornblend in the
Al and 12 percent in the Bhir. The two less podzolized soils showed
little, if any, effects of weathering. It is recognized that hornblende
is not the most sensitive indicator of weathering; however, it does
appear that this mineral can be used as a qualitative means for
estimating weathering intensity.
Conclusions
Results of this study suggest that it is possible to delineate gen¬
eral areas of sandy soil in Wisconsin that are mineralogically sim¬
ilar. On the basis of results obtained, the following conclusions ap¬
pear to be warranted : sandy soils derived from local Cambrian or
Ordivician sandstones in west-central Wisconsin are characterized
by their quartzose nature, by the presence of authigenic feldspars,
and by heavy mineral contents of less than .01 percent by volume.
Sandy soils of the northern third of the state are less quartzose,
contain 15 to 25 percent feldspar, have volume percentages of
heavy minerals suggesting that these sediments are in their first
cycle of erosion. Sandy soils of central Wisconsin have less than
15 percent feldspar and have volume percentages of heavy min¬
erals ranging from .44 to 1.12 percent. In the area south of Wau¬
sau, monazite, a cerium phosphate, is a constituent of sand de-
230 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters 54
10
0
1 -.9 1,0
20
e '
Soil Series^
Depth
(inches)
40
30
d
0
Vilas ^ - «
Omega — o
Shawano « - •
Plainfield •• . •
50
0
60
* Ordered in decreasing degree of podzolization
Figure 2. Weathering Ratios as a Function of Depth in Sandy Soils Showing
Varying Degrees of Podzolization.
posits. In northeastern Wisconsin sands are distinguished by their
fine grain size, their quartzose nature, and volume percentages of
heavy minerals ranging from .80 to 1.80%. Within any of these
general areas, local variations are apt to occur; these may be re¬
lated to differences in source area or to mode of transport and
deposition.
Studies of four profiles using depletion of hornblende as an index
of weathering indicate increased weathering related to podzoliza¬
tion in sandy soils. Observed differences in weathering are believed
to be primarily a function of the climatic and vegetative factors of
soil formation.
References Cited
1. Bailey, E. E. and R. E. Stevens, 1960. Selective staining of K-feldspars
and plagioclase on rock slabs and thin sections. Am. Mineralogist Vol.
45:1020-1025.
2. Corey, R. B. and M. T. Beatty, 1961. Subsoil fertility studies of Wisconsin
soils. Unpublished data on file Soils Department, University of Wisconsin.
3. Day, P. R., 1956. Report of the committee on physical analysis, 1954-55.
Soil Sci. Soc. of Amer. Proc., Vol. 20, No. 2:167-169.
4. Frye, J. C. et al, 1960. Gumbotil, accretion-gley, and the weathering profile.
Illinois State Geological Survey. Circular 295,
5. Kilmer, V. J. and L. T. Alexander, 1959. Methods of making mechanical
analyses of soils. Soil Sci. 68:15-24.
6. Soil Survey Staff, 1957 : U.S.D.A. and University of Wisconsin cooperative
field and laboratory study of Plainfield and associated soils, (mimeo).
7. Whitson, A. R., 1926. Soils of Wisconsin. Wis. Geol. and Nat. Hist. Survey.
Bulletin No. 68.
ART AS SETTING IN THE MARBLE FAUN
Gene A. Barnett*
One hundred years after its publication, Hawthorne’s The Mar¬
ble Faun is at last being approached on its own terms as regards
the much criticized Italian setting. Major critics from James to
Matthiessen have made substantially the same complaint — that set¬
ting gets altogether too much attention in the novel. Even after
second thoughts and a revised edition of his excellent work on
Hawthorne, H. H. Waggoner still objects that there is '‘too much
of Rome, and too much about art.”^ In my 1961 dissertation, I un¬
dertook a defense of the Italian setting, including the art,^ and
the same year Edward Wagenknecht noted the extent of Haw¬
thorne’s use of art as setting in his study of the romancer : “Every
stage in its [The Marble Faun’s'] development, every important
idea expressed in it, is suggested by or symbolized by or embodied
in a work of art, and the reactions and relationships of the charac¬
ters to various works of art became a very important element in
characterization.”^ More recently, Gary J. Scrimgeour briefly ad¬
vanced a similar argument concerning works of art in his very
fine article on the general importance of Italy as a setting for the
novel,^ but in disagreement with him, I submit that critical analysis
of such material, far from being “wordy and impertinent,” can be
quite worthwhile.
A close examination of the uses of art in The Marble Faun re¬
veals that art works are employed consistently and much more or¬
ganically and functionally throughout the novel than any other
aspect of setting, even the historical ruins of the Roman landscape.
Furthermore, a variety of uses may be noted. Most obvious, of
course, is the use of such works simply to make the scene inter¬
esting, to capture the atmosphere of Rome and Italy as an age-old
center for the development of the arts. Hawthorne’s American
readers, delighting in romances set in somewhat exotic foreign
countries, would naturally expect to encounter at least a few of the
world-famous statues and pictures, and the romancer would not
*The author is a member of the Department of English, Wayne State University.
^Hawthorne: A Critical Study, rev. ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), p. 223.
^Hawthorne’s Use of Setting in His Major Novels, University of Wisconsin, De¬
partment of English.
^Nathaniel Hawthorne: Man and Writer (New York, 1961), p. 43.
^“The Marble Faun: Hawthorne’s Faery Land,” American Literature, XXXVI
(November, 1964), 271-287.
281
232 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
disappoint them. A second reason for bringing such objects into
the scene is that they afford the author an opportunity to make
his own comments on certain works, or more broadly, on the two
principal media: painting and sculpture. And this he does, albeit
not always to the delight and edification of the modern reader. In
general, however, Hawthorne’s remarks on art command a certain
amount of respect, occasionally for their validity, but more often
for their honesty. As Norman Holmes Pearson notes, he frequently
came close to absurdity in his praise of the work of his country¬
men who were painters, but his remarks on the work of American
sculptors evoke “only admiration for the perspicuity which kept
him aware of their inadequacy.”^
There are more meaningful employments for art, however. One
of these is that art objects are made to become highly functional
in a scene. For example, the statue of Pope Julius seems to bestow
the blessing of heaven on the reunion of Donatello and Miriam. It
is a reminder that their sin as well as their love has brought them
together, and that heaven will exact expiation for the one by for¬
bidding them the joys of the other. Another important — perhaps
the most important — use of art is as a symbol for or comment on
character. There are few instances in the novel in which art figures
which fail to fill out in some way the personality and character of
one of the chief players. The “Faun” of Praxiteles would certainly
be foremost in this category. Finally, works of art offer thematic
connotations. The busts which Kenyon makes of Donatello are ex¬
cellent illustrations of this, for they successively mirror in stone
and plaster the moral growth of the young Italian as sin seems to
elevate and deepen his character through remorse over his murder
of the monk. These devices just mentioned suggest the several pos¬
sibilities which Hawthorne has explored in his attempt to make
art functional in his novel, and it remains now to consider specific
variations or instances as they relate to the four principals, begin¬
ning, appropriately enough, with Donatello, the “Marble Faun”
come to life. Since he and Kenyon are most frequently associated
with sculpture rather than painting, the two male characters will
be considered before going on to Hilda and Miriam who work in
the (for Hawthorne) more feminine medium of paint.
The opening paragraph of the novel serves several purposes. The
four principal characters are introduced, though not by name;
the setting is pinpointed — “one of the saloons of the sculpture gal¬
lery in the Capitol at Rome”; the theme is implied in the age-old
choice of good or evil symbolized in the statue of a child “clasping
a dove to her bosom, but assaulted by a snake”; and the major
■’The French and Italian Notebooks, I (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Department
of English, Yale University, 1941), Ixvii.
1965] Barnett — Art As Setting in The Marble Faun
233
role of art within the setting is indicated. By mentioning the names
of several famous statues— the “Dying Gladiator/’ the “Lycian
Apollo,” “Antinous” and others — Hawthorne immediately attempts
to capitalize on his famous setting to lend a glamorous reality and
authenticity to it. The “Faun” of Praxiteles is not introduced until
the third page when attention is immediately called to it by Dona¬
tello’s resemblance to it. Miriam declares that the “ ‘portraiture is
perfect in character, sentiment, and feature,’ and these first two
chapters are given over to, among other things, developing this
parallel. A paragraph on the character of the “Marble Faun” is
worth quoting for what it tells of Donatello’s character, and for
what it implies about the story to be told and the theme to be
unravelled :
Perhaps it is the very lack of moral severity, of any high and heroic
ingredient in the character of the Faun, that makes it so delightful an
object to the human eye and to the frailty of the human heart. The being
here represented is endowed with no principle of virtue, and would be
incapable of comprehending such; but he would be true and honest by dint
of his simplicity. We should expect from him no sacrifice or effort for
an abstract cause; there is not an atom of martyr’s stuff in all that
softened marble; but he has a capacity for strong and warm attachment,
and might act devotedly through its impulse, and even die for it at need.
It is possible, too, that the Faun might be educated through the medium
of his emotions, so that the coarser animal portion of his nature might
eventually be thrown into the background, though never utterly expelled.
(24).
A great part of the story of the novel is to be seen here in the
description of the character of the stone figure. Donatello’s love
for Miriam is implied, along with the sacrifice of his innocence for
her — the “death” of the old Donatello— and his moral growth
through expiation. Significantly, it is Miriam who comments fur¬
ther on the nature of the “Faun” (27-28), incidentally implying
a contrast between its carefree nature and a shadow on her own
heart. Hawthorne then illustrates what she has seen in the stone
figure by describing the utter amorality of the flesh-and-blood
counterpart, Donatello, in his childlike admiration of her. Finally,
the romancer provides a lengthy literal description of the “Faun,”
though it is interesting to note that he has not described it accu¬
rately, a fact easily noticed by comparing his account with any
photograph of the statue. Julian Hawthorne calls attention to it
in Hawthorne and His Circle, noting that his father “could not
have visited it often; for both in his notes and in his romance he
makes the same mistake as to the pose.”^
^Works. VI (Boston and New York, 1891), p. 21. Further references to this volume
will be indicated by page number placed in parentheses in the text.
■’■(New York, 1903), p. 325. Contrary to Hawthorne’s description, the “Faun” has
nothing in his right hand and his left arm is akimbo.
234 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Certainly one may assume that most of the description of the
'Taim” is meant to apply to Donatello also. 4f there is any dif¬
ference between the two faces/ ’’ remarks Hilda, ‘‘ ‘the reason may
be, I suppose, that the Faun dwelt in woods and fields, and con¬
sorted with his like; whereas, Donatello has known cities a little,
and such people as ourselves. But the resemblance is very close,
and very strange.’ ” (21-22) Mariam adds to this by disagreeing.
“ ‘Not so strange, . . . for no Faun in Arcadia was ever a greater
simpleton than Donatello. He has hardly a man’s share of wit,
small as that may be.’ ” (22) Later they both agree that Dona¬
tello’s gamboling play is “ ‘the very step of the Dancing Faun.’ ”
(29) The two are alike even in age, though so many years separate
them, for Donatello, like his stone counterpart, “ ‘has a look of
eternal youth in his face.’ ” The statue, morally as well as physi¬
cally, represents the Donatello who exists at this point in the novel.
The living faun’s transformation will be viewed in terms of his
departure from this stone norm, and the humanizing process will
also be depicted at certain stages in other statuary shaped by Ken¬
yon who, as spectator, is best able to view the change objectively.
While Praxiteles’ “Faun” depicts and characterizes the young
Count as he is at the beginning of the story, the two busts Kenyon
makes of him portray him at other points in his moral develop¬
ment. The first of these is executed at Monte Beni. Since this is
not long after the murder, Donatello’s features mirror the emo¬
tional shock and the death of his innocence. This is difficult for the
sculptor to capture, and indeed he gives up, but by “some acci¬
dental handling of the clay, entirely independent of his own will,”
Kenyon gives the countenance “a distorted and violent look, com¬
bining animal fierceness with intelligent hatred.” (314) Hawthorne
adds that, had Miriam and Hilda seen this bust, they would have
recognized the face of the boy-faun as he was when in the act of
murder. Donatello insisted that the bust not be changed so that he
would have before him a reminder of his crime, but Kenyon would
not agree.
Later in the novel, Kenyon executes another bust of his friend.
Through Hilda’s response to it, the reader becomes aware that this
work has symbolic significance and, further, that it makes Ken¬
yon’s first attempt more significant too. “ ‘It gives the impression
of a growing intellectual power and moral sense,’ ” Hilda says.
“ ‘Donatello’s face used to evince little more than a genial, pleasur¬
able sort of vivacity, and capability of enjoyment. But, here, a soul
is being breathed into him ; it is the Faun, but advancing towards a
state of higher development.’ ” (433) Kenyon is surprised at this,
but Hilda advances the parallel a bit further. “ ‘Is it not, perhaps,
the chance result of the bust being just so far shaped out, in the
1965] Barnett — Art As Setting in The Marble Faun 235
marble, as the process of moral growth had advanced in the origi¬
nal?’ ” It is indeed, but not by chance on the romancer’s part, for
previous to this discussion, he had mentioned in an aside that his
reader was probably acquainted with Thorwaldsen’s “three-fold
analogy” : “the clay model, the Life ; the plaster cast, the Death ;
and the sculptured marble, the Resurrection.” Donatello himself is
the clay model, the living image of Praxiteles’ “Faun” which cap¬
tures the essence of the spirit of life. Kenyon’s plaster cast was
never put in a more permanent form and existed only for a few
moments, but this was long enough for it to become symbolic of
the instant death of Donatello’s innocence and his immediate
awareness of sin. The second bust, which Kenyon was executing
in marble, captured the resurrection of a human being who had
tasted sin and had developed morally through contact with it. In
these three pieces of statuary there is a working out of the felix
culpa theme which, because of Hawthorne’s reticence to allow his
characters to fully accept it, must finally be discounted. However,
it does remain the theme of the novel, though phrased as a ques¬
tion rather than a statement.
Functioning in a more complex manner is the statue of Pope
Julius, Here story, theme, and setting are all united as three of
the four major characters come together at noon under the up¬
raised hand of the venerable Pope, a reunion which signifies by
Donatello’s acceptance of Miriam that he has begun to develop,
to realize that he must live in the world with his sin and share it
with his fellow sinner. Here a familiar Hawthornian theme is
being touched on: sin as a force which isolates man from his fel¬
lows and so damns him. But to a degree, this has been averted, for
a divine approval seems to be given to Donatello’s strange alliance
with Miriam, for the “majestic figure” seems to bless them and
approve “the pledge of a deep union that had passed under his
auspices.” (371) Donatello’s attitude toward the stone pope also
suggests a new reliance on God for mercy and forgiveness, for he
compares it to the brazen serpent which Moses raised up in the
wilderness for the healing of the Israelites when they were plagued
by snakes. (361)
Two other examples of the use of sculpture may be mentioned
briefly. One involves an analogy Hawthorne draws between the
sylvan dance in the Borghese park and a bas-relief on an antique
vase or the front of a sculptured sarcophagus. (110) Such orna¬
mentation would depict a dance of satyrs, nymphs and other an¬
cient poetic creatures ; these are the stone counterparts of Dona¬
tello, Miriam, and their dancing comrades. But always in the art
image, “some tragic event is shadowed forth or thrust sidelong
into the spectacle,” Hawthorne adds, and at this point, the spectre-
236 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
model-monk enters the dance and the whole atmosphere of the
scene changes, suggesting the evil influence he will presently have
on Donatello and Miriam. Finally, there is the broken “Venus”
which was found covered with earth in the excavations on the cam-
pagna. At first it seems it is Kenyon who discovered her, but this
would be less appropriate, and the original find is attributed to
Donatello. The “Venus” here is undoubtedly meant to symbolize the
shattered ruin of the Faun’s early pagan-like attraction to Miriam.
Now, out of the ruins of their lives, suggested by the physical
ruins in the area of the excavations, a mature. Christian-oriented
relationship could develop, thanks to the humanizing experience
Donatello has undergone.
Only in two or three instances are paintings or portraits impor¬
tant in connection with Donatello. In Miriam’s studio he is startled
by a picture of “a woman with long dark hair, who threw up her
arms with a wild gesture of tragic despair, and appeared to beckon
him into the darkness along with her. . . . ‘When my eyes first
fell upon her, I thought her arms moved, as if beckoning me to
help her in some direful peril,’ ” he admits, foreshadowing the be¬
seeching glance by which Miriam would cause him to murder the
monk. (58) At this point, the innocent nature of the boy only occa¬
sionally recognizes the deeper, spiritual struggle Miriam (the
woman in the portrait, of course) is having with her past which
has come to light and life in the shape of the spectre-model.
At another point, the frescos in a saloon at Monte Beni are a
comment on the frame of mind of the owner of the castle. Though
they are faded and appear to be “like the ghosts of dead and buried
joys,” Donatello recalls that “ ‘when I brought my own cheerful¬
ness into the saloon, these frescos looked cheerful too.’ ” (262)
Now that the observer has changed, the faded paintings reflect the
loss of joie de vivre of the Monte Beni descendant. Similarly, after
his great sin Donatello comments on Fra Angelico’s pictures to
Kenyon, who is trying to pursuade him to look at some of them.
“ , His angels look as if they had never taken a flight out of
heaven; and his saints seem to have been born saints, and always
to have lived so. Young maidens, and all innocent persons, I doubt
not, may find great delight and profit in looking at such holy pic¬
tures. But they are not for me.’ ” (356) The beginnings of a con¬
science are evinced in this rejoinder, marking in yet another way
the evolutionary process through which Donatello will completely
lose his natural innocence.
Kenyon is the “man of marble,” and he is consistently and na¬
turally associated only with statuary throughout the novel. His
work as an artist is to attempt to capture the idealized essence of a
subject, and as Darrel Abel suggests, he himself represents some-
1965] Barnett — Art As Setting in The Marble Faun 237
thing of an ideal in his role as a self-contained, fully developed
artist— a standard, as it were, by which the other two artists may
be measured.® It is inherent in the general role of the ideal artist
to be detached somewhat from life about him; thus he is capable
of looking more objectively at his surroundings. Kenyon is such a
figure. He moves easily and unobtrusively through the narrative,
for he is in accord with the other three major characters, yet some¬
how aloof from their susceptabilities. He is more stable intellec¬
tually and more fully developed aesthetically than the others, and
this is why he can be a close friend and confidant to all three, dif¬
ferent as they are. He is created in the mould of other Hawthorn-
ian characters such as Holgrave and Coverdale in that he is more
often the spectator than the active participant in the action of the
novel. Finally, he is able to see his art in relation to time. What is
good is timeless and will endure; what is not is, like the portrait
busts of contemporaries, simply '‘concretions and petrifactions of
a vain self-estimate.’' (144)
Aside from the busts of Donatello already discussed, the “Cleo¬
patra” is probably the most notable example of Kenyon’s art. After
a lengthy description of the statue which was really the work of
William Wetmore Story, an intimate friend of the Hawthornes,
the romancer comments on the “repose” of the work: “The spec¬
tator felt that Cleopatra had sunk down out of the fever and tur¬
moil of her life, and for one instant . . . had relinquished all activ¬
ity, and was resting throughout every vein and muscle.” (152)
Then, following a succinct comment on the features of the figure
(“The face was a miraculous success”), there is a summing up of
the spirit of the statue: “fierce, voluptuous, passionate, tender,
wicked, terrible, and full of poisonous and rapturous enchantment.
. . .” (153) This is Kenyon’s work of art, and a strange one it is
for the “man of marble” to have created. It may be that Haw¬
thorne’s enthusiasm for his friend Story’s work carried him too
far here, or it may be as Rudolph von Abele has suggested, that
the “Cleopatra” represents a duality in the sculptor’s attitude, for
while he was fashioning her, “full of ‘hot life,’ fresh from the
‘fire’ of his imagination,” he was also in love with the “spotless
virgin” Hilda.^ But as Kenyon shows his masterpiece to Miriam
for the first time, she immediately recognizes a kindred being in
her friend’s creation, for she too is a strong, passionate woman.
On the supposition that Kenyon has the insight into such a nature
to be able to create a work like the “Cleopatra,” Miriam appeals
'^Darrel Abel, “A Masque of Love and Death,” University of Toronto Quarterly,
XXIII (October, 1953), 18.
^The Death of the Artist (The Hague, 1955), p. 90,
238 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters TVol. 54
to him for sympathy and is about to take him into her confidence.^^
Just in time she senses his reluctance to share her secrets — per¬
haps a sensible Victorian attitude on his part, but also a reluctance
peculiar to the artist who must look at the world with detachment,
without becoming too involved in it. The “Cleopatra’' characterizes
him in his role as the artist who must have the insight to create
an art product with life, yet with ideality; a timeless work, yet a
work of individuality and particularity for his time and place. This
statue also is a comment on Miriam, for she has in common with
the Queen of the Nile her rich passionate nature. Her character is
made more vivid and alive by her recognition of the kindred vital¬
ity in Kenyon’s work of art.
Somewhat later in the novel, Hilda also sees the “Cleopatra,”
and though she sincerely admires it, it does not have the appeal
for her that it has for Miriam. Her own nature and character are
not reflected in it, and neither her aesthetic sense nor her womanly
passion can give her an insight to equal that which her good friend
experienced.
The small sculptured hand modeled on Hilda’s is another inter¬
esting example of Kenyon’s art. Illustrated here, of course, is not
only his love for Hilda and his determination to possess her hand in
marriage, but also his way of viewing every aspect of life about
him in terms of his art. He also models “a beautiful little statue of
maidenhood gathering a snow-drop.” (427) Such a fragile, airy
creation was never put into marble, but it suggests the “delicate
character” the sculptor assumed while being “unconsciously
wrought upon” by Hilda’s influence.
Two other examples of Kenyon’s art must be mentioned. One is
a statue of a youthful pearl-fisher “who had got entangled in the
weeds at the bottom of the sea, and lay dead among the pearl-
oysters, the rich shells, and the sea-weeds, all of like value to him
now.” (142-143) This symbolizes the search and the sacrifice of
the artist for the ideal in his art. Miriam, however, sees only a
moral in it: “ ‘. . . what a strange efficacy there is in death. If we
cannot all win pearls, it causes an empty shell to satisfy us just
as well.’ ” Perhaps this suggests her contentment with something
less than the ideal in her own art. Finally, there is a bust of Mil-
ton which Kenyon has executed. It has been suggested that this
piece of work is simply a tribute on Hawthorne’s part to “one who
had preceded him in probing deep into man’s universal nature.”^^
^°This incident recalls a moment during- the “moonlight ramble” when Miriam
looks at the bronze equestrian statute of Marcus Aurelius on the Capitoline Hill and
longs for someone such as the fatherly-looking old ruler to go to with her griefs and
problems. Both statues, though the “Cleopatra” indirectly, draw from her an appeal
for comfort and consolation.
^^Roy R. Male, Hawthorne’s Tragic Vision (Austin, Texas, 1956), p. 162,
1965] Barnett— Art As Setting in The Marble Faun
239
The bust is then a reminder that Milton had considered in Paradise
Lost the same theme of the fall of man which occupies Hawthorne
in this novel.
Any work of art which relates to Miriam, whether she is the
artist or whether she simply comments on it, is invariably highly
significant. Since she, like Kenyon, is an artist with an artist's
sensitivity, Hawthorne takes care that this aspect of the character¬
setting relationship is worked out very carefully. The first refer¬
ence to Miriam's work serves to underline her predicament in the
novel by characterizing her relationship with the spectre. After
she meets him in the catacombs, he follows her about and serves as
model for some of her work. Since he is evil, his influence imme¬
diately becomes apparent, for art is ideally a clear, pure medium
of expression which would not fail to be changed by a negative
element. The ^'shadow or reminiscence” of the features of the monk
lingers in Miriam's drawings, and the “moral atmosphere of these
productions was thereby so influenced, that rival painters pro¬
nounced it a case of hopeless mannerism, which would destroy all
Miriam's prospects of true excellence in art.” (47)
The chapter on Miriam's studio is especially interesting for its
use of art. Through the device of having her show Donatello some
examples of her work, the reader is introduced to a series of func¬
tional and symbolic pictures and drawings from which he may de¬
duce Miriam's psychological attitude. (60-61) Each one of this
stack of “pen-and-ink sketches and pencil-drawings” deserves some
comment. In the first, Jael is depicted driving a tentnail through
the temple of Sisera. (Judges, Ch. 4) In its initial conception,
Jael had been pictured as “perfect womanhood,” but by a “way¬
ward quirk of her pencil,” Miriam made her into a “vulgar mur¬
deress.” The second sketch is of Judith after she had decapitated
Holof ernes. A third represents Salome receiving John's head on a
charger. Hawthorne apparently got the idea for this sketch from
Luini's picture in the Uffizzi Gallery, but he has Miriam imparting
to the Roman daughter a sense of remorse and love which others
have not so generously granted her. “Over and over again,” Haw¬
thorne writes, “there was the idea of woman acting the part of
a revengeful mischief towards man,” and the “moral” was always
that “woman must strike through her own heart to reach a human
life, whatever were the motive that impelled her.” (61) One writer
suggests that by “drawing sketches of violence, she tries to purge
herself of the model's presence, but . . . fails by recognizing that
the violence she imagines would be even more wicked if practiced
than anything the model himself has done.”^^ Hawthorne, however,
^ Merle E, Brown, “The Structure of The Marble Faun/’ American Literatui'e,
XXVIII (November, 1956), 304.
240 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[VoL 54
seems to be implying here that Miriam has committed some deed
for which she cannot be altogether condemned, but still a deed
which may be held over her by someone who knows of her guilt
or shares it with her. As a heroine she may have a mysterious back¬
ground which must remain fascinatingly vague, but she must also
be acceptably innocent to the other characters and the reader until
her involvement in the crime of murder which motivates the novel.
These sketches do not please Donatello, and even their creator ad¬
mits that they are “ ‘ugly phantoms that stole out of my mind ; not
things that I created, but things that haunt me.’ ” (62)
Miriam has drawings of a diiferent kind, however, things created
in “a happier mood of mind, and one, it is to be hoped, more
truly characteristic of the artist.” (62) The subjects here are
scenes of everyday life, and once again one may note Hawthorne’s
emphasis on the semi-Platonic ideal which shines through a work
of art, for he writes that they were “so finely and subtilely ideal¬
ized that they seemed such as we may see at any moment, and
everywhere ; while still there was the indefinable something added,
or taken away, which makes all the difference between sordid life
and an earthly paradise.” The significant aspect of this group of
sketches is that in almost every one “a figure was portrayed apart”
which looked in as a spectator on the homey scenes of day-to-day
life, a figure of which “the face and form had the traits of Miriam’s
own.” (63-64) Again Hawthorne’s theme of sin as an isolating
force is touched on, though the exact sin which figures in Miriam’s
past is never made clear. Plainly she feels some guilt or responsi¬
bility and recognizes, in her own view at least, that this sets her
apart morally from society about her.
One other picture in Miriam’s collection must be mentioned. This
is a self-portrait, a picture of a woman so beautiful “that she
seemed to get into your consciousness and memory, and could never
afterwards be shut out, but haunted your dreams, for pleasure
or for pain. ...” (65) She is one “Jewish aspect,” and Donatello
had no trouble at all in recognizing the subject. But what would
a more refined observer have seen? Hawthorne suggests that the
artist “had doubtless conveyed some of the intimate results of her
heart-knowledge into her own portrait, and perhaps wished to try
whether they would be perceptible to so simple and natural an
observer as Donatello.” (66-67) In yet another way, then, the
author implies that Miriam has some secret to hide, but that it
would take a kindred eye to detect it.
In another chapter, there is a third set of sketches. When the
“aesthetic company” gathers in the apartment of one of its mem¬
bers, a discussion comes up over a group of faded and yellowed
drawings. Hilda affirms that one of these had been executed by
1965] Barnett — Art As Setting in The Marble Faun 241
Guido, a favorite of hers, and that the sketch was a rough draft
for a painting that hung in the Church of the Cappuccini. This
painting in turn had served as the model for a mosaic in a shrine
in St. Peter’s, the shrine at which Hilda was later to kneel in
prayer. The sketch shows the Archangel Michael in the act of sub¬
duing a demon, and Hilda recalls that the artist had found it neces¬
sary to state publicly that no resemblance was intended between
the demon of the painting and a certain Cardinal Pamfili. But the
features of the devil seem somehow familiar to Hilda and Kenyon ;
Donatello immediately identifies them as those of Miriam’s model.
Hawthorne, as he often does, suggests by a series of questions all
the possibilities for such a resemblence. It seems likely that a fam¬
ily relationship might be intended between the old Cardinal of
Guido’s time and Brother Antonio, Miriam’s tormentor.
A visit to the 'Church of the Cappuccini for the purpose of re¬
examining the painting is proposed for the following day, and it
is at this point that the painting begins to be revealing in connec¬
tion with Miriam, for later on that very same evening of the dis¬
cussion of the drawing, he and Donatello become guilty of murder.
The next day at the church, Miriam, being the more articulate of
the two, expresses a much stronger feeling about the painting
when she views it and questions whether it is a valid representa¬
tion of the struggle between good and evil. For her auditors she
pictures the scene as it should be painted. The struggle would be
grim and fierce; the Archangel would be wounded and the devil
would writhe under his foot, still contesting the victory. But with
all “ ‘this fierceness, this grimness, this unutterable horror, there
should still be something high, tender, and holy in Michael’s eyes,
and around his mouth.’ ” (217)
Kenyon is impressed with her approach to the subject and sug¬
gests that she paint such a picture. Miriam replies that she is
“ ‘sadly afraid the victory would fall on the wrong side.’ ” In her
response to the picture, she is relating her own struggle with evil ;
victory in such a battle is not easy, as it would seem to be for
Hilda, but involves a desperate struggle, one which Miriam her¬
self has, in fact, just lost, for her final pronouncement is made as
she recollects the murder on the preceding evening.
Hilda’s admiration of Guido’s dainty Archangel who, with un¬
ruffled wings and unhacked sword, has defeated the demon is in¬
dicative of the ease of her victory in her own struggles with evil,
and recalls that she herself has throughout the novel been asso¬
ciated with the Virgin of her aloof shrine. In this instance she is
characterized as the New England Puritan who really is pure in
heart and whose Calvinism is sufficient unto any day. Her percep¬
tion of evil is no greater than her perception of the depths of
242 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters XVol. 54
human character, for Hilda is a copyist, one who copies or imi¬
tates repeatedly the famous works of the European museums. iShe
is so morally pure and aesthetically sympathetic that it is easy
for her to enter into the intent of the artist and so achieve a better
copy, a copy which captures the spirit of the work more satisfac¬
torily than the work of her rivals. The old masters, Miriam tells
Kenyon, are his “ ‘only rivals’ ” for Hilda’s hand. She does not
wish to be a creative artist, and her aloof nature limits her to
dealing only with such works as are wholly moral, as for example
Guido’s “Archangel Michael.” Even his “Beatrice,” she insists at
first, is sinless, though later she agrees that the luckless heroine
deserved her fate. Still, the moral note is inherent in either atti¬
tude. A work with no obvious moral intention she would not have
attempted to copy, and it was not her practice anyway to reproduce
the whole painting, but to choose “some high, noble, and delicate
portion of it, in which the spirit and essence of the picture culmin¬
ated. ...” (76) By subordinating her own talents, which were not
inconsiderable, to those of the masters, she chose “the better and
loftier and more unselfish part, laying her individual hopes, her
fame, her prospects of enduring remembrance, at the feet of those
great ones, who she so loved and venerated. . . .” (78) Such an
attitude is obviously functional, underscoring dramatically the fact
that Hilda is a conformist and an imitator, as contrasted with
being a creative individualist.
After the tour of Miriam’s studio, it is only to be expected that
Hilda’s studio will also be introduced into the story, but Hilda has
only one painting that is significant, and it is more important for
what it says about Miriam than about its creator. It is easy for
Hawthorne to describe Hilda’s work, for it is a copy of a famous
painting by Guido, a portrait of Beatrice Cenci. The original was
supposedly in the Barberini Palace and its owner would not let
anyone copy it, though it was otherwise open for inspection. Like
other artists, Hilda has studied the picture and carried it away in
her heart bit by bit. According to Miriam, hers is the best copy yet
made. The portrait of “a very youthful, girlish, perfectly beautiful
face, enveloped in white drapery” is dominated by a note of sad¬
ness, and the eyes seem to make “a strange, ineffectual effort to
escape.” (82) The final effect is to make the viewer “shiver as at
a spectre.”
Hawthorne uses the portrait of Beatrice — and the connotations
it must of necessity have— as a principal device in characterizing
Miriam as tragically isolated from “the sphere of humanity.” He
never makes a definite connection between the two which would
suggest that Miriam was directly modeled on Beatrice, nor does
it seem likely that he meant it to be so. He simply uses the beauty
1965] Barnett — Art As Setting in The Marble Faun 243
of the subject and the aura of sin which the Cenci name evokes to
suggest a similar vague background of sin for the beautiful Jewess
who both condemns and understands the act imputed to Beatrice.
The reader is undoubtedly meant to get the impression that she
has been in a similar situation herself. She is not even certain
herself of the extent of her own guilt and resents any reflection
on her innocence. While looking at Kenyon's ‘'Cleopatra/' she sur¬
prises him with the statement that her conscience is “ ‘still as
white as Hilda's' " and then adds, “ ‘Do you question it?' " Kenyon,
of course, immediately replies in the negative. But as Miriam looks
at her friend's copy of the “Beatrice," she is forced to disagree
with Hilda's statement that the legendary beauty was a “ ‘fallen
angel, — fallen, and yet sinless.' " “ ‘If I can pretend to see at all
into that dim region, whence she gazes so strangely and sadly at
us, Beatrice's own conscience does not acquit her of something
evil, and never to be forgiven,' " Miriam says. Then she inquires of
Hilda, “ ‘. . . do you think that there was no sin in the deed for
which she suffered?' " Hilda is forced to agree that Beatrice's was
a “ ‘terrible guilt, an inexpiable crime' " and that “ ‘her doom is
just.'" At this, Miriam becomes once more almost defensive:
“ ‘Your judgements are often terribly severe,' " she replies to
Hilda, “ ‘though you seem all made up of gentleness and mercy.
Beatrice's sin may not have been so great: perhaps it was no sin
at all, but the best virtue possible in the circumstances.' " The im¬
portance to Miriam of the degree of Beatrice's sin may be seen
in her remark which sums up for her the whole conversation : “ ‘I
would give my life to know whether she thought herself innocent,
or the one great criminal since time began.' " (84-5)
At this point, the scene becomes most meaningful with the fol¬
lowing development :
As Miriam gave utterance to these words, Hilda looked from the pic¬
ture into her face, and was startled to observe that her friend’s expression
had become almost exactly that of the portrait; as if her passionate wish
and struggle to penetrate poor Beatrice’s mystery had been successful. (85)
Here, in an attempt to fathom the secret of the picture, Miriam
seems to give away some part of her own secret by unknowingly
allowing Hilda to glimpse a sisterhood between her and the subject
of the painting. Hawthorne's use of art in this case is highly func¬
tional, based on parallelism, for this is the first incident in a chain
which leads Hilda to conclude the general nature of Miriam's guilt.
In preparation for a later summary of the situation, it might be
said at this point that if X equals the revealing expression on Bea¬
trice's face, then Miriam’s expression equals X, because in this
scene they momentarily have this aspect in common.
244 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
The next step is an illustration of the innocence of Hilda which
emphasizes her strange capacity to allow the mood of another artist
to enter into her own so that she can duplicate the sprit of anoth¬
er's painting. Hawthorne comes to this in a scene just preceding
that of Hilda’s rejection of Miriam on the day after the murder.
The picture of Beatrice is again the frame of reference, and this
time a “peculiarity” of the portrait is mentioned which will be
most important.
It is a peculiarity of this picture, that its profoundest expression eludes
a straightforward glance, and can only be caught by side glimpses, or
when the eye falls casually upon it; even as if the painted face had a
life and consciousness of its own, and, resolving not to betray its secret
of grief or guilt, permitted the true tokens to come forth only when it
imagined itself unseen. No other such magical effect has ever been
wrought by pencil. (238-9)
Opposite the easel on which this picture rests is a mirror which
reflects the faces of both the artist and the subject on the canvas.
In “one unpremediated glance,” Hilda experiences a moment of
truth through her ability to enter into the mind of a subject. (239)
“She fancied — nor was it without horror — that Beatrice’s expres¬
sion, seen aside and vanishing in a moment, had been depicted in
her own face likewise, and flitted from it as timorously.” She im¬
mediately feels guilt transferred to her own soul; yet she knows
she is innocent of any sinful act. However, it was “the knowledge
of Miriam’s guilt that lent the same expression to Hilda’s face,”
so she feels guilt simply by knowledge or “association,” though
she is, of course, innocent. Still, since her face mirrors Beatrice’s
expression for a moment, Hilda also assumes the quality associated
with the expression X.
At this point, Hawthorne seems to step in in his own person to
declare that Beatrice is indeed innocent. “Who . . . can look at that
mouth . . . and not pronounce Beatrice sinless? It was the intimate
consciousness of her father’s sin that threw its shadow over her,
and frightened her into a remote and inaccessible region, where no
sympathy could come.” (239) The lady’s guilt, then, Hawthorne
seems to be saying, is not really actual guilt at all, but a reflection
of the guilt of her father — guilt by knowledge or “association.”
And X, the expression on the face of the picture, is now directly
associated with Beatrice the subject whose innocence (for the pur¬
pose of the romance) Hawthorne has established.
Now, since Miriam’s expression equals X, Hilda’s equals X, and
finally Beatrice’s also equals X, presumably Miriam, Hilda and
Beatrice should all be innocent, or if guilty in any degree, only
so by “association,” i.e., knowledge or acquaintance. Yet, of the
three, presumably only Miriam may actually be considered guilty
245
1965] Barnett — Art Setting in The Marble Faun
—and this only since the night of the moonlight ramble — because
she acquiesced in the murder of the monk. Before that time, it
might be assumed that she, like Hilda and Beatrice, merely re¬
flected the guilt of someone about her, possibly Brother Antonio—
again guilt by ''association.” It is extremely subtle of Hawthorne
to allow Hilda first to recognize Beatrice’s innocence (which the
romancer ascribes to her only later) , and then, on Miriam’s urging,
to agree that Beatrice was guilty, though as Hawthorne suggests,
only in her knowledge of a crime. This is the type of guilt Hilda
recognizes in herself as she glimpses her image in the mirror;
this is the type she knows Miriam harbors, for she has seen her
give silent consent to the murder. In her shocked state of innocence,
Hilda can show her friend no mercy. Hawthorne seems to suggest
that true innocence is complete unawareness and ignorance of evil.
At least, this seems to be so for such characters as Hilda and Dona¬
tello, who are never the same after their contact with sin. For
both, however, such a contact led to a higher level of moral con¬
sciousness which recognizes sin in the world as an undeniable part
of human existence. The portrait of Beatrice Cenci has functioned
to demonstrate this, and to indicate subtly the type and degree of
guilt of two major characters.
It only remains to note that the matter just discussed represents
the principal instance in The Marble Faun of Hawthorne’s use of
the mirror motif. Here, the mirror, as always, symbolizes the truth
of the imagination which finally is a more enduring and eternal
truth than that reported through the medium of the physical world.
Hawthorne is careful to use the right verb— “fancied”— when he
has Hilda recognize in a moment the nature of Beatrice’s guilt,
for “fancy” here suggests the imagination, though Hawthorne did
make some distinctions between them.
The portrait of Beatrice figures in the story once more, though
somewhat incidentally. A young Italian artist notices Hilda stand¬
ing before a portrait entitled “Joanna of Aragon” and captures
on his canvas her expression at that moment. Hilda is attracted to
the picture because she thinks she detects a slight resemblance to
Miriam, but the young artist draws her gazing “with sad and earn¬
est horror” at a spot of blood on her white robe. Hawthorne adds
that the picture of Hilda attracted considerable attention and was
thought to have been suggested by a copy of Guido’s “Beatrice.”
The young artist called the picture “Innocence, dying of a blood¬
stain,” and was laughed at for his trouble, for a viewer was all too
apt to assume that the subject of the painting had perpetrated
some dark deed to cause her to have that sad expression. But the
young artist was insistent. “ 'Can you look at the innocent anguish
246 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
in her face, and ask that question?’’’ he demands. “‘No; but, as
I read the mystery, a man has been slain in her presence, and the
blood, spurting accidentally on her white robe, has made a stain
which eats into her life.’ ” (378) The artist painted more wisely
than he knew, of course, for the parallel of his interpretation with
what actually happened is figuratively quite correct.
Two other chapters remain to be considered. Hilda is the only
major character in these, for her friends have departed from Rome
and she is left to herself with her knowledge of the crime of Miriam
and Donatello. At such a time and in such a mood of despondency
as is upon her, it is only natural that she turn to the great interest
of her life — art — for solace. In Chapter XXXVII, “The Emptiness
of Picture Galleries,” Hawthorne does three things. First, there is
a casual tour of the work of several famous painters that must
have delighted readers who were familiar with Rome’s art treas¬
ures. He also steps aside to make a few comments of his own which
are relevant to Hilda and her immediate situation. For examples,
he discusses iSodoma’s fresco at Siena of Christ bound to a pillar.
In her desolation, Hilda wishes to see this picture again, and the
implication is that the artist captured emotions (e.g., “a sense of
loneliness”) which Hilda is experiencing at this time. Finally, and
probably most important, Hawthorne illustrates in these two chap¬
ters (XXXVII-XXXVIII) the inefficacy of art as a consoling force
for sorrowing mankind. He does this by causing Hilda, who is
alone in the city to turn to art for comfort in her anxiety. But
she has lost her sympathetic insight into the old masters, and with
it the ability which had made her the best copyist in Rome. Why
and how such a loss? Hawthorne seems to imply that her knowl¬
edge of the murder has brought about this “transformation,” for
he notes that “her capacity of emotion was choked up with a hor¬
rible experience,” and “it inevitably followed that she should seek
in vain, among those friends so venerated and beloved, for the mar¬
vels which they had heretofore shown her.” (383) However, the
fault is not all Hilda’s. In writing of certain “Italian masters,”
Hawthorne puts a portion of the blame on the artists and their
approach to their art. They were “not human,” he says, “nor ad¬
dressed their work to human sympathies, but to a false intellec¬
tual taste, which they themselves were the first to create. . . . they
substituted art instead of nature.”
Though Hawthorne does not directly say so, one wonders too if
Hilda is not suffering because she has cut herself off from Miriam,
her true friend. If this idea is acceptable, it would be another
variation on the usual handling of the theme of the fall of man,
1965] Barnett — Art As Setting in The Marble Faun 247
for it would have Hilda sinning* and suffering by deliberately iso¬
lating herself from another who needed her help and sympathy.^^
Hilda, then, can no longer console herself with art. In Chapter
XXXVIH, “Altars and Incense,” she is to be found making a series
of pilgrimages to the churches of Rome. Since art provides no con¬
solation, she has begun to turn to God. Hawthorne toyed with the
idea of the Virgin Mary as a mother-image for his character, but
suggests his own rejection of Catholicism when he concludes that
Hilda “never found just the virgin mother whom she needed.”
(396) Always there is a human element in the picture or statue
which keeps the girl from kneeling to her. Only once does she go
this far— at the shrine in St. Peter’s which was decorated by the
mosaic of Guido’s “Archangel Michael and the Demon” — and then
she quickly retracts her tribute.
The shrine adjacent to that decorated by the Guido mosaic is
adorned with a painting by Guercino. It represents “a maiden’s
body in the jaws of the sepulchre, and her lover weeping over it;
while her beatified spirit looks down upon the scene, in the society
of the Saviour and a throng of saints.” (401) Hilda comes to won¬
der whether she may not rise above her despondency and look at
her situation as objectively “as Petronilla in the picture looked at
her own corpse.” This hope born in her foreshadows the scene in
the confessional in the next chapter when Hilda does indeed get
some relief from her anguish by telling a priest what she has
witnessed.
The art in the setting of The Marble Faun, so well integrated
with plot, theme and characterization, is the most colorful and in¬
teresting aspect of this romance. Without it, the book could hardly
exist, for it provides an “objective correlative” around which the
theme of “transformation” — the spiritual rise through a moral fall
— is worked out. Art is used as a device for characterizing the sev¬
eral aspects of all four principal characters. It contributes to
thematic development, and such works as the “Faun” and the
“Beatrice” are unifying devices for the novel and important to its
structure. But even were it not for these matters, the intrinsic
value of art as a setting justifies Hawthorne’s attempt to capture
this aspect of the Roman scene of the I850’s. Surely it is not ex¬
aggerating to say that the American romancer was something of
a pioneer in developing to such a great extent the role of art in a
romantic fictional setting.
^^Arlin Turner, Nathaniel Hawthorne, An Introduction and Interpretation (New
York, 1961), p. 64.
PREDATION BY INTRODUCED MUSKELLUNGE ON
PERCH AND BASS, h YEARS 1-5
James R, Gammon and Arthur D, Easier'^'
Introduction
This report summarizes the results of experiments in which
young muskellunge were stocked in two small, bog lakes containing
small nunibers of normally-growing bass and large populations of
stunted perch, Johnson (1954) initiated the study. He described
the unbalanced perch and bass populations, found that many young
bass were eaten by perch and postulated that a reduction in density
of the perch would increase bass survival and eventually lead to a
better balance between the populations. (Similar conditions were
found in nearby Corrine Lake and it was included in the study.
From 1953 to 1955, various methods, including the stocking of
largemouth bass and walleye pike, netting and local application of
rotenone, failed to reduce the numbers of perch. In May, 1956, 400
yearling muskellunge obtained from the Wisconsin Department of
Conservation, Woodruff, Wisconsin, were stocked in George Lake.
395 large, young-of-the-year muskellunge were introduced into
Corrine Lake in October, 1956,
The objectives of the study were to determine (1) the efficiency
of the muskellunge as a predator (2) the growth rates of perch
and bass and (3) the mortality rate of stocked muskellunge.
The Experimental Lakes
About 5% of the shoreline of George Lake (17.3 ha) and 80%
of that of Corrine Lake (14.6 ha) consist of bog. In George Lake,
the littoral area is mostly sand and rubble, while in Corrine Lake
it is mostly muck. Aquatic vegetation is sparse in both lakes. There
is a mid-summer absence of oxygen below three meters in Corrine
Lake and below five and a half meters in George Lake. Morpho¬
metric characteristics are described by Gammon (1961).
^Contribution from the Laboratory of Limnology, Department of Zoology, Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin-Madison. This work was supported in part by the Rahr Founda¬
tion and the Rainbo Lodge, Boulder Junction, Wisconsin. Appreciation is expressed
to Mr. Guido Rahr, Rainbo Lodge, Notre Dame University and the Wisconsin Con¬
servation Department for facilities. Dr, R. G. Stress, Dr. R. A. Parker and Mr. T.
Durkin made available unpublished data on George and Corrine Lakes. Dr. Gammon
is Assistant Professor of Zoology at DePauw University and Dr. Hasler is Professor
of Zoology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
249
250 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54 I
Methods j
Fish were captured by a combination of fyke nets, electroiishing ^
and angling. The initial annual estimate was the Schnabel type if
less than 25% of the estimated population was marked or a
Schumacher-Eschmeyer type if more than 25% were marked. This
was followed by a Petersen estimate based on recapture data col¬
lected immediately after the initial estimate or during the follow¬
ing year. The majority of sample sizes were higher than those rec¬
ommended by Robson and Regier (1964) for management studies.
The independent estimates for most years were averaged since
there was little reason to select one over another. The 1957 Corrine
Lake estimates were generally poor because the fyke nets used
were left stationary during a study of bass homing (Parker and
Hasler, 1959) and the estimate based on 1958 data was regarded
as the best. The marks and tags used on George Lake muskellunge
permitted the useful calculation of 1956 and 1957 virtual popula¬
tions, discussed by Parker (1958) .
Scales were collected in 1958, 1959 and 1960 from members of
all species of fish except muskellunge. These were removed from
the right side near the tip of the pectoral fin, mounted dry and pro¬
jected at 50 diameters magnification by means of a bioscope. Sev¬
eral scales from each fish were examined. Linear relationships be¬
tween total lengths and anterior scale radii were determined for j
each population, but an acceptable regression was obtained only for !
the smallmouth bass, the only population in which good represen- ;
tation of all age groups was attained (Y = 38.01 + 1.290 X, where |
Y = total length in mm and X = anterior scale radius in mm X
50). Accurate estimates of this relationship for the other popula- I
tions were not possible because of the scarcity of largemouth bass ;
younger than age 6 and perch older than age 2. Therefore, the X-
intercept (22.8 mm) derived by Parker (1958) for largemouth
bass in nearby Flora Lake was used for this species, while an X-
intercept of 25 mm was used for perch. These latter correction
factors, used in conjunction with a nomograph (Carlander and
Smith, 1944; Hile, 1950), led to back-calculated growth rates at I
ages 1 and 2 which closely corresponded to those obtained by length
frequency determinations.
The back-calculated lengths were used to determine the average
rates of growth before and after the introduction of the muske-
lunge and the mean lengths at each age were then compared statis¬
tically by means of the ''W test.
The lengths and weights of all largemouth and smallmouth bass i
captured from 1955 through 1960 were transformed into common
logarithms which were then used to calculate a regression of log ||
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 251
weight on log length for each year of the study. An analysis of
covariance was used to compare the adjusted mean weight found
in 1955 with that of each subsequent year. The comparison for
perch in George Lake was between a random sample selected from
the 1955 catch and the combined catch of 1958, 1959 and 1960,
The vast majority of these comparisons showed no statistical dif¬
ferences and it was concluded that the length-weight relationships
of all species were unaltered after the introduction of muskellunge.
The food habits of bass and muskellunge were investigated by
means of a stomach-flushing apparatus similar to that described
by Seaburg (1957). This method has some disadvantages over the
traditional , procedure, but these were outweighed by the advantage
of being able to return the fish to water unharmed, after flushing
out the stomach. The stomach contents were examined, identified
and enumerated as to frequency of occurrence.
Results
Largemouth Bass
There was little annual variation in the number of largemouth
bass two years old and older before the introduction of muskel¬
lunge into George Lake (Table 1 and Figure 1). The relatively low
estimate of 1952 does not include age II bass. Enough young bass
entered the population annually to balance the losses during this
period. The population doubled in size in 1957, apparently because
of an unusually successful hatch in 1954, also recorded in nearby
Flora Lake by Parker (1956), then decreased to its former level.
With the exception of 1958, young largemouth bass were notably
absent following the introduction of muskellunge. This was not the
result of poor hatching conditions, because good numbers of fry
were observed in 1957 and 1959 and excellent hatches occurred in
1958, This latter year class was only moderately abundant by 1959
and almost absent by 1960, With little recruitment, the population
steadily declined following the introduction of muskellunge.
The changes in the largemouth bass population of Corrine Lake
were generally similar, but more extreme (Table 2). Beginning in
1954 at a fairly high level, the population level dropped steadily
until 1960. Few young bass entered the population following the
introduction of muskellunge (Figure 2), An excellent hatch of
young was observed in 1957, but few were found the next year.
Reproductive success was poor thereafter until 1960 when fair
numbers were again observed.
The mean length, its variance and 95% confidence interval at
each age before and after the introduction of the muskellunge and
the statistical comparison of each pair of means at each age are
summarized in Tables 3 and 4. The only statistically significant
262 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Table 1. Summary of Population Estimates of Largemouth Bass of
Age Group II and Older in George Lake
^Johnson, W. E. (1954).
^Excluding age group II.
•■^Age group II only.
S — Schnabel estimate.
P — Petersen estimate.
SE — Schumacher-Eschmeyer estimate.
1965] Gammon and Hasler — Predation by Muskellunge 253
20
(0
0
20
10
0
30
20
10
0
20
X 10
o
^ 40
30
H 20
z
U1 10
o
uj 0
CL
10
0
40
30
20
10
0
20
10
Figure 1, Annual catch of largemouth bass in
George Lake from 1953 through 1960.
254 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
Table 2. Summary of Population Estimates of Native Largemouth
Bass, Age Group II and Older, in Corrine Lake
S — Schnabel estimate.
P — Petersen estimate.
SE — Schumacher-Eschmeyer estimate.
change in the growth of largemouth bass in George Lake was a
reduced rate of growth in young-of-the-year. In Corrine Lake a
statistically significant decrease occurred at age five.
Smallmouth Bass
The changes in the numbers of smallmouth bass, of George Lake,
are quite different from those of the largemouth bass (Table 5).
An initial increase in numbers occurred in 1956 owing to a large
1954 year class. Unlike the largemouth bass, however, the numbers
did not return immediately to the original level but remained fairly
level at more than twice the former abundance. This high level was .
maintained by a small, but steady production of young bass during
the years following 1956 (Fig. 3), although a decline was measured ;
in 1960.
A statistically significant increase in rate of growth was demon¬
strated only at age three (Table 6) .
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 255
Figure 2. Annual catch of largemouth bass in
Corrine Lake from 1954 through 1960.
256 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
Table 3. Summary of Statistics for Comparison of the Growth of
Largemouth Bass in George Lake Before and After the
Introduction of Muskellunge
**Acccptance probability 0.01.
Table 4. Summary of Statistics for Comparison of the Growth of
Untagged Largemouth Bass in Corrine Lake Before and
After the Introduction of Muskellunge
*Acceptance probability <0.05.
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 257
Table 5. Summary of Population Estimates of Smallmouth Bass
Age Group II and Older in George Lake
^Johnson, W. E. (1954).
^Age group 1 1 1 and older.
S — Schnabel estimate.
P — Petersen estimate.
SE — Schumacher-Eschmeyer estimate.
258
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
TOTAL LENGTH IN MILLIMETERS
Figure 3. Annual catch of smallmouth bass in
George Lake from 1953 through 1960.
Perch
The numbers of George Lake perch were decreasing before the
muskellunge introduction (Table 7). By 1957 the numbers were
so low that no population estimates could be obtained. In 1957 an,'
effort of 104 fyke-net-days yielded only 21 perch. Ten days of fyke^i;
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 259
Table 6, Summary of Statistics for Comparison of the Growth of
Untagged Smallmouth Bass in George Lake Before and
After the Introduction of Muskellunge
**Acceptance probability <0.01.
Table 7. Summary of Population Estimates of Age Group II and
Older Perch in George Lake
^Johnson, W. E. (1954).
S — Schnabel estimate.
P — Petersen estimate.
SE — Schumacher-Eschmeyer estimate.
260 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
netting and electrofishing in May, 1958, produced only 18 small
adult perch. The 19,600 perch removed by netting in 1953 and
1954 may have contributed to the early decline. The age structure
can be seen in Fig. 4. Despite the extreme paucity of mature perch,
excellent annual hatches of young were noted through 1960.
The moderately dense perch population of Corrine Lake in¬
creased slightly prior to the muskellunge introduction, stabilized
at about 10,000 individuals thereafter, and then declined pre-
TOTAL LENGTH IN MILLIMETERS
Figure 4. Annual catch of perch in George
Lake from 1953 through 19'60.
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 261
cipitously in 1959 (Table 8). In 1960 the age structure was similar
to the George Lake population (Fig. 5) .
An increase in the growth of the perch during the first two
years of life occurred after the predators were introduced into
George Lake (Table 9), but there was no increase in the growth
of older fish. In Corrine Lake the average growth rate remained
about the same (Table 10). The perch in both lakes grew at about
the same rate as those in Weber and Silver Lakes (Schneberger,
1935) and Flora Lake (Parker, 1958). The growth rate of George
Lake perch was also about the same as that found earlier by John¬
son (1954).
Muskellunge
A high mortality seems to have taken place in George Lake mus¬
kellunge (Table II). Possibly as many as 25% perished during
Table 8, Summary of Population Estimates of Perch, Age Group II
AND Older, in Corrine Lake From 1954 Through 1960
S — Schnabel estimate.
P — Petersen estimate.
SE — Schumacher-Eschmeycr estimate.
262 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
TOTAL LENGTH IN MILLIMETERS
Figure 5. Annual catch of perch in Corrine
Lake from 1954 through 1960.
250
1965] Gammon and Haslet’ — Predation by Muskellunge 263
Table 9. Summary of Statistics for Comparison of the Growth of
Yellow Perch in George Lake Before and After the
Introduction of Muskellunge
**Acceptance probability <0.01.
Table 10. Summary of Statistics for Comparison of the Growth of
Yellow Perch in Corrine Lake Before and After the
Introduction of Muskellunge
**Acceptance probability <0.01.
264 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Table 11. Summary of the Estimates of the Muskellunge Population
IN George Lake From 1956 Through 1960
P — Petersen estimate.
SE — Schumacher-Eschmeyer estimate.
V — Virtual population.
H5 muskellunge removed in August 1957.
the 49 day period following their introduction. A weighted esti¬
mate of the subsequent survival rate (0.76) was calculated as
follows :
N, + N3 + .... + N„
— N, + N. + . . . . + N...1
where s = annual survival rate
Ni = estimated population size in 1956
N2, Nh, etc. = estimated population size in later years
In Corrine Lake, where a similar mortality did not occur (Table
12), the estimated annual survival rate, excluding the 1960 esti¬
mate, was 0.87. These survival rates are higher than that reported
by Crossman (1956), but are similar to the estimates of 0.78 and
0.71 derived from the catch data of Schloemer (1936) and Helm
(1960).
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 265
Table 12, Summary of the Population Estimates of the Muskellunge
IN CoRRiNE Lake From 1956 Through 1960
S — Schnabel estimate.
P — Petersen estimate.
SE — Schumacher-Eschmeyer estimate.
During- 1958 and 1959 the stomach contents of 220 muskellunge
were examined (Table 13). About one-third of these contained
food, all of which was fish except for two gyrinid beetles. Other
studies have shown the muskellunge to be almost exclusively pis¬
civorous, (Hourston, 1952; Parsons, 1958; Anderson, 1948). The
bulk of the diet consisted of perch, the ratio of smaller to larger
perch eaten corresponded closely to their actual ratio in the lakes.
The initial population estimates were made by fin-clipping. Be¬
ginning in 1958 all muskellunge captured were tagged with num¬
bered plastic tags attached to stainless steel wire which was sewed
around the preopercular bone. In 1959 it was found that the wire
tended to move posteriorly through the preopercular bone leaving
a distinguishable track. Annual tag losses were approximately
20%, a higher loss than that found by Crossman (1956).
Muir (1960) has shown this tag to be deleterious to the growth
of muskellunge. There was no adverse effect on the growth of mus¬
kellunge in George Lake, but there was in Corrine Lake. An analy¬
sis of covariance indicated no difference in the length-weight rela¬
tionship (see Gammon 1961).
266 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Table 13. Frequency of Occurrence of Food Items in the Stomachs
OF Muskellunge in George and Corrine Lakes
The growth rate of muskellunge (Figures 6 and 7) in George
Lake decreased considerably from 1959 through 1960. A lack of
appropriate food was probably responsible for this, since perch
of all sizes were abundant only during the first year following the
introduction of muskellunge. Many small perch were available
after 1957, but few were larger than four inches, and the muskel¬
lunge probably could not capture enough of these to allow for
normal growth. It is likely that the depression in growth rate would
have occurred earlier except for the production of the extremely
large 1958 year-class of largemouth bass. That year the muskel¬
lunge grew faster than they did either the previous or the succeed¬
ing year. The analysis of stomach contents shows that bass fry and
hngerlings were prominent in the diet (Table 13). Growth of mus¬
kellunge in Corrine Lake was slow during the first summer, grad¬
ually increasing with each year. In the fourth year of life, fish from
both populations were of the same length. The growth rate of
both populations was below that of the average for muskellunge in
Wisconsin (Schloemer, 1936) (Figure 8).
1965] Gammon and Hasler— Predation by Muskellunge 267
Figure 6. Growth of muskellunge in George Lake including the sample size,
the range in length, and the mean length and its 95'% confidence interval.
1957 1958 1959 I960
Figure 7. Growth of muskellunge in Corrine Lake including the sample size,
the range in length, and the mean length and its 95'% confidence interval.
Discussicn
The investigations of Aim (1946) have shown that cycles of
population abundance occur regularly in bog lakes of Sweden which
contain European perch, Perea fluviatilis, and few other fish. This
cycle began with the production of a new, strong year class which
proceeded to dominate the population for a number of years by
preying heavily on their own young and preventing significant re-
268
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
700
600
500
<D
0)
6
400 i
300 I
o
o
200
100
f 2 3 4 5
Age in years
Figure 8. The growth rates of muskellunge in George and Corrine Lakes as
compared to the average for muskellunge in Wisconsin.
cruitment. Only after this strong year class became greatly dimin¬
ished in numbers toward the end of their life span was a new,
strong year class produced. Although no similar research has been
conducted in North America, it seems possible that abundance
cycles might also be generated by Perea flavescens populations in
lakes containing few other species. The two species are similar in
many respects, including food habits, and differ primarily in life
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 269
span. Shorter cycles would be expected in P. flavescens populations
because of the shorter life span of this species.
The postulation of such a cycle of abundance is helpful in inter¬
preting the events which followed the introduction of muskellunge
into George and Corrine Lakes. The course of events following the
introduction seem to have depended upon the timing of the intro¬
duction in relation to the abundance cycle of the perch.
In George Lake the total number of perch was being reduced by
netting between 1953 and 1956. Yearling perch were very abun¬
dant in 1955, perhaps beginning a new cycle of abundance, and
were probably the main source of food for the small muskellunge
in 1956. The muskellunge grew rapidly and by the end of the first
summer averaged more than 15 inches in length, long enough to
eat any but the largest perch. The combination of predation on
the strong 1954 year class and natural mortality of older perch
could have led to a collapse of the population. The age distribution
of perch changed greatly in 1958, two years after the introduction
of muskellunge (Figure 4). The subsequent annual growth of the
muskellunge depended greatly upon the success of the annual hatch
of perch and bass which was inadequate to allow for normal growth
even in the best years. All evidence available supports the view that
the perch density remained low between 1957 and 1960 because of
predation by muskellunge and bass. Few small perch were present
when the muskellunge were introduced, and most of the population
consisted of individuals too large to be eaten. Actually, these large
perch were probably competing with the muskellunge for the same
food items during the first year. The muskellunge grew slowly at
first, but had grown sufficiently large by 1958 to prey upon some
of the older perch. The number of small perch increased only when
the number of old perch decreased (Figure 5). The age distribu¬
tion of this population, as was the case with the George Lake fish,
changed about two years after the introduction of the predator.
Moreover, it has been demonstrated by Gammon (1961) and by
laboratory studies (Gammon, 1963) that, in this study the prey
consumed bears a theoretically feasible relation to the calculated
production of predator flesh.
Another aspect of this study that bears discussion is the differ¬
ential change in the large and smallmouth bass populations follow¬
ing the muskellunge introduction. The largemouth bass populations
of both lakes declined steadily in spite of strong year classes pro¬
duced in 1957 and 1958. The population of adult smallmouth bass
actually increased during the same period, although no exceptional
year classes were produced in any year. Indeed, consistently fewer
young smallmouth bass were observed annually than young large-
mouth bass.
270 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ^4
The difference in the relative abilities of these two species to
survive the extensive predatory activity of muskellunge appears
to be explainable from different early behavior and habitat prefer¬
ence. Young largemouth bass formed and maintained dense schools
from hatching, well into the second summer. Moreover, these
schools, as determined by netting and underwater observation,
were closely associated with cover of some kind, usually beds of
vegetation and brush piles. Smallmouth bass were also found in
schools shortly after hatching, but these became more and more
diffuse and by mid- or late July disappeared. After this time the
individuals were found scattered singly or in small groups in the
shallow water near shore, often in rocky or sandy areas. These
behavioral patterns have also been noticed by Rodeheffer (1939,
1944), Bennett and Childers (1957) and Ridenhour (1958).
In George and Corrine Lakes the largemouth bass congregate in
the very same scattered areas that are preferred by the muskel¬
lunge. If the density of muskellunge had been lower or if a greater
number of individuals of other species had been available, much
better survival of the young largemouth bass might have been
expected.
Smallmouth bass, on the other hand, increased in numbers even
though no exceptionally large year classes were produced. It seems
likely that here, too, the reduction in perch density aided the sur¬
vival of fry and that the different habits of the smallmouth bass
acted in such a manner as to reduce contact between themselves
and the muskellunge.
Summary
Two small northern Wisconsin lakes containing perch and bass
were stocked with young muskellunge and the changes in popula¬
tion density, growth rate and length-weight relationship were
measured. Within a year, perch in one lake decreased from 31,000
individuals to a density which was too low to estimate. Three years
lapsed before a comparable reduction occurred in the other lake.
Population levels of largemouth bass decreased because of the vir¬
tual absence of small bass surviving to the third summer of life,
although several strong year classes were produced. Population
levels of smallmouth bass increased significantly because of a net
increase in recruitment, although no strong year classes were ob¬
served. The different responses of these two species appear to be
related to differences in the schooling tendencies and habitat prefer¬
ences of the young. The growth rate of one- and two-year-old perch
increased after the reduction in the number of perch. The length-
weight relationship of all species remained unchanged. About 25%
of the muskellunge stocked in the spring was unaccounted for after
1965] Gammon and Easier — Predation by Muskellunge 271
one and a half months, but there was no evidence of a similar high
mortality of those stocked in the fall. After the initial loss, a rela¬
tively constant annual mortality rate of 20% to 25% was observed
in both populations.
Abstract
Two small northern Wisconsin lakes containing perch and bass
were stocked with young muskellunge and the changes in popula¬
tion density, growth rate and length-weight relationship were
measured. Within a year, perch in one lake decreased from 31,000
individuals to a density which was too low to estimate. Three years
lapsed before a comparable reduction occurred in the other lake.
Population levels of largemouth bass decreased because of the vir¬
tual absence of small bass surviving to the third summer of life, al¬
though several strong year classes were produced. Population levels
of smallmouth bass increased significantly because of a net in¬
crease in recruitment, although no strong year classes were ob¬
served. The different responses of these two species appear to be
related to differences in the schooling tendencies and habitat pre¬
ferences of the young. The growth rate of one- and two-year old
perch increased after the reduction in the number of perch. The
length-weight relationship of all species remained unchanged.
About 25% of the muskellunge stocked in the spring was unac¬
counted for after one and a half months, but there was no evidence
of a similar high mortality of those stocked in the fall. After the
initial loss, a relatively constant annual mortality rate of 20% to
25% was observed in both populations. The course of events which
followed the introduction of the predator is discussed in relation
to a postulated cycle of perch abundance.
References Cited
Alm, G. 1946. Reasons for the occurrence of stunted fish populations with
special regard to the perch. Rep. Inst. Freshwater Res. Drottningholm,
25:1-146.
Anderson, L. R. 1948. Unusual items in the diet of the northern muskellunge.
Copeia, 1948(1) :63.
Bennett, G. W. and W. F. Childers. 1957. The smallmouth bass, Micropterus
dolomieu, in warm-water ponds. J. Wildlife Mgt., 21(4) :414-424.
Carlander, K. D. and L, L. Smith. 1944. Some uses of nomographs in fish
growth studies. Copeia, 1944(3) :157-162.
Crossman, E. J. 1956. Growth, mortality and movements of a sanctuary popu¬
lation of maskinonge (Esox masquinongy Mitchill). J. Fish. Res. Bd. Can.,
13(5) : 599-612.
Gammon, J. R. 1961. Contributions to the biology of the muskellunge. Ph.D,
Thesis. Univ. Wisconsin, 144 p. Univ. Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Mich. (Diss.
Abstr. 21:3105).
Gammon, J. R. 1963. Conversion of food in young muskellunge. Trans. Am.
Fish. Soc., 92(2) :183-184.
272 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Helm, J. M. 1960. Returns from muskellunge stocking. Wis. Conserv. Bull.,
25(6) :9-10.
Hile, R. 1950. A nomograph for the computation of the growth of fish from
scale measurements. Trans. Am. Fish. Soc., 78:156-162.
Hourston, a. S. 1952. The food and growth of the maskinonge, Esox mas-
quinongy Mitchill, in Canadian waters. J. Fish. Res. Bd. Can., 8(5):
347-368.
Johnson, W. E. 1954. Dynamics of fish production and carrying capacity of
some northern soft-water lakes. Ph.D. Thesis. Univ. Wisconsin, Madison,
Wis. 51 p.
Muir, B. S. 1960. Comparison of growth rates for native and hatchery-stocked
populations of Esox masquinongy in Nogies Creek, Ontario. J. Fish. Res.
Bd. Can., 17(6) :919-927.
Parker, R, A. 1956. A contribution to the population dynamics and homing
behavior of northern Wisconsin lake fishes. Ph.D. Thesis. Univ. Wisconsin,
Madison, Wis. 86 p.
Parker, R. A. 1958. Some effects of thinning on a population of fishes. Ecol.,
39(2) :304-317.
Parker, R. A. and A, D. Hasler. 1959. Movements of some displaced cen-
trarchids. Copeia 1959(1) : 11-18.
Parsons, J. A. 1959. Muskellunge in Tennessee streams. Trans. Am. Fish.
Soc., 88(2) :136-140.
Ridenhour, R. L. 1958. Ecology of young game fishes of Clear Lake, Iowa.
Ph.D. Thesis. Iowa State Coll., la. (Libr. Congr. Card No. Mic 58-2199)
122p. Univ. Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Mich. (Diss. Abst. 19:9)
Robson, D. S. and H. A. Regier. 1964. Sample size in Petersen mark-recapture
experiments. Trans. Am. Fish. Soc., 93 (3) : 215-226.
Rodeheffer, I. A. 1939. The use of brush shelters by fish in Douglas Lake,
Michigan. Pap. Mich. Acad. Sci., Arts & Letters, 25:357-366.
Rodeheffer, I, A. 1944. Fish populations in and around brush shelters of dif¬
ferent sizes placed at varying depths and distances apart in Douglas
Lake, Michigan. Pap. Mich. Acad. Sci., Arts & Letters, 30:321-345.
Seaburg, K. a. 1957. A stomach sampler for live fish. Prog. Fish. Cult., July
1957:137-139.
SCHLOEMER, C. L. 1936. The growth of the muskellunge, Esox masquinongy
immaculatus (Garrard), in various lakes and drainage areas of northern
Wisconsin. Copeia, 1936(4) : 185-193.
Schneberger, E. 1935. Growth of the yellow perch (Perea flavescens Mitchill)
in Nebish, Silver and Webtr Lakes, Vilas County, Wisconsin. Trans.
Wis. Acad. Sci., 29:103-130.
PREDATION BY INTRODUCED MUSKELLUNGE ON
PERCH AND BASS, II: YEARS 8-9
William R. Schmitz and Roland E. Hetfeld^
Introduction
The changes in the population density, growth rate, and length-
weight relationships of the resident fish populations following the
introduction of muskellunge into two Wisconsin bog lakes have
been described by Gammon and Hasler (1965). During the five
years following the introduction : the perch virtually disappeared ;
the largemouth bass decreased in number ; the smallmouth bass, in
the lake containing this species, increased in number ; increases in
the rate of growth of the perch accompanied the reduction of the
adult perch population; little change in the rate of growth of the
basses occurred, and no changes in the length-weight relationship
of any resident species occurred; the annual rate of mortality of
the muskellunge was 20-25%, and the growth of this species was
exceptionally slow.
This paper describes the results of continued observations on
the same lakes during the eighth and ninth years after the intro¬
duction of young-of-the-year muskellunge. The objectives of this
study are to determine the effect of the decreased stock of muskel¬
lunge on the resident fish; to determine changes in the rate of
growth of the resident fish; and finally to verify the annual rate
of mortality of the predator.
Methods
The lakes employed in this study are George Lake (17.3 ha) and
Corrine Lake (14.6 ha), both in Vilas County. They are described
briefly by Gammon and Hasler (1965) and in detail by Gammon
(1961).
* Contribution from the Laboratory of Limnology, Department of Zoology, Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin-Madison. We are indebted to Mr. Guido Rahr, Rainbo Lodge, the
Notre Dame University, and the Wisconsin Conservation Department for the use
of their facilities and lands in this work. The financial support of Rainbo Lodge and
the National Science Foundation Research Participation Program are gratefully
acknowledged. Dr. Schmitz is Assistant Professor of Zoology and Botany at the Uni¬
versity of Wisconsin, Marathon County Center, and Mr. Hetfeld is instructor in biology
at Merrill High School, Merrill, Wisconsin.
273
274 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [VoL 54
Except for measurements of the survival of the predator which
was estimated in both lakes, most observations were confined to
Corrine Lake.
Fish were captured by means of fyke nets. There were two dis¬
tinct periods of netting in each of two years. Muskellunge were
netted in May. In 1963, muskellunge captured were measured,
weighed and removed from the lake. In 1964 they were measured,
weighed and marked by means of fin clipping and returned to the
lake. Population estimates were of the Petersen type (Bailey modi¬
fication) based on subsequent recaptures later in May and in June.
The perch was the only species caught during this May period. The
catch of perch during May of 1963 contained disproportionately
high numbers of small males and fishing for this species was there¬
after relegated to the second netting period in June and early July.
During the June- July period of netting, all species were cap¬
tured by means of small-mesh fyke nets (approximately 10 mm bar
mesh). All perch age II and older were measured, fin clipped
and returned to the lake. A Schnabel estimate was made of
the perch during this period in each of the two years. It is
assumed that marked fish and unmarked fish were equally
vulnerable to natural mortality and subsequent fishing by
the nets. No adjustment was considered necessary for re¬
cruitment into the fishable population because of the brief
duration of netting i.e. 21 days in 1963 and 16 days in 1964.
Muskellunge captured were removed from the lake. Largemouth
bass were measured, weighed and returned. Insufficient num¬
bers of this latter species were caught for purposes of estimating
the population. Scale samples were taken from perch. Scales were
collected and processed, in the standard manner. The back-
calculated lengths obtained for the perch were used to determine
the average rates of growth for statistical comparison with the
pre-treatment control i.e. the period prior to the introduction of
the muskellunge in 1956.
No estimates of the size of the populations of largemouth bass
were made. The adult part of the bass population remained so low
in Corrine Lake that an estimate of its size was impossible. Seven
adults were captured in 1963 and eight in 1964. In 1963, in addi¬
tion to the seven adults, 80 bass of age I were captured. None of
these fish exceeded 140 mm in total length (range = 83 to 132 mm,
X = 106.6 mm, s- = 1.18, n = 80).
The percent catch of the various size classes of the 1963 catch
is presented in Fig, 1 and the significance of the distribution is
discussed below.
1965] Schmitz and Hetfeld — Predation by Muskellunge 275
TOTAL LENGTH IN MILLIMETERS
Figure 1, Catch of largemouth bass in Corrine Lake in 1963.
Perch
Gammon and Hasler (1965) reported that the part of the perch
population age II and older in Corrine Lake was too small to census
by 1960. The population estimates of 1963 and 1964 (Table 1),
show a recovery in numbers. However, the size-distribution of the
1963-64 fish was not unlike that of 1960 in that few fish exceeded
150 mm in length. By contrast, the population of 1959 included
individuals to 240 mm in total length (Figure 2).
The mean size of the individual perch captured in 1964 was
greater than that of those captured in 1963 (see Table 2).
Scale samples from the four year classes represented in the
perch catches of 1963 and 1964 were used to back calculate the
length of these fish during the years since 1959. That these fish
grew at a significantly greater rate as compared with the pre-
Table 1. Population Estimates of Perch in Corrine Lake in 1963 and 1964
*No estimate was made, however exceedingly high catches e.g. as many as 2500 per
single net, were counted.
PERCENT OF CATCH
276 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
30
20
10
0
40
30
20
10
0
30
20
10
0
30
20
10
0
TOTAL LENGTH IN MILLIMETERS
Figure 2. Annual catch of perch 90 mm and larg-er in Corrine Lake
1959-1964.
1965] Schmitz and Hetf eld— Predation by Muskellunge 277
Table 2. Mean Size of Perch Age II and Older in Corrine Lake
treatment rate of growth is shown in Table 3. Gammon and Eas¬
ier found significant increases in the growth of perch in George
Lake, only after the decline of the perch population (1965). Like¬
wise, no significant increases in rate of growth were detected in
Corrine until after the reduction of the perch that occurred during
1959 and 1960.
Although the analysis is not shown here, still greater increases
can be demonstrated by comparison of the rate of growth of only
those year classes living after the near demise of the perch in
1960 i.e. the 1960, 1961 and 1962 year classes, with the pre-
treatment rate of growth.
The 38 muskellunge trapped in Corrine Lake during 1963 were
removed from the lake. Petersen (Bailey modification) estimates
of the muskellunge populations were made only during 1964. In
Table 3. Summary of Statistics for the Comparison of the Growth
OF the Pretreatment^ and the 1959-62 Year Classes- of
Perch in Corrine Lake
* Acceptance probability <0.05.
**Acceptance probability <0.01.
^From the data of Gammon and Hasler (1965).
^From the 1963-64 collections of this study.
278 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and, Letters [Vol. 54
George Lake the best estimate (16 May) was 23 individuals (95%
confidence interval = 19-58). The best estimate for Corrine Lake
(15 May) was 35 individuals (95% confidence interval = 24-133).
An annual survival rate of 0.76, applied to the last population
estimate made by Gammon and Hasler (1965) for this species, in
both George and Corrine Lakes, yields approximately the popula¬
tions estimated for May of 1964, provided the removals are taken
into consideration.
The size of the muskellunge is shown in Table 4. Gammon and
Hasler (1965) found a marked decrease in the rate of growth of
this species only in George Lake (see Fig. 3). The curve of the
mean weights indicates that the change in rate must have occurred
during 1960 and that this lower rate persisted in the absence of
sufficient numbers of forage fish.
Table 4. Mean Size of Muskellunge in Corrine and George Lakes
Discussion
Cycles of abundance such as those described by Aim (1946), or
synchronous variation in strength of year-class observed by Le-
Cren (1955) would complicate the interpretation of the results of
any introduction of predator species. However, certain observa¬
tions made during these eighth and ninth years and in the earlier
years as well, can be related directly to the action of the introduced
predator, i.e. the continued elimination of nearly all perch and
largemouth bass in excess of 150 mm in length (Figs. 1 and 2).
That these missing size-classes are not merely the result of reduced
reproductive success, is attested to by the failure of strong year
classes to enter the larger size classes e.g. 1957, 1958 and 1959 year ,
classes of bass and the 1960 year class of perch (Gammon and
Hasler 1965).
The elimination of the larger resident fish and the continued
reproductive success of the perch and bass during 1963 and 1964 <•
MEAN WEIGHT IN GRAMS
1965] Schmitz and Hetfeld — Predation by Muskellunge
AGE
_=:S >>>>>
2000
1500
1000
900
800
700
600
500
400
300
250
200
150
100
YEAR
Figure 3. The growth in weight of muskellunge in George and
Corrine Lakes, ages I through VIII.
280 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
suggest that Ricker’s (1952) type C predator-prey relationship
prevails, where predators take all of the individuals of a prey
species that are present, in excess of a certain minimum number.
The minimum, in this case, dictated by both minimum size and
probably “safe” density of numbers of prey. As the number of
predators decrease, the type B predation can be anticipated, where
“Predators at any given abundance take a fixed fraction of prey
species present, as though there were captures at random encoun¬
ters” (Ricker 1952). Under these conditions it would further be
expected that some survival of prey to the older year classes would
prevail. In Corrine Lake, between the years 1959 and 1964,
the predators were reduced from 245 individuals having an
aggregate weight of 90 kg, to 23 individuals having an aggregate
weight of 36 kg. During the same period the catches of perch in¬
dicate a trend toward an increased size-range (Fig. 2) and a cor¬
responding increase in mean length and weight (Table 2).
Other events recorded during the eighth and ninth years are
manifestations of intraspecific competition. iSignificant increases in
the rate of growth of age I and age II perch were demonstrated
for fish living during and after the reduction in the adult popula¬
tion that occurred in 1959-60 (Table 3). No corresponding in¬
crease was demonstrated for any age classes of perch during the
years of muskellunge activity prior to the decline of prey. Nor
would such an increase be expected, since, as Gammon and Hasler
(1965) point out, little change occurred in the adult population
during the first five years in Corrine Lake. Further, changes in
growth rate due to changes in population density would not be
expected among age 0 perch because of their food habits eg. they
are primarily plankton feeders (Pycha and Smith 1955). It is
generally observed that effects of mortality are less likely to be
manifested in increased rate of growth in fish stocks that depend
upon abundant food sources such as plankton.
Many studies, such as those cited by Larkin (1956), demonstrate
the changes of food habits with age in fish. For the pikes, the
observations of Frost (1954), Hourston (1952), Ivanova (1959)
and others, show that prey-size corresponds with the size of the
predator. Examples of the failure of the predator to secure prey of
appropriate size resulting in marked reductions in growth of young
pike are depicted by Karsinkin (1939) , and of older muskellunge by
Muir (1960). The effects of competition among the predators in
this study is best illustrated by the growth curve for muskellunge
in the two lakes (Fig. 3). The abrupt change in rate of growth in
Corrine Lake is concomitant with the virtual disappearance of
the age II and older perch. The corresponding change in George
Lake is described by Hasler and Gammon (1965). Similar changes
1965] Schmitz and Hetfeld — Predation by Muskellunge 281
in the third and fourth summers of growth are reported by Muir
(1960) for the Nogies Creek muskellunge and attributed to the
lack of large forage species. The muskellunge in Corrine and
George Lakes are growing at a rate comparable to the slowest
group reported by Muir (1960) and less than the slowest reported
by Schloemer (1936) for Wisconsin.
Summary
Measurements of population changes were made eight and nine
years after the introduction of muskellunge into lakes containing
perch and bass. There was a recovery in numbers of age II perch
and older. However, little recruitment into size-classes of either
prey fish over 150 mm in total length occurred. The growth rate
of age I and II perch was significantly greater after the severe
reduction of perch that occurred in 1960, The annual survival rate
for the predator in two lakes was 0.8, Marked decreases in the
growth rate of the muskellunge bore a temporal relation to the
reduction in numbers of the prey species.
Abstract
Measurements of population changes were made eight and nine
years after the introduction of age 0 muskellunge into lakes con¬
taining perch and bass. There was a recovery in numbers of age
II perch and older. However little recruitment into size-classes of
either prey fish over 150 mm in total length occurred. The growth
rate of age I and H perch was significantly greater after the severe
reduction of perch that occurred in the fifth year. The annual sur¬
vival rate for the predator in two lakes was 0.8, Marked decreases
in the growth rate of the muskellunge bore a temporal relation
to the reduction in numbers of the prey species. The type of preda¬
tion and intraspecific competition manifested are discussed.
References Cited
Alm, G. 1946. Reasons for the occurrence of stunted fish populations with
special regard to the perch. Rep, Inst. Freshwater Res. Drottningholm,
25:1-146,
Frost, Winifred E. 1954, The food of pike, Esox Indus L. in Windermere.
J. Anim. Ecol. 23(2) :339-360.
Gammon, J. R, 1961, Contributions to the biology of the muskellunge. Ph.D.
Thesis. Univ. Wisconsin 144 p. Univ. Microfilm, Ann Arbor, Michigan,
(Diss. Abstr. 21:3105),
Gammon, J. R. and A. D. Hasler. 1965. Predation by introduced muskellunge
on perch and bass, I: years 1-5. Trans. Wis, Acad. Sci. Arts & Let. 54:
249-272,
Hourston, a. S. 1952. The food and growth of the maskinonge, Esox mas-
quinongy Mitchill, in Canadian waters. J. Fish. Res. Bd. Can., 8(5):
347-368.
282 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Ivanova, M. N. 1959. Nutrition of pike in the Rybinskii Reservoir. Trudy VI
Soveshch. Probl. Biol. Vnutr. Vod, 1957. M.-L., Akad. Nauk SSR:311-
316. Biol. Abst. 1961. Abst. #54896 (Trans, from Russian) 36(17) :5322.
Karsinkin, G. S. 1939. Contributions to the fish productivity of fresh waters.
VII. Growth of the (one-summer old) young pikes as influenced by some
of the natural foods. Kossino Limnol. Stat. 22:219-240.
Larkin, P, A. 1956, Interspecific competition and population control in fresh¬
water fish. J. Fish, Res. Bd. Can. 13 (3) :327-342.
Le Cren, E. D. 1955. Year to year variation in the year-class strength of
Perea fluviatilis. Verh. int. Ver. Limnol. 12:187-192,
Muir, B. S. 1960. Comparison of growth rates for native and hatchery-stocked
populations of Esox masquinongy in Nogies Creek, Ontario. J. Fish. Res.
Bd. Can. 17(6) :919-927.
Pycha, R. L. and L. L. Smith Jr. 1955. Early life history of the yellow perch
Perea flaveseens (Mitchill), in the Red Lakes, Minnesota. Trans, Amer.
Fish. Soc. 84:249-260.
Ricker, W. E. 1952. Numerical relations between abundance of predators and
survival of prey. Can. Fish. Cult, 13:5-9.
Schloemer, C. L. 1936. The growth of the muskellunge Esox masquinongy im-
maeulatus (Garrard), in various lakes and drainage areas of Northern
Wisconsin. Copeia, 1936(4) : 185-193.
HYBRIDIZATION IN GENTIAN A (GENTIAN ACEAE):
A RESUME OF J. T. CURTIS' STUDIES'
James S. Pringle
Royal Botanical Gardens, Hamilton, Ontario
The perennial gentians {Gentiana L. sensu stricto) were of
especial interest to Dr. J. T. Curtis, late professor of botany at
the University of Wisconsin. During his lifetime he made many
crosses involving various species in this genus, as well as studies
of natural hybridization. Although Dr. Curtis did not live to see
his studies reach the degree of completion he considered desirable
before publication, his meticulously recorded data and carefully
preserved specimens appear to be of great potential value to future
students of this group. Despite the recent publication of several
papers on the taxonomy of Gentiana, many questions pertaining to
phylogeny within this large genus remain unanswered. Dr. Curtis’s
records of hybridization, involving both North American and Eur¬
asian species, may provide valuable clues when employed in con¬
junction with data from additional studies. Illustrations of his
specimens should be useful in the interpretation of problematic
natural populations. In addition, his data could be useful to plant
breeders, as gentians are among the favorites of connoisseurs of
hardy perennials.
I am very grateful to Mrs. Curtis for permission to borrow Dr.
Curtis’s records and specimens, which eventually will be deposited
in the University of Wisconsin Herbarium, and to prepare this
compilation. In addition, voucher specimens for some of the hybrid
swarms are deposited in the University of Wisconsin Herbarium
in Madison. I should also like to acknowledge the excellent photo¬
graphs of the specimens by Mr. Max A. Gratzl of the University
of Wisconsin. All photographs are of Dr. Curtis’s specimens, and
all graphs have been adapted from his graphs.
Three species of Gentiana are frequent in southern Wisconsin.
All apparently are involved in natural hybridization (see Pringle,
1964). Figure 1 shows certain measurements from a natural hybrid
swarm north of Swan Lake, in Columbia County, Wisconsin, on
^Contribution no. 4 from the Royal Botanical Gardens, Hamilton, Canada.
283
Corolla- lobe length Corolla-lobe length
284 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
Calyx- lobe length
1965]
Pringle — Hybridization in Gentiana
285
the edge of a sedge meadow and adjoining the local country club,
which appeared to involve only two of these species, namely G.
andrewsii Griseb. and G. puberula Michx, Specimens from this
population have been shown in a previous publication (Pringle,
1964) . In Figure 1, plants from this population are contrasted with
plants from several pure populations of G. andrewsii var. andrewsii
(the native variety in Wisconsin) and G, puberula. To be compared
with this representation of a natural hybrid swarm is Figure 2,
which shows measurements of two generations of progeny from
an experimental cross involving the same species. Figure 3 shows
additional measurements from Fi and F2 generations from a simi-
Figure 3, Additional measurements from Fi and F2 generations from an ex¬
perimental cross of G. andrewsii X G. piiherula, compared with the parental
species. Symbols as in Figure 2.
Figures 1 and 2. Gentiana puberula (black dots) , G. andrewsii (open cir¬
cles), and their hybrids. Figure 1. A natural hybrid swarm at Swan Lake,
Wisconsin (halved circles), compared with pure populations of the parental
species. Figure 2. Fi (halved circles) and F2 (quartered circles) from an
experimental cross compared with populations of the parent species.
286 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
lar cross. Specimens from the Fi and F2 generations are shown
in Figures 4 to 15. The corolla lobes of the F2 plants varied widely
in size. The corolla shown in Figure 15 is essentially indistinguish¬
able from those of typical G. andrewsii in this respect. The hybrid
plants tended to have larger calyx lobes than plants of either of
the parental species. In the traits measured, the entire F2 genera¬
tion was more like the ‘‘control” population of G. andreivsii than
like that of G. puherula. The natural hybrid population also ap¬
pears to have retained a greater similarity in these characteris¬
tics to G. andrewsii.
Figures 16 and 17 represent graphically the results obtained
by crossing both of the species mentioned above (G. andreivsii and
G. puherula) with G. alba Muhl. (G. flavida Gray). No specimens
of these experimental plants were encountered. However, Figures
18 to 27 are of Dr. Curtis’s specimens presumed to be derived from
the natural crossing of G. puherida with G. alba, although G.
1965] P7ingle — Hybridization in Gentiana
287
Figures 4-15. Corollas, calyces, and pistils of hybrids produced by crossing-
G. andrewsii X G. puberula, X 4/7. Figure 4. F:. Figures 5-15. Fl*.
Corolla -lobe length Corolla- lobe length
288 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
1965]
Pringle— Hybridization in Gentiana
289
andrewsii may also have been involved to some extent. These speci¬
mens were collected in another area also near Swan Lake. Calyx
lobes ranged from ovate, as in G. alba, to linear, as in G. puberula
and from strongly keeled, as in G. alba, to keelless, as in G.
puberula. The influence of G. alba is manifested in these specimens
by low, obliquely triangular free portions of the corolla append¬
ages. (In G, andrewsii, G. puberula, and hybrids of these two spe¬
cies these structures are more nearly symmetrical, and bifld.) The
color remains well preserved in many of the corollas. In addition,
Dr, Curtis recorded the colors of some. The corollas shown in
Figures 18-20 were deep blue; in Figure 21, reddish purple; in
Figures 22 and 23, white, suffused with light blue on the upper
parts of the petals (excluding appendages) ; in Figure 24, pink;
in Figures 25 and 26, white, suffused with pink on the petals; in
Figure 27, whitish, as in G. alba. The flowers also varied in the
degree of closure of their corollas and fusion of their anthers.
In certain areas near Swan Lake, all three of these species grew
in close proximity to each other and evidently hybridized. In Figure
28, measurements obtained by Dr. Curtis from this series of ap¬
parent polhybrid swarms are contrasted with comparable measure¬
ments from plants of each of the three species from pure popula¬
tions elsewhere in Wisconsin.
Dr. Curtis's breeding experiments involved many additional spe¬
cies, including some in three of the sections into which the genus
was divided by Kusnezow (1895). Species native to Wisconsin
were obtained locally from the wild. Gentiana clausa was obtained
from New Hampshire. The other species were raised from seed
purchased from Rex D. Pearce, Moorestown, New Jersey. He kept
detailed records on the set of seed and its subsequent germination.
Table 1 indicates which crosses were attempted and which re¬
sulted in the production of germinable seed. In this table, the
nomenclature of the Wisconsin species and their hybrids has been
brought into conformity with Mason and litis (1965) and Pringle
(1964) .'2 Other names are retained as they appeared in Dr. Cur¬
tis’s records. The hybrids G. X billingtonii (G. andrewsii X G.
puberula) and G, X curtisii (G. puberula X G. alba) had previ¬
ously been synthesized by Dr, Curtis. Two of the successful crosses
^Since it has been recently shown (Pringle 1966) the G. puberula type (in P)
is a plant of an eastern species, the Prairie Gentian has been renamed G. puberulenta
Pringle.
Figures 16 and 17. Crosses involving G. alba. G. alba, squares; G. andrewsii,
open circles; Fi hybrids, G. alba X G. andrewsii, open diamonds; G. puberula,
black dots; Fi hybrids, G. alba X G. puberula, halved diamonds; Fo hybrids,
quartered diamonds.
290 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
1965]
Pringle — Hybridization in Gentiana
291
were intersectionaL In addition, some of those within section
Pneumonanthae, such as those involving G. lagodechiana, were
between species of conspicuously different morphology. Unfortu¬
nately, little information is available on the appearance of the hy¬
brids derived from exotic species. According to Mrs. Curtis, many
seedlings died in an exceptionally adverse winter. However, the
Fi progeny from the crosses G. clausa X G. septemfida, G. alba X
G. clausa, and G. alba X G. andrewsii are described as having open
corollas.
Figures 18-27, Corollas, calyces, and pistils from plants in a hybrid swarm
at Swan Lake involving G. alba and G. puberula, X 4/7.
Table 1. Results of Dr. Curtis’s Experimental Crosses
292 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol.
X
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io
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Corolla- lobe length
1965]
Pringle — Hybridization in Gentiana
293
Figure 28. Plants from a hybrid swarm at Swan Lake (triangles) involving
G. puberula, G. andrewsii, and G. alba, compared with plants of the parental
species from pure populations (symbols as in Figures 16 and 17).
Literature Cited
Kusnezow, N. J. 1895. Gentiana Tournef. In: Engler, A., and K. Prantl,
Die Naturlichen Pflanzenfamilien (ed. 1) 4^:80-86. Wilhelm Engelmann,
Leipzig.
Mason, C. T., Jr. and Iltis, H. H. 1965. Preliminary reports on the flora of
Wisconsin, No. 53. Gentianaceae — Gentian Family and Menyanthaceae —
Buckbean Family. Transact, Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts and Letters 54:
Pringle, J, S. 1964, Preliminary reports on the flora of Wisconsin. No. 52.
Gentiana hybrids in Wisconsin. Transact. Wis. Acad, Sci. Arts and Let¬
ters 53: 273-281.
- . 1966. Gentiana puberulenta sp. nov., a known but unnamed species
of the North American prairies, Rhodora 68. (in press).
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN NO. 53.
GENTIANACEAE AND MENYANTHACEAE—
GENTIAN AND BUCKBEAN FAMILIES
Charles T. Mason Jr}
Herbarium, University of Arizona, Tucson
and
Hugh H. Iltis-
Herharium, University of Wisconsin, Madison
There are few flowers that have inspired nature lovers as much
as the gentians. For the gardener, the large flowers, often of an
unsurpassedly intense and brilliant blue, are among the most beau¬
tiful to grace a rock garden, while the species are among the “fus¬
siest’' ever to tax horticultural ingenuity (Wilkie 1950, Berry
1951), For the professional botanist, gentians are rewarding in
different ways, and as a group have great promise in the solution
of many an evolutionary puzzle. With highly specific ecological re¬
quirements (and consequent ecological, geographic, and often sea¬
sonal isolation) ; with intricate, as yet poorly understood, adapta¬
tions to insect pollination (such as glands, spurs, nectaries, in addi¬
tion to various flower colors and shapes) ; with often minute seeds
ideally suited to long-range dispersal (which can be related to geo¬
graphic disjunctions and migrations of such groups as Gentianop-
sis or Halenia) ; with chromosomal homogeneity and nearly com¬
plete interfertility within some genera (e.g. Gentiana) , and, in
contrast, with sharp differences in chromosome number between
genera; — with all this intrinsic biological appeal, as well as their
beauty, it is not surprising that gentians are beloved by botanists
wherever they occur. Let the joy that layman and biologist alike
receive from these flowers be to them an admonition — (what with
many of our Wisconsin species faced with extinction) — an admo¬
nition to exercise fully their social responsibilities : for without
both self-restraint in picking and (more importantly) the preser¬
vation of samples of the diverse natural plant communities in
which gentians live, these brilliant flowers will never gladden the
eyes of future generations.
The present study discusses primarily the taxonomy and geogra¬
phy of the Wisconsin Gentianaceae and Menyanthaceae, while
^University of Arizona, Agricultural Experiment Station, Department of Botany,
Journal Article No. 839.
^Pield work and preparation of manuscript supported in part by the Research
Committee of the University of Wisconsin, on funds from the Wisconsin Alumni Re¬
search Foundation, the costs of illustrations in part by the Norman C. Passett
Memorial Fund,
295
296 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
other recent publications have dealt more specifically with hybridi¬
zation in Gentiana (Mason 1959; Pringle 1964, 1965) and evolu¬
tion and migrations of our species of Gentianopsis (litis 1965).
Material from the following herbaria was intensively studied:
University of Wisconsin-Madison (WIS), University of Wiscon-
sin-Milwaukee (UWM), Milwaukee Public Museum (MIL), the
private herbarium of Katherine Rill (RILL), Clintonville, Wis.,
and the University of Arizona (ARIZ). In addition a few indis¬
putable records were taken from the studies of Hartley (1962) of
the Driftless Area flora, of Gillett (1957) dealing with Gentianella,
and from Pringle’s as yet unpublished monograph of Eastern
United States Gentiana subgenus Pneumonanthae. Each dot on the
distribution map represents one or more collections from a particu¬
lar location, each triangle a county record without specific location.
Triangles in Illinois are based on Winterringer and Evers (1960)
and Jones and Fuller (1955) .
We wish to thank Dr. James Pringle, of the Royal Botanical
Gardens, Hamilton, Ontario, for his elucidation of many critical
aspects of the Genus Gentiana and for a careful reading of the
manuscript; Drs. K. F. Parker and L. I. Nevling for checking the
U.iS. National Herbarium and the Gray Herbarium, respectively,
for Wisconsin specimens of Sabatia and Siuertia; Mrs. Katharine
Snell, Miss Carol Mickelson and others from the Herbarium of the
University of Wisconsin for help with manuscript and maps, and,
finally, Mrs. Pat Mason for the meticulous habit drawings of the
Wisconsin species.
KEY TO FAMILIES
1. Leaves simple, entire, opposite or subopposite, usually sessile;
aestivation imbricate _ GENTIANACEAE.
1. Leaves compound (trifoliolate) , alternate, petioled; aestivation
induplicate-valvate _ MENYANTHACEAE.
GENTIANACEAE A. L. De Jussieu Gentain Family
[Gillett, J. M. 1963. The Gentians of Canada, Alaska and Green¬
land. Canada Dept. Agric. Publ. 1180. 1-19.]
Annual, biennial or perennial glabrous or minutely puberulous
herbs (ours) to 1 m tall, with simple or branched stems. Leaves
simple, opposite or subopposite, linear-lanceolate to ovate, or re¬
duced to subulate scales, sessile, entire, exstipulate. Flowers regu¬
lar, 4- or 5-merous. Corolla funnelform to campanulate. Stamens
included, as many as the corolla lobes, inserted on the corolla tube.
Pistil with 2 parietal placentae, 1-loculed, superior, the fruit a 2-
valved, septicidal capsule. Seeds numerous, small to minute, vari¬
ously shaped.
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 297
KEY TO GENERA
A, Leaves subulate scales 1-4 mm long; flowers minute, 2-5 mm
long, 4-merous with free sepals and yellow-green corollas;
stems usually unbranched; inconspicuous slender annuals _
_ 1, BARTONIA.
A A. Leaves linear-lanceolate to ovate; flowers 10-60 mm long, 4-
or 5-merous, with sepal bases united into a tube, and often
showy, variously colored corollas; stems simple or branched;
annuals, biennials, or perennials.
B. Perennials with large, showy, 5-merous (or rarely ab¬
normally 4-merous) sessile or subsessile flowers; corolla
with conspicuous folded plaits between the lobes; seeds
flattened and winged _ 2. GENTIAN A,
BB. Annuals or biennials with 4- or 5-merous pedicellate
flowers; corolla without conspicuous plaits between the
lobes; seeds variously shaped, not winged.
C. Corolla funnelform or campanulate; anthers straight
after anthesis; flowers 4- or 5-merous, variously col¬
ored, not pink,
D. Corolla 4- or 5-merous, not spurred, 15-60 mm long,
blue, lilac or purple, rarely white.
E. Flowers 5-merous, blue, lilac or purple, 15-25
mm long, clustered in 3- to 10-flowered cymes on
short bracteate pedicels, the apiculate lobes en¬
tire ; calyx lobes with green margins ; seeds
round, smooth _ 3. GENTIANELLA,
EE. Flowers 4-merous, blue or purplish-blue, rarely
white, 25-60 mm long, solitary on slender 1-20
cm long ebracteate pedicels, the round lobes
fringed ; calyx lobes with hyaline margins ; seeds
oblong-angular, covered with rounded to elon¬
gated inflated papillae; ___4. GENTIANOPSIS.
DD. Corolla 4-merous, 8-15 mm long, the 4 slender diver¬
gent basal spurs 3-5 mm long, greenish, greenish-
purple or greenish-yellow _ 5. HALENIA.
CC. Corolla salverform with a slender tube; anthers spi¬
rally twisted after anthesis; flowers 5-merous, bright
pink; rare adventive ca. 8-16 cm tall _
_ 6. CENTAURIUM.
1, BARTONIA Muhl. ex Willd. Bartonia
[Gillett, J.M. 1959, Revision of Bartonia and Oholaria. Rhodora
61 :42~62.]
298 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
1. Bartonia virginica (L.) B.S.P. Screwstem, Virginia Bartonia
Map 1 ; Fig. 1.
Slender erect unbranched (rarely branched above or at base)^
annuals 5-28 cm tall, hemi-saprophytic with reduced roots, chloro¬
phyll content (i.e. plants pale green or yellowish) and leaves, these
opposite to sub-opposite subulate scales 1-4 mm long. Inflorescence
cymose or reduced to 2 flowers at a node or plants one-flowered.
Sepals 4, free, 2-3 mm long, linear-lanceolate. Corolla 3-5 mm
long, deeply parted into 4 oblong apiculate lobes; petals yellow-
green at anthesis, sometimes fading pink with age. Stamens 4,
epipetalous, 2.5 mm long. Anthers 0.8 mm long, with an apical
appendage. Pistil about 4 mm long. Seeds very numerous, nearly
microscopic (like dust and ca. 0.1 mm X 0.15 mm) ellipsoidal,
rusty brown. 2n = 52 (Rork 1949).
An ‘'Atlantic Coastal Plain’’ element (the 3 species of this East¬
ern N. American endemic genus centering on the Coastal Plain),
in Wisconsin rare, mostly in the sandy, acid, often boggy former
beds of glacial lakes (esp. Glacial Lake Wisconsin) in the Central
Wisconsin Sand Plains, in moist or boggy sedge or sphagnum peat,
moist sandy meadows, sandy acid sedge flats, less often on sandy
lake shores, sphagnous White Pine-Red Maple woods, wet open
sands with scattered Jack Pines, openings or thickets, often asso¬
ciated with other Coastal Plain elements, e.g. in wet black sandy
muck of sedge-sphagnum meadow, 7 mi. S of City Point, Wood
County, with Drosera intermedia, Rhynchospora alba, Xyris torta
and sp.. Lycopodium inundatum, Viola lanceolata, Aronia melano-
carpa, Muhlenbergia uniflora, Gerardia paupercula, etc. {litis &
Koeppen 12277, WIS). Flowering from mid-July to early Septem¬
ber ; fruiting as late as mid-October.
Bartonia is probably much more common than the scanty her¬
barium material would indicate, since because of its small size and
inconspicuous flowers it is easily overlooked.
2. GENTIANA L. Gentians
[Mason, C. T. Jr. 1959. A hybrid among the perennial gentians.
Brittonia 10:40-43; Pringle, J.S. 1966. Taxonomy of Gentiana,
section Pneumonanthae in Eastern North America, (in MS.) ; See
also Pringle, J.S. 1964, 1965a, 1965b, 1966a, 1966b.]
“Saprophytism in Bartonia is cited by Gillett (1959) and earlier by Gilg' (1895),
who includes a short discussion of saprophytism in Gentianaceae emphasizing-
mycorrhizae and low amount of chlorophyll. Neither stresses the minute seeds, which,
generally characteristic of saprophytes, allows them to be both easily dispersed and
washed deep into the soil. The subject is in need of study and verification. With
exception of Steyermark’s (1963) Flora of Missouri, apparently no fiora or manual,
including Gleason (1952) or Fernald (1950), mentions saprophytism in this or the
related American genus Oholaria.
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 299
Slender to robust perennial herbs. Flowers large, blue, purple,
yellowish or white, clustered at the stem apex or axillary in one or
several of the upper nodes, sessile or subsessile, subtended by
paired bracts. Calyx with 5 linear-lanceolate to ovate lobes, com¬
monly with conspicuous intra-calycine membranes. Corolla 5-lobed,
with 5 folded plaits (plicae) between the lobes, convolute in bud.
Stamens 5, often with connate anthers. Pistil often stipitate. Seeds
numerous, winged.
The large, world-wide genus Gentiana, variously divided into
subgenera and sections but here considered in a restricted form, is
represented in Wisconsin by four species and four interspecific
hybrids. All belong to Sect. PNEUMONANTHAE Bunge, and, be¬
cause of their beauty, should be given more consideration both as
garden subjects, and as wild plants in need of protection.
Key to Species^
A. Corolla lobes obsolete or reduced to small points ; corolla plaits
(plicae) several times longer than the corolla lobes; flowers
blue, rarely white, remaining closed at anthesis _
_ 1. G, andreivsii.
AA, Corolla lobes prominent, equal to or several times as long as
the plaits ; flowers open at anthesis.
B. Corolla lobes erect; flowers white, yellow, or various
shades of purple or blue; stems glabrous; leaves 1- to 5-
veined.
C. Flowers yellowish or white, with greenish veins; calyx
lobes ovate, keeled and divergent; leaves broadly lan¬
ceolate to ovate, 5-veined; prairies, mostly S. Wisconsin
_ 2. G. alba (G. flavida).
CC, Flowers blue to purple or grayish purple (rarely whit¬
ish or yellowish) ; calyx lobes lanceolate, ascending;
leaves linear-lanceolate, 1- to 5-veined ; mostly N.
Wisconsin _ 3. G. ruhricaidis.
BB. Corolla wide open (when in sun), the lobes spreading or
reflexed; flowers a brilliant, deep blue; stems minutely
puberulous all over; leaves linear-lanceolate, usually 1-
veined; dry prairies, mostly S. Wisconsin __4. G. puberida,
1. Gentiana andrewsii Griseb. Bottle Gentian Map 2; Fig. 2.
Stems 3-8 (-10) dm tall, unbranched or rarely branched,
glabrous. Leaves narrowly lanceolate to ovate-elliptic, attenuate to
base and apex, 3- or 5-veined. Flowers ca. 3-15 in a tight, involu-
^Hybrids of species 1 x 2, 1 x 3, 1 x 4, and 2x4 are known and are discussed at
the end of the genus (5a-d).
300 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
crated terminal cluster, and others often axillary in the 1-4 upper¬
most nodes. Calyx lobes lance-elliptic to lance-ovate, constricted at
base, ciliolate, 5-15 mm long-, erect to divergent. Buds rounded or
subtruncate with vertical folds, to 30 mm long. Corolla 3-4.5 cm
long, cylindric or barrel-shaped, remaining closed at the anthesis,
with laciniate plaits several times longer than the inconspicuous,
highly reduced true corolla lobes, blue, becoming purple-tinged
with age, the apical fringe and inside folds often white, or flower
wholly white (in f. albiflora Britton). Stamens united by
their anthers. Mature capsule included or barely projecting from
the marcescent corolla. 2n = 26 (Rork 1949).
The most common Wisconsin gentian, in a variety of habitats,
most often in low damp or wet soil of sedge meadows, prairies,
streamsides, grassy lakeshores, swales, in the open or partial shade,
sometimes in woods, roadsides and damp thickets. The white-
flowered G. andretvsii f. albiflora is distinguished from the equally
white G. alba ( G. flavida) by the absence of corolla lobes and by
closed flowers, occurs occasionally in northern Wisconsin, especially
near St. Croix Falls (Polk Co.), and Bayfield County, where blue
and white forms are reported as growing together. Flowering from
(early) late August to mid-October, with a peak in the 2nd week
of September, seasonally and/or ecologically isolated from the three
other Wisconsin species, all of which may hybridize with it.
2. Gentiana alba Muhl. White Prairie Gentian
Map 3; Fig. 4.
Gentiana flavida Gray (cf. Pringle 1964, 1965a) .
Stems robust, 4-10 dm tall, glabrous. Leaves lanceolate to ovate,
long-acuminate, abruptly contracted to a clasping, subcordate base,
— fleshy, yellowish-green, 5- (7-) veined. Flowers 2-12 in a tight
involucrated terminal cluster, or 1-3 occasionally axillary at the
penultimate node, the large involucral bracts of the same size as
cauline leaves. Calyx lobes broadly triangular-ovate, “with decur¬
rent keels which causes them to spread horizontally” (Pringle
1965a), 3-10 mm long; tube ca. 1 cm long. Buds acute, contorted,
the apex to 20 mm long. Corollas 3. 6-4. 5 cm long, tvhite or cream,
with a network of greenish veins, the lobes erect and not wide
open when in flower, rounded to apiculate, about twice as long as
the irregular-lobed to erose plaits. Anthers sometimes free (not
connate) . Capsules included or barely exserted from the persistent
corolla.
In Wisconsin only within the region of limestones, on dry to
moist, sometimes calcareous relic prairies along railroads or in old
cemeteries, on calcareous morainal hills and roadsides, on the
edges of dry oak woods or open wooded ridges or ravines, readily
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
301
302 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
distinguished from the white G. andreivsii f. albiflora by larger
corolla lobes and open flowers, and generally earlier flowering, i.e.
from early August to late September, with a peak in the last week
of August. Though three of our gentians occur mostly in prairies,
G. alba in oak openings and mesic prairies, G. puberula in xeric or
sand prairies, and G. andreivsii often in wet prairies, the latter two
species seem to be isolated primarily seasonally from G. alba,
which generally blooms 2 to 3 weeks earlier. According to Asa
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 303
Gray (1874:388) “[G. alha in the NE U.S.] begins to flower in
July, far earlier than the next two” [species, i.e., G. andreivsii and
G. saponaria~\ .
Several collections of G. alha from areas where it grows together
with G. puherula, and G. andrewsii, suggest hybridization. In his
garden in Madison, J. T. Curtis crossed G. alha and G. puherula,
producing an Fi hybrid with characters approaching those of G.
andrewsii. Field material from the moist prairie north of Swan
Lake, Columbia County, is similar (Pringle 1964, 1965b).
304 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
3. Gentiana rubricaulis Schwein.
Red-stemmed Gentian
Map 4; Fig. 3.
G. linearis var. rubricaulis (Schwein.) MacMillan.
G. linearis var. latifolia Gray of ed. 7, Gray’s Manual.
Stems (2-) 3-6 (-8) dm tall, glabrous or minutely puberulous be¬
low each node, the upper internode frequently conspicuously elon¬
gated. Leaves long-acuminate, zt clasping or abruptly contracted
at base, the lower linear to linear-lanceolate, the upper lance-ovate
to ovate, 1-, 3- (or 5-) veined, frequently conduplicate in pressed
specimens, the margins minutely puberulous. Flowers 1-6 in a
tight terminal cluster closely subtended by keeled, lanceolate to
ovate-cordate outer bracts, occasionally 1-3 flowers also at the
penultimate node. Calyx tube 9-11 mm long, the lobes linear-
lanceolate or elliptic, 3-16 mm long, ascending, separated by rec¬
tangular sinuses, the intra-calycine membrane conspicuous. Corolla
3-4 cm long, blue, purple or grayish-lavender, rarely white tinged
with purple, or yellowish, cylindric with erect, broadly acute to
obtuse or rounded lobes, the irregular plaits % to 1/2 length of
the corolla lobes. Anthers connate. Mature fruits long-stipitate
(gynophore to 18 mm long!), sometimes greatly exceeding the
persistent marcescent corolla.
Mostly in northern Wisconsin north of the “Tension Zone”, in
moist or wet areas as shores of lakes, swamps, moist woods, sedge
meadows with Carex, Solidago, Eupatorium, Pedicularis lanceolata,
etc., in open, acidic habitats, such as edges of bogs near roads, in¬
cluded by Curtis (1959) as a species characteristic of the Northern
Sedge Meadows; in central Wisconsin rare, in moist prairie relics
along railroad, (growing there with G. andrewsii) , and in rather
alkaline sedge meadows with Solidago patula, S. gigantea, S.
uliginosa and Aster junciformis (sub litis 1521^0, near Rosholt,
Portage Co.) Flowering from early August to early September,
with a peak in the last week of August, apparently seasonally iso¬
lated from the later-blooming G. andrewsii, with which it may
hybridize.
4. Gentiana puberula Michx.'"^ Prairie Gentian, Downy Gentian
Map 5 ; Fig. 5.
Stems slender, (l-)2-5 dm tall, several to many from a deep
root, with dense minute puberulous projections. Leaves small.
•"'In his forthcoming- monograph of Gentiana sect. Pneumonanthe in Eastern North
America (Pringle 1966a) and another study (Pringle 1966b), Pringle shows that
the type of Gentiana puberula Michx. in the Paris Herbarium is actually an eastern
species different from the prairie species discussed here, and assigns to the latter the
new name G. puherulenta Pringle.
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 305
mostly 2-5 cm long, 1 cm or less wide, linear-lanceolate, abruptly
contracted at base, usually 1-, (rarely 3-) veined, the margins mi¬
nutely puberulous. Flowers 1--5 in an open terminal cluster, or oc¬
casionally a few others axillary at the 1 or 2 (3) uppermost nodes,
5-merous (very rarely 4-merous, e.g. Kenosha Prairie, D. Levin, in
Sept., 1964). Calyx tube 8-15 mm long; lobes linear to linear-
lanceolate, 7-18 mm long and equalling the tube, with minutely
puberulous margins. Corollas S.5-5 cm long, deep dark blue, fun-
nelform to campanulate, when in full sun wide open with spreading
to pronouncedly recurved lobes; plaits variously lobed and cut,
usually bifid % to % the length of the 10-15 mm long corolla lobes ;
anthers separate. Mature capsules often long-exserted beyond the
persistent corolla (gynophore to 25 mm long), the winged seeds
sometimes persisting into the following spring. 2n = 26 (Rork
1949).
Characteristic of prairies, hence “prairie gentian'' (or “downy
gentian", a translation of puberula which is a misnomer
the plant being essentially glabrous), especially common in dry
sandy prairies, rich dry-mesic prairie relics along railroads, in
very dry steep calcareous “goat prairies", there with Anemone
patens, Dodecatheon meadia, Castilleja sessiliflora, etc., less often
in damp but then strongly calcareous prairies (e.g. the Kenosha
Prairie underlain by dolomite, there with Aster ptarmicoides,
Pamassia glauca, Gentianopsis procera, G, crinita, etc. ; cf. Illtis
1965), on prairies at Swan Lake, Columbia Co., with Gentian-
ella quinquefolia, Gentiana andrewsii and its G. puberula hybrids
{Mason 1U57, WIS; cf. Pringle 1964), rarely in open woods (e.g.
dry oak woods, top of Observatory Hill, Marquette Co., a quartzite
monadnock). Flowering from (mid-August) early September to
mid-October, with a peak in the third week of September, the last¬
blooming of our perennial gentians.
Of this gorgeous species, which deserves protection, as well as
cultivation in the sunny limestone rock garden, Curtis (1959)
writes admiringly in his discussion of the prairie:
‘'Many of the xeric prairies support large populations of the downy gen¬
tian which is by all odds the most beautiful member of this famed genus
in Wisconsin, and which at its best compares favorably with the species
from the high Himalayas that are so prized by rock gardeners.’’
5. Gentiana Hybrids in Wisconsin.
Hybridization in perennial Gentiana is well-known from field,
garden and herbarium studies. Mason (1959) demonstrated in the
greenhouse that some Wisconsin species, e.g. G. andrewsii and G.
puberula, hybridize freely, producing plants strongly resembling G.
saponaria of the Southeastern United States. The extensive notes
and population samples of hybrids gathered over many years by
306 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
J. T. Curtis from the wild and from his garden were recently
studied by Dr. James Pringle (1964, 1965b), to which the reader
is referred.
As Gentiana hybrids are as a rule morphologically intermediate
between their parents, it is often very difficult to assign a hybrid
specimen to one species or another. Since hybrids often occur in
areas where two or three Gentiana species occur together it is
therefore important to carefully study in the field many plants
of such a population to determine parentage and putative hybrids
(but without pulling up stems and roots!). The following list of
specific morphological traits of our Gentiana species will be useful
in determining probable parentage of hybrids (from Pringle 1964:
274).
Trait
Species
Stems minutely puberulent .
Upper i nternodes long .
Leaves glaucous, pale bluish- or grayish-green .
Leaves yellowish-green, relatively large .
Involucral leaves ascending, folded, enveloping calyces. . . .
Lower leaves linear-oblong .
Calyx tubes hyaline .
Calyx lobes keeled, pushed to one side in pressing .
Corolla pale, whitish or yellowish .
Corolla banded or suffused externally with green .
Corolla spreading (open), the lobes large, ovate .
Corolla closed, the lobes very small .
Corolla appendages (plaits) bifid .
Corolla appendages with attenuate divisions .
Corolla appendages symmetrical, broad, truncate .
Corolla appendages low, asymmetrically triangular .
Anthers separate .
G. puberula
G. rubricaulis
G. rubricaulis
G. alba
G. rubricaulis
G. rubricaulis
G. rubricaulis
G. alba
G. alba (albinos of G. an-
drewsii)
G. puberula
G. puberula
G. andrewsii
G. puberula and G. an¬
drewsii
G. puberula
G. andrewsii
G. alba and G. rubricaulis
G. puberula (sometimes
G. alba)
The following four Gentiana hybrids have been recognized to
occur in Wisconsin (cf. Pringle 1964 and 1965b, for complete
specimen citations, illustrations, and a taxonomic key to hybrids) :
5a. Gentiana X Billingtonii Farwell, pro species. Map 6 ; Fig. 6.
Gentiana puberula Michx. x G. andrewsii Griseb.
The commonest hybrid, illustrated here (Fig. 6), as well as by
Mason (1959) and by Pringle (1964), has more rounded, broader
and more abruptly constricted leaf-bases than G. andreivsii, and
deep blue flowers with =t erect corolla lobes (2-7 mm long) that
are well-developed and equal to, to somewhat longer than, the bifid-
laciniate plaits (but shorter than in G. puberula) (cf. also Pringle
1965, this volume, pp. 284-287, figs. 1-15).
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 307
Wisconsin hybrid swarms show the whole range of intermediates
(cf. Figs. 1“6 in Pringle 1964). The type collection, from Ontario,
Canada, is apparently an Fi. The seasonal isolation of the parents
(q.v.) is evidently reinforced by sharp ecological isolation. Thus,
in Springvale Township, Columbia Co., Curtis collected “within
10 feet of one another, G, puherula on dry sand, G. andretvsii in
wet peat, and the hybrid in between . . (herbarium label, WIS).
Our collections come mostly from prairie relics on railroad rights-
of-way, the disturbance and ecological “openness’' of this habitat
possibly an important factor in the production and establishment
of this and other Gentiana hybrids (cf. 5c). Steyermark (1963:
1188) reports a spontaneous hybrid in his wildflower garden near
Barrington, Illinois.
5b. Gentiana X Curtisii Pringle, Transact. Wise. Acad. Sci. Arts
and Letters 53:277-8. 1964. [Type: Along Chicago & North¬
western Railroad, 34, T. 2N, R. 13E, Rock Co., Wise., 20 Sept.
1951, Mason U70 (WIS)]. Map 6.
Gentiana puberida Michx. x G. alba Muhl. (G. flavida
Gray)
Intermediate between the parents; stem essentially glabrous;
leaves broader and much longer than in G. puberula; flowers a
pale blue, sometimes very large, in the type to 6 cm, the narrowly
lanceolate calyx lobes 9-27 mm long, in other Wisconsin specimens
smaller ; corolla lobes suberect, triangular, conspicuously reticulate-
veined as in G, alba, 5-10 mm long; corolla appendages obliquely
triangular, much shorter than lobes.
Pressed corollas from hybrid swarms involving such parents (as
well as G. andretvsii ?) are illustrated by Pringle (1964. Figs. 7-
12) ; their whole plant vouchers are in WIS. The parental species
show strong seasonal isolation (G. alba, the earliest, G. puberula
the last gentian to bloom in Wisconsin), moderate ecological isola¬
tion (mesic vs. dry prairies), as well as probably floral isolation,
the white G. alba vs. deep blue G. puberula corollas very likely at¬
tracting somewhat different pollinators (Suggestion of Dr. Pringle,
in correspondence) .
5c. Gentiana X pallidocyanea Pringle, Transact. Wise. Acad.
Sci, Arts and Letters, 53:279. 1964. [Type: Waukesha Co.:
In black sandy loam and cinders, growing with G, flavida,
Celastrus scandens and grasses, along railroad, SEi/4» SEl^,
Sec, 1, T. 7N, R. 18E, between Hartland and Pewaiikee, Sept,
23, 1945, Irene Cull s. n. (WIS)]. Map 6.
Gentiana andrewsii Griseb. x G. alba Muhl.
308 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Intermediate between the parents; leaves basally rounded and
wide, almost clasping, similar to those of G. alha; corollas pale
blue, barely open, with white plaits suggesting G. andrewsii; lobes
2-3 mm long, the appendages sub-equal or shorter; sepals eciliate.
In addition to the type, the following are known from Wisconsin
(fide Pringle 1964) : Vic. of Kilbourn [Wisconsin Dells] on Wis¬
consin River, 25 Aug. 1909, Steele 19 (US). Sheboygan Co.: Ply¬
mouth, 29 Aug. 1930, Goessl s.n. (MIN) .
Dr. James Zimmermann, Arboretum Botanist, University of
Wisconsin — Madison, recognized the correct parentage and hybrid
nature of the holotype, as indicated by an annotation dated 1950.
The nearby presence of the much rarer of the two parents (G.
alha) and the open, evidently disturbed and recent habitat of the
type locality should be noted.
5d. Gentiana X GRANDILACUSTRIS Pringle, loc. cit. 53:279. 1964.
Map 6.
Gentiana andrewsii Griseb. x G. ruhricaulis Schwein.
Intermediate between the parents; stems dark reddish-purple,
the uppermost internode relatively long; upper leaves and outer
involucral bracts broadly lance-ovate, abruptly constricted and
broadest near the base ; bracts enveloping the lower portion of the
flowers, these purple or purplish-blue, somewhat barrel-shaped but
open ; corolla lobes 1-2 mm long, slightly longer than plaits ; calyx
tubes hyaline.
Aside from the type (Clearwater Co., Minn., in MIN) a Wiscon¬
sin collection of 7 specimens represents a hybrid swarm of G.
ruhricaulis back-crossing to G. andrewsii. One of these plants ap¬
pears to be an Fi and is described above, 4 appear to be (almost ?)
pure G. andrewsii, and 2 seem to be backcrosses very close to G.
andretvsii. Bayfield County: Popple-White Cedar and sandy beach
of Lake Superior, along Boyd Creek E. of Wise. Hgw. 13, S. of
Barksdale (T 48N, R. 5W, S.25), Sept 3, 1959, Zimmerman,
Weher, & Ugent s.n. (WIS) .
3. GENTIANELLA Moench. Gentians
Gentiana L. Sp. PL ed. 1. 1753, pro parte.
[Gillett, J.M. 1957. A revision of the North American species of^
Gentianella Moench., Ann. Missouri Bot. Gard, 44:195-269; cf.i
litis 1965] . ]
Annual or biennial herbs, often with square angle-winged stems. 1
Flowers 5-merous, lilac or blue, small, short-pedicelled. Calyx lobes j
contorted, with green margins, the sinuses without inner mem-|
branes. Corolla lobes entire, each with a solitary interstaminall
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 309
gland at very base ; plaits lacking. Ovary sessile, the placentae con¬
fined to the sutures ; seeds smooth, round.
One of the largest genera in Gentianaceae, common in the arctic,
montane Western North America, and particularly the Andes of
South America, related to Gentianopsis (but not to Gentiana, sensu
stricto) , our species the only truly Eastern North American taxon.
1. Gentianella quinquefolia (L.) Small ssp. occidentalis
(Gray) Gillett. Ague-weed, Five-flowered Gentian.
Map 7; Fig. 7.
Gentiana quinquefolia L. var. occidentalis A. Gray
Biennial or annual (?) 1-9 dm tall, commonly much-branched
above, simple at base and throughout when slender; stems square,
winged. Basal leaves spatulate, withering and seldom collected, the
median ovate, 5-veined, at base cordate to rounded, clasping,
1-4 (-6) cm long. Flowers few to several hundred, 1-6 (-10) in
each compact umbelliform cymose terminal cluster, the bracteate
pedicels short (3-25 mm). Calyx 5-parted, (6-) 8-15 mm long, the
lobes lanceolate, 4-9 mm, longer than tube. Corolla 15-25 mm
long, ‘flake blue'' (J. T. Curtis) to a deep lilac, narrowly funnel-
form, the 5 triangular acuminate-caudate lobes I/2 to % as long
as the tube, the orifice naked without any fimbriae or plaits. Seeds
round, 0.6 mm diam., smooth, wingless, light brown. 2n = 36
(Rork 1949) ,
In Wisconsin in the limestone regions, in a variety of habitats,
from dry, S-facing, steep, rocky, calcareous “goat prairies" and
bluffs (reported as characteristic of xeric prairies; Curtis 1959),
mesic lime prairies and even well-drained ridges in deep-soil
prairies (e.g. Faville Prairie Sci. Area, Jefferson Co. or
Juda^ Prairie, Green Co.), to moist calcareous prairies and
marshy, gravelly places (e.g. near L. Michigan, Kenosha Co.), in
moist clay soil and seepage on the L. Michigan Bluffs, edges of
oak-hickory woods, in oak openings, rocky wooded ridges and hill¬
sides, and rarely on damp calcareous sandstone cliffs (e.g. across
from Lone Rock, Iowa Co.) or shaded earth banks along roads, the
species apparently requiring calcareous soil, and an “ecologically
open" or slightly disturbed, unstable local habitat without too
much competition. Flowering from early September to late Octo¬
ber, one of the very last species to bloom in our flora.
Gentianella q. ssp. quinquefolia is an Appalachian element, while
ssp. occidentalis is an element of the Ozark and Cumberland Plateaus,
whence our plants must have come post-glacially. Is it an annual
or a biennial? Some 200 plants were observed on Oct. 16, 1960 in
full flower (the melancholic last flowers of the season!) on a steep,
dry, iSW-facing, high lime prairie and adjoining dense Juniperus
virginiana glade near the top of Lodde's Mill Bluff Nature Preserve,
310 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Sauk Co. {litis 17087, WIS). Interspersed among the flowering
plants were sterile green rosettes ca. 3-5 cm in diam., these with
rounder leaves than flowering G, quinquefolia, yet unquestionably
that species. The nearly full grown tap roots and large size of the
rosettes suggested at least a good season’s growth. Here the species
thus appears to be a biennial.
4. GENTIANOPSIS Ma Fringed Gentians
Gentiana L. Sp. PL ed. 1, 1753, pro parte,
Anthopogon Neck, ex Raf. FI. Tellur. 3 :25. 1837, pro parte.
Gentianella Moench, Meth. PI. 487, 1794, pro parte.
Gentiana **** Crossopetalae FroeL, Gent. Diss. 109. 1796.
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
311
Crossopetalum Roth, Enum. PL Phaen, Germ. 1 :516. 109,
1827, non P. Br. 1756,
Gentianella subg, Euhlephis (Raf.) Gillett, Ann. Missouri
Bot. Gard. 44 :210. 1957.
[Gillett, J, M. 1957. A revision of the North American species of
Gentianella Moench. Ann, Missouri Bot. Gard. 44:195-259; litis,
312 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters XVol. 54
H. H. 1965. The genus Gentianopsis (Gentianaceae) : transfers
and phytogeographic comments. Sida 2:129-154.]
Small annual or biennial herbs unbranched at base, often above,
with slender roots (ours) . Flowers 4-merous, blue, fading to purple,
large and showy, solitary on long pedicels. Calyx 4-angled, com¬
pressed, the lobes large, keeled, distichously imbricate, their mar¬
gins, thin, transparent, the outer pair narrower, each sinus with a
minute ciliated inner membrane. Corolla campanulate to funnel-
form, the ciliate to fimbriate lobes without plaits or epipetalous
nectaries except for a gland at the very base of each petal. Ovary
stipitate, the stigma large, the parietal placentae extending over
most of inner surface. Seeds oblongoid-angular, papillose.
A small Northern Hemisphere boreal and montane genus of ca.
26 taxa, originally placed into Gentiana, later Gentianella (or con¬
sidered as Crossopetalum or Anthopogon, invalid or unavailable
names), but on morphologic and cytologic grounds (Love 1953)
best considered as a distinct genus most closely related to the scan-
dent E. Asiatic Pterygocalyx Maxim, (cf. Toyokuni 1963; litis
1965), Their annual or biennial habit and ecological specificity,
their celebrated beauty and man’s desire to pick the flowers (and
thus in this genus generally whole plants) and, for other reasons,
man’s draining of their habitats, all conspire to their present rarity
and local extinction.
Key to Species (cf. Fig. 12)
A. Upper or median leaves lanceolate to ovate, rounded to sub-
cordate at base, (5-) 10-30 mm wide, 10-60 mm long; flowers
few to many, 1-40 or more, the longest pedicels 2-12 cm long.
Throughout Wisconsin _ 1. G. crinita.
AA. Upper or median leaves linear or less often linear-lanceolate,
2-8 (-10) mm wide, 10-110 mm long; flowers few, 1-10 (-20),
the pedicels (2-) 10-20 cm long. S. and Eastern Wisconsin __
_ 2, G, procera.
I, Gentianopsis crinita (Froel.) Ma, Acta Phytotax. Sinica 1:19.
1951. Eastern Fringed Gentian. Maps 8, 10, 12; Figs. 8, 10-14.
Gentiana crinita Froel.
Gentianella crinita (Froel) G. Don
Slender annuals or biennials 1-7 dm tall, often much branched
above, the base and small plants unbranched. Median leaves ovate
to ovate-lanceolate (cf. Figs, 12, 14), 10-60 mm long, (S-)7-30
mm wide, with a broad clasping base. Flowers usually several to
many, 1-40 (-125, fide Fernald), very showy, 28-56 mm long, deep
blue (or rarely white in forma albina (Fern.) litis), the 4 petal-
1965] Mason and litis— Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 313
lobes prominently fringed; pedicels relatively short, the longest
2~10(-12) cm long. 2n = 78 (Rork 1949).
Widely distributed, and locally common to rare throughout Wis¬
consin, both in the region of limestones as well as of acidic rocks,
in sunny or shady moist habitats, especially those that are flooded
in spring, in marshes or sandy sedge meadows, along Lake Michi¬
gan in swales behind dunes, on moist dunes, seepage slopes, and
on low, wet sandy or gravelly flats or rock pavements, rarely in
damp open woods and shaded dolomitic sandstone cliffs (e.g. cliff
across from Lone Rock, Iowa Co., with Sullivantia and Gentianella
quinquefolia) , apparently not requiring, but tolerating, as calcare¬
ous a habitat as Gentianopsis procera [with which it rarely grows,
as on calcareous sedge meadows (fens) on Lake Wingra, U.W.
Arboretum, Madison, and Ennis (Muir) Lake, Marquette Co. (cf,
litis 1957) ; and on calcareous low prairies, Kenosha Co. on Lake
Michigan] ; flowering from mid-August into October, peaking in
the 2nd and 3rd week of September, a little later than G. procera.
2. Gentianopsis procera (Th. Holm) Ma, Acta Phytotax. Sinica
1:19. 1951. Great Plains Fringed Gentian.
Maps 9, 11, 12 ; Figs. 9-14.
Gentiana procera Th. Holm.
Gentianella procera (Th. Holm) Hiit.
Gentianella crinita (Froel.) G. Bonn, ssp. procera (Th.
Holm) Gillett.
Similar to G. crinita: slender annuals or biennials, 1-4 (-5) dm
tall, unbranched at base and in small plants. Median leaves linear
to linear-lanceolate, 10-112 mm long, 2-8 mm wide (or in robust
plants of certain SE Wise, populations, narrowly lanceolate and
to 12 mm wide; cf. fig. 12b), attenuate to abruptly contracted at
base, ascending and ± arched outward. Flowers relatively few, 1-7
(-20), very showy, 30-70 mm long, deep blue, rarely white, the 4
(in one plant abnormally 8) petals prominently fringed, solitary
on very long pedicels, and longest in depauperate plants {2~)5-19
cm long. 2n = 78 (Rork 1949) •
Restricted to the region of limestones and more locally distrib¬
uted in Wisconsin than G. crinita, in full sun in generally more
distinctly alkaline habitats (judging from associated calcophiles) ,
as marly, often springy sedge meadows, low prairies, or fens, moist
calcareous gravels, sands, or limestone pavement on L. Michigan
(Bailey’s Harbor, Door Co., with Gentianella quinquefolia, pH 8,
fide Fuller), spring seepage on the L. Michigan bluffs (pH 7, fide
Pohl), often on bare sands, black soil, or clays without much com¬
petition, as well as on grassy shores, rarely growing with Gen¬
tianopsis crinita (q.v., if so, then like in Indiana (Beam 1940)
314 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
probably in moister microhabitats). Flowering from (mid--) late
August into early October, with a peak in the 2nd week of Septem¬
ber, though their blooming dates do overlap, a little earlier than
G. crinita, this also noticed for Indiana by Beam (1940) and for
the N.E. U.S. by Fernald (1950) .
These, usually wet calcareous sedge prairies or fens occur on
drift derived from E. Wisconsin’s Niagara Dolomite, on the dolo¬
mite itself, or around calcareous springs, and are characterized
by a distinctive assembledge of calcophiles whose distribution pat¬
tern often very closely match that of G. procera, inch Solidago
ohioensis, S. ridellii, and perhaps S. patula (Salamun 1963), Salix
Candida (Argus 1964), Lysimachia quadriflora (litis and Shaugh-
nessy 1960:133), Lobelia kalmii, Aster junciformis, Parnassia
glauca, Potentilla fruticosa (Mason & litis 1958; Map 16),
Valeriana ciliata (V. edulis), the rare Scleria verticillata (cf. litis
1957) and others. All these, together with G, procera, are rare or
absent from the “Driftless Area” of SW. Wisconsin, not because
of historical factors or absence of calcareous rocks, but of defi¬
ciency in appropriate moisture (i.e. flat marly springs, calcareous
seepage and glacial till) .
The Fringed Gentians East of the Rocky Mountains
The Eastern and Middle-western Fringed Gentians, Gentianopsis
crinita, G. procera, G. victorinii and G. macounii (inch G. tonsa
and G. gaspensis) have recently been treated in several fashions.
Fernald (1950) recognized all as valid species of Gentiana, while
Gleason (1952), in listing G. crinita, G. procera, G. victorinii and
G, tonsa (inch G. gaspensis) , comments (3:62) that . . \_procera'\
and the next two species [victorinii, tonsa'] are so closely similar
that they might well be reduced to varieties of a single widely vary¬
ing species.” Gillett (1957, 1963) visualized an all-inclusive Gen-
tianella crinita, composed of 4 equivalent subspecies, with G. gas¬
pensis and G. tonsa synonymized under G. macounii. The mor¬
phological patterns of these gentians make it evident, however,
that neither such “splitting”, nor such “lumping”, properly reflect
the natural relationships of these taxa. On the other hand, a recon¬
sideration of ecology, geography and morphology suggests a syn¬
thesis of the above viewpoints into a taxonomy closely resembling
that of Gleason, one that is more compatible with evolutionary and
historical factors, in which but two species are recognized : namely,
the uniform G. crinita, and the variable G. procera. The latter
species includes all other taxa mentioned above, some as clinal
geographic subspecies, others as discrete local populations here
recognized as weak varieties.
1965] Mason and lUis—Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
315
Figure 10, G. procera ssp. macounii. Solid dots are the very local, geographi¬
cally isolated, morphologically only slightly differentiated var. gaspensis (Vic-
torin et al. AOOS), the hollow dots collections of var. macounii, one each from
Minnesota, North Dakota, and Manitoba. The Gaspe plants (star on
Map 11) tend to be smaller, to branch from the base and have narroweir,
shorter leaves. However, the variation pattern is continuous with that of
plants from Minnesota and further west (cf. Fig. 14). All plants have very
few flowers, and most, except some very slender, depauperate ones, have
long pedicels. These are the narrow-leaved extremes of the G. procera com¬
plex. G. p. var. victorinii, from the St. Lawrence River estuary, not graphed
here (cf. litis 1965 :Fig. 5a), has glyphs distributed much like those from
Manitoba and Minnesota. All plants in Figs. 10-14 are from the University
of Wisconsin Herbarium, the largest median leaf of each being used for
measuring.
Thus, though litis (1965) recently transferred all of these taxa
to Gentianopsis as full species, it seems on further consideration
better to treat them as follows :
1. Gentianopsis crinita (L.) Ma.
2A, Gentianopsis procera (Th. Holm) Ma, ssp. procera.
2B. Gentianopsis procera (Th. Holm) Ma, ssp. macounii (Th.
Holm) litis, comb. nov.
Gentiana macounii Th. Holm, Ottawa Naturalist 15:110.
1901.
a. var. macounii
b. var, victorinii (Fern.) litis, comb. & stat. nov. Gen¬
tiana victorinii Fern. Rhodora 25 :87. 1923.
316 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
Figure 11a. G. crinita from the south end of Lake Michigan (mostly Northern
Indiana collections of L. M. Umbach). The distribution of glyphs is nearly
identical to those from Wisconsin or New England.
Figure lib. G. prooera ssp. procera from Indiana, Illinois (black glyphs) and
Ohio (hollow circle glyphs). Note the often larger leaf-width of the G. procera
collections as compared with those from further west (Fig. 10). The Ohio
specimens, especially, are very robust (collections of C. W. Short, “Colum¬
bus” 1835, “Prairies of Ohio” 1836). The glyph position on the diagram should
be related to the robustness of these plants (flowers to 8 cm long! pedicels
to 19 cm long!).
c. var. gaspensis (Viet.) litis, comb. & stat. nov. Gen-
tiana gaspensis Viet. Contr. Lab. Bot. Univ. Mon¬
treal 20:10. 1932.
The morphologieal relationships of these taxa are well shown
by seatter diagrams (Figs. 10-14) based on speeimens in the Uni¬
versity of Wiseonsin Herbarium and representing dimensions for
the largest median leaf of eaeh plant, as well as for eertain ehar-
aeters of pedieel length and flower number (ef. litis 1965, for de¬
tailed diseussion of these and other diagrams). Gentianopsis
crinita has lanceolate to ovate leaves and shows great uniformity
throughout its range. Thus the glyphs are distributed in roughly
the same pattern, whether the plants come from Wisconsin (Fig.
12a), Northern Indiana (Fig. 11a), or New England (Fig. 14, dot-
dash-dot-line) Gentianopsis procera typically has linear to linear-
lanceolate leaves as shown by the solid black glyphs in Figs. 11b
and 12b, the hollow circle glyphs in both representing particularly
robust plants (these perhaps introgressants with genes from G.
crinita, or simply plants growing in a more favorable environ-
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
317
Figure 12a. G. crinita in Wisconsin follows the same distribution as in other
parts of Eastern North America (see Fig. 14), and shows no perceptible in-
fluence (either climatic or genetic) of G. procera on its phenotypic expres¬
sion. The glyphs in the far left-hand corner belong to the particularly de¬
pauperate ‘‘Lone Rock” clitf population of Fig. 13.
Figure 12b. G. procera in Wisconsin is complex. While there are many plants
that are nearly as narrow-leaved and few-flowered as some of the ssp.
macounii specimens plotted in Fig. 10, most plants have much wider leaves
and are similar to those shown in Fig. 11b. A few very robust plants, all
from Milwaukee, Racine and Kenosha Counties are plotted as hollow circles
(see text).
ment, e.g. wet prairies in S.E. Wisconsin near Lake Michigan, and
at the very southeastern edge of its range in Ohio). In Minnesota,
North Dakota and northwestward into Canada, as well as in three
highly local populations, two in eastern Quebec and one on the
south end of Hudson Bay (Map 11), occur linear-leaved plants of
&sp.macounii (Fig. 14, dots-dash-dots-line) , the var. gaspensis
(Fig. 10) and var. victorinii distinguished from var. macounii on
but very minor morphological grounds, as well as by geographic
isolation (Map 12) and ecological peculiarities (cf. Rousseau 1932;
Raymond 1951). It is clear that while the subspecies of G. procera
grade into each other, and its varieties are weak and mostly tax¬
onomic conveniences maintained for purposes of discussion, the
two species are quite distinct morphologically y with clearly differ¬
ent modes of variation (Fig. 14), the three or four robust plants
in S.E. Wisconsin (Fig. 12b, hollow glyphs) notwithstanding. Dis¬
tinctions between the two species seem to break down only in the
smallest depauperate plants (Figs. 12 & 13, glyphs in lower left-
hand corner), whose identification is often only possible in con¬
junction with more normal plants of the same population.
318 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Figure 13. G. crinita and G. procera in Wisconsin: Mass collections to show
variability within single populations. Fig. 13a. G. crinita from Iowa Co.,
across the Wisconsin River from Lone Rock, Wise., is peculiar in that these
mostly depauperate plants grow on a vertical north-facing dolomitic sand¬
stone cliff. Collections in 1925 by N. C. Fassett and in 1958 by Brian McNab
show precisely the same morphological distribution.
Figure 13b. G. procera population from an alkaline sedge meadow (“fen”)
on Muir (Ennis) Lake, Marquette County: note large spread of glyphs within
this local population.
Figure 14. Composite of all graphs of G. crinita and G. procera. See discus¬
sion especially of Figs. 11 and 12. Var. victorinii is not shown since its limits
are essentially congruent with those of the western plants of G. procera
(dashes) .
1965] Mdson and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 319
Probable History of Gentianopsis in the
Eastern United States
Since the modern ranges of Gentianopsis crinita (Map 10) and
G, procera (Map 11) must be related to Pleistocene glaciation, we
can visualize their post-glacial emigrations from glacial refuges or
‘^refugia” or, better, survival centers which we may call “survivia” ,
and attempt to reconstruct their post-glacial history (Map 12).
All factors of geographic distribution, ecology, phenology and even
morphology, suggest that these two taxa are the result of separa¬
tion by the Pleistocene glaciers of a once widespread ancestral
species into two populations whose subsequent history we may
postulate to have been as follows: One population survived in the
moister, more acidic, wooded, Appalachian region of the south¬
eastern United States, a region with a mild long growing season,
eventually evolving into a broad-leaved, many-flowered, late-
blooming, shade tolerating, circum-neutral to somewhat calcophilic
G. crinita. The other population survived in the dry, treeless, more
calcareous (alkaline) upper Great Plains (and Northern Rocky
Mountains?) in the West, a region with a severe climate and short
growing season, eventually evolving into a narrow-leaved, early-
blooming, few-flowered, heliophilic, distinctly calcophilic G. pro¬
cera. Upon retreat of the glaciers, the eastern G. crinita spread
into the glaciated region of the “White Pine — Hemlock — Northern
Hardwoods’^ and beyond, while the western taxon (or were there
several, morphologically slightly differentiated, geographically iso¬
lated surviving populations?), which, in its more depauperate,
xeromorphic Northern Great Plains phase is known as ssp. ma-
counii, migrated eastward, especially on damp, but physiologically
dry, calcareous habitats, to eventually invade and overlap the range
of G. crinita. In Wisconsin and Michigan, perhaps as a consequence
of the higher precipitation, there evolved, through selection or
phenotypic responses, generally larger, bigger-leaved plants which
have been distinguished from ssp. macounii as ssp. procera. Some
of these resemble G. crinita, suggesting the possibility of intro-
gression from that species. While scatter diagrams (Fig. 12) re¬
flect this similarity, it seems equally or more reasonable to suppose
increased leaf size to be a phenotypic response to moister habitat,
less alkaline soil, and/or longer growing season.
The Wisconsin and Indiana G. procera populations are variable,
suggesting “broad dispersal” migration and many genotypes. The
Eastern Canadian populations, in contrast, are highly uniform. As
is characteristic of many other Western elements, G. procera ssp.
macounii spread as far east as the Gaspe Peninsula and Hudson
Bay, very probably by sporadic, single-seed “long range” dispersal.
320 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[VoL 54
since the intervening- acidic rocks (cf. Map 11 ; Wynne-Ed wards
1937, 1939) would make establishment all but impossible. These
isolated and highly local, ecologically specialized, genetically evi-
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
321
dently impoverished, homogenic populations have been taxonomi-
cally recognized as var. gaspensis and var. victorinii, two neo¬
endemics perhaps best considered simply as local populations of G,
procera ssp. macounii.
There are, of course, examples of quite distinctive species or sub¬
species evolving in as short a time as 10,000 years or less in the
Northeastern United States. One need only examine some of the
322 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
Great Lakes endemics, e.g. Iris cristata ssp. lacustris,^ Hypericum
kalmianum, Cirsium pitcheri (cf. Johnson and litis 1963: 290-
292), Calamovilfa longifolia var. magna (Thieret 1960), or
Agropyron psammophilum (Senn and Gillett 1961). However, by
comparison, especially to some of the beach and dune endemics, the
fringed gentian populations are not nearly as clearly differenti¬
ated. Thus, in the formation of these post-glacial neo-endemics,
evolutionary rates appear to have differed greatly, depending on
the nature of the plants themselves, the type of habitat, the kind
of selection and the original variability and size of the population.
The great taxonomic-phytogeographic difficulties which the G.
macounii — G. procera pheno-cline engendered, and its relationship
to the Gaspe endemics and to G. crinita, can thus be resolved by
realizing that the two major taxa fall into the standard pattern of
Eastern North American-Western North American vicarious spe¬
cies pairs, their post-glacialy produced modern ranges overlapping
only in glaciated Northeastern North America- This pattern is
much more prevalent than is generally appreciated, and is exempli¬
fied by the ranges of many of our commonest as well as rarest, by
some of the most distinct as well as taxonomically most difficult
species in the Northeastern United States.
The difficulties that one encounters in distinguishing the com¬
ponents of poorly differentiated, post-glacially confluent species
nris cristata Ait. ssp. lacustris (Nutt.) litis, stat. nov.
Iris lacustris Nutt. Gen. Am. Plants 1 :123. 1818.
Iris cristata Ait. var. lacustris (Nutt.) Dykes, The Genus Iris 106. 1913.
This attractive Great Lakes Endemic (cf. Guire & Voss, Mich. Botanist 2 : 100-
101, 1963 for an excellent discussion of its range) is distinguished from some plants
of the southern paternal species 7. cristata by the shorter perianth tube (short due
to selection by strong Great Lakes shore winds, which would knock a long tube like
that found in typical I. cristata to the ground??) and by such minor quantitative
characters as petal, sepal, and capsule shape, laxness of leaves, smaller size, and
supposed lack of flower odor. J’oster (Contrib. Gray Herb. 119: 10-13. 1937), who
carefully reviewed much information, places emphasis on previously reported, appar¬
ently erroneous chromosomal differences (2n = 42, fide Simonet ; cf. Foster, loc. cit.;
probably based on a plant of 7. verna) . Material from near Baileys Harbor, Door
Co. (77. 77. litis 17675, 1961) counted by Dr. Shoichi Kawano (MS) showed the
chromosome number to be 2n = 32, the same as reported for 7. cristata by Foster
{loc. cit. 119:11), Foster also emphasized Fernaldian ideas of pre-Wisconsin glacial
survival, citing many associated supposed “glacial relics’’ that also grow on the
alkaline sands and gravels of the Niagara dolomite. However, a) its restriction to
glaciated territory, b) its allopatric distribution in respect to 7. cristata (cf. Guire &
Voss, loc. cit.), c) its ecological restriction to shore habitats that are alkaline, often
unstable and ecologically “open”, and rich in many disjunct southern and western
taxa like G. procera, d) its great morphological uniformity as compared with the
quite variable 7. cristata, noticed by Anderson (cf. Foster, loc. cit. and personal obser¬
vation), and e) its truly minor morphological differentiation from 7. cristata —
all speak for 7. lacustris as a post-glacially evolved “founder population” (E. Mayr)
of much the same character- as the isolates of G. procera ssp. macounii in Eastern
Quebec discussed above, which, due to both limited original variability (being
“founded” as it were by one seed?) as well as rather rigorous selection by the Great
Lakes shore environment, had undergone slight morphological divergence. The lesser
size of many morphological characters in 7. lacustris could well be understood as the
effect of climate on this population which, after all, represents the southern 7. cristata
at the very limit of its range as a northern, poorly differentiated geographic subspecies.
(H.H.I.)
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 323
pairs were well known to Hulten (1937), who was among the first
to appreciate the dynamics of such a situation : . . . ‘'As long as
those races are separated from one another geographically, they
may be distinguishable, but when migration has proceeded so far
that the radiants from two elementary areas meet, hybridization
and thereby an intergradation of the differences must be expected
to occur.” The taxonomic-phytogeographic significance of this pat¬
tern, which is enormous in the Upper Middle Western flora, has
been preliminarily discussed elsewhere. (litis 1965)
5. HALENIA Borkh, Spurred Gentian
[Allen, Caroline K. 1933. A Monograph of the American species of
the genus Halenia. Ann. Missouri Bot. Gard. 20: 119-222,]
1, Halenia deflexa (Sm.) Griseb. Spurred Gentian
Map 13; Fig. 15.
Biennial (?) or winter annual (?) 1-4 (-9) dm high. Stems
simple or branched above, slender with 6-8 cm. long internodes.
Leaves 3- or 5-nerved. Basal leaves suborbicular- to oblong-
spatulate, petiolate, 1-2 cm long, cauline oblong-lanceolate to ovate,
acuminate, 1-5 cm long. Flowers 4-merous in terminal or axillary,
loose umbelliform cymes. Calyx 4-8 mm long, the segments ovate-
lanceolate, acuminate. Corolla 8-15 mm long, yellowish or greenish
to greenish-purple, often pronouncedly reddish purple when in bud,
marcescent, the lobes lanceolate to ovate acute, erect, each pro¬
longed at base into a divergent slender 3-5 mm long spur (in forma
HETERANTHA (Griseb.) Fern, these spurs occasionally lacking in
lower flowers or in flowers developing late in the season) . Capsule
lancoblongoid, falcately curved upward, septicidal, thin-papyraceous
the seeds oblong-ovoid, greenish-brown.
In Wisconsin North of the “Tension Zone”, locally abundant in
cool moist shady or open forests, especially in wet and mossy conif¬
erous Picea glauca- Abies halsamea-Thuja occidentalis woods, in open
sphagnum or Thuja bogs, on black organic “muck”, gravelly or
clayey shores of lakes, mesic lumber-roadsides and old clearings,
but rarely on dry sites. Flowering from early July to the 3rd week
of August; fruiting from end of July to mid-September.
Halenia includes few Asiatic, and only two northern North
American taxa, the remainder all western hemisphere species
[highly fragmented into 69 taxa by Allen (1933)] local in the
montane or alpine zone from Arizona and Mexico to Peru and
Chile. With a very wide range characteristic of invaders to glaci¬
ated territory, Halenia deflexa occurs from Alberta to Hudson
324 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
Bay, Quebec, and New York, with its only non-glaciated stations in
western Nebraska [unless one should care to accept the two incon¬
gruously disjunct central Mexican stations cited by Allen (1933)].
Generically it is thus a “Neotropical Alpine Element”, but specifi¬
cally a western “Northern Great Plains” element, its range, and
probably its migratory history, very similar to that of Gentianopsis
procera (cf. Map 12).
Allen (1933) notes that some very early or late flowers of H.
deflexa may be spurless. In addition, some plants may produce al¬
most nothing but spurless flowers, recognized as H. deflexa f. heter-
antha (Fernald 1899, 1938). Of the sixty collections studied from
Wisconsin, none could be definitely assigned to forma heterantha.
6. CENTAURIUM Hill Centaury
1. CENTAURIUM PULCHELLUM (Sw.) DRUCE. Centaury
Map 13; Fig. 16.
Slender annuals with simple or usually much-branched stems
(2-) 8-16 cm tall. Leaves opposite, sessile, lanceolate to ovate, 9-
15 mm long. Inflorescence cymose; calyx (2-) 4-8 mm long, with
5 narrow lobes about 3 times as long as the tube. Corolla salver-
form, the tube exceeding the calyx, the 5 pink lobes 3-4 mm long.
Capsule elongate, exceeding the calyx, and invested by a marcescent
corolla. Seeds minute, irregularly spherical with a rough brown
surface. 2n = ca. 38 (Rork 1949).
Naturalized from Europe, so far collected from only two locali¬
ties: Sheboygan Co.: On limestone [Niagara Dolomite] at level
1965] Mason and Iltis—Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 325
of Lake Michigan, E. end of Lincoln Ave., Sheboygan, 1935, Fuller
& Reeder U5S2 (MIL) ; Sheboygan, 1930, Goessl s.n. (WIS) ; She¬
boygan, Beach, 1935, Goessl s.n. (WIS). Manitowoc Co.: Cleve¬
land, 1907, Goessl s.n. (MIL). Racine Co. : Weed in railroad track,
vie. Modine Company, Racine, July 24, 1965 {fi),Swink 228 (WIS).
Flowering as early as August, with all stages of development
from buds to mature capsules found on the same plant throughout
September and into October.
326 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
Excluded Genera
Fernald (1950) records Swertia caroliniensis, the American
Columbo, and Sabatia angularis, the Rose Gentian, for Wisconsin;
however, no known herbarium specimen of the former is available,
the species being way out of range (north to Central Illinois with
one record from Cook Co. Ill. ; cf . Card 1931 ; Winterringer and
Evers 1960). The only Wisconsin specimen of Sabatia, a showy
pink-flowered relative of Centaurium, is deposited in the Gray Her¬
barium: “WIS. J.J. Hale’’, without specific locality. Wilbur (1955)
annotated Hale’s specimen [collected ca. 1860], but did not recog¬
nize Wisconsin within the species range (i.e. did not cite it in his
monograph). There are other, reputedly Wisconsin records based
on Hale collections, as Filipendula rubra, (cf. Mason & litis 1958:
80) in 1865 at Mazomanie. These low sandy flats still house many
plants that are rare or occur nowhere else in Wisconsin (e.g. Krigia
virginica, Diodia teres), and it is possible that the species might
have occurred locally in southern Wisconsin. Its closest stations
are in North-central Illinois to Gary, Indiana, less than 100 miles
from the Wisconsin border.
MENYANTHACEAE Moench. Buckbean Family
[Lindsey, A. A. 1938. Anatomical Evidence for the Menyanthaceae.
Am. Jour. Bot. 25 :480-485]
The relationship and position of Menyanthes has been discussed
by Lindsey (1938), who showed that Menyanthes is anatomically
distinct from Gentianaceae and should be considered, together with
Nymphoides, in the separate family Menyanthaceae.
The Menyanthaceae, a small but widely distributed family of
aquatics and marsh plants is represented in Wisconsin by the sin¬
gle circumpolar genus and species Menyanthes trifoliata L. The
description of the family, therefore, is also the description of the
genus and species.
1. MENYANTHES L. Buckbean
1. Menyanthes trifoliata L. Buckbean Map 14; Fig. 17.
Menyanthes trifoliata var. minor Michx. ex Raf. (cf. Fernald
1929).
Perennial succulent semi-aquatic marsh or bog herbs with alter¬
nate 3-foliolate leaves from a creeping rootstock; petioles 5-20 cm
long with enlarged sheathing bases ; leaflets oval or oblong, 2-8 cm
long, entire, with acute to obtuse apices. Inflorescences erect
racemes ca. 10-20 cm long with elongated naked peduncles. Flowers
1965] Mason and litis — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 327
on slender pedicels, dimorphic, in Wise. 43% of the plants with
flowers that have long styles (10-16 mm) and short stamens (7-
11 mm), and 57% very short styles (7-11 mm) and long stamens
(9-16 mm). Calyx lobes 5, 3-5 mm long. Corolla white, 10-15 mm
wide, 7-11 mm long, the tube exceeding the calyx to twice as long,
the 5 lobes about 5-8 mm long, the inner surface bearded with
many slender clavate hairs. Stamens 5; anthers sagittate. Ovary
1-celled; stigma 2~lobed. Capsule 2-valved, ovoid, 6-10 mm long.
Seeds 9-30, shiny (varnished), light brown, ovoid to subglobose,
2. 2-2.9 X 1.7-2.4 x 1. 1-1.4 mm. 2n = 54 in both Eurasian and
American plants (Rork 1949).
A characteristic circumboreal species of sphagnum bogs ^nd
wet coniferous forests, not uncommon in Wisconsin north of the
'‘Tension Zone’’, lacking due to absence of bogs from most of the
"Driftless Area”, in wet portions of acid sphagnum bogs (with
Smilacina trifolia, Chamaedaphne, Kalmia, Andromeda) , in boggy
sphagnous Larix woods (with Picea mariana, Sarracenia purpurea,
Trientalis) , in the far north in various wet cold habitats of woods
or shores of streams and acid lakes. Flowering from the 2nd week
in May (S. Wise.) to late June (rarely into July) ; fruiting from
June to August.
Fernald (1929) referred the specimens from Eastern North
America, including Wisconsin, to var. minor Michx. ex Raf., with
smaller, more nearly white and not as conspicuously bearded flow¬
ers compared with European material. These supposed differences
are hard to see, and some careful analysis is needed here to verify
Fernald’s suppositions. Ronald Liesner, a student at the University
of Wisconsin, made preliminary measurements of our collections,
which in no way seem to differ from the European or Japanese
collections here available, except for a rare Old World plant that
is more robust and larger-flowered. Stamen and style length meas¬
urement are^ exactly alike. One may say that Old World Menyanthes
appears somewhat more variable, that of the New World well
within the flower size distribution of the former, but more uniform.
Nymphoides peltata (Gmel.) Kuntze, the Yellow Floating
Heart, a rooted aquatic introduced from Europe, is an additional
representative of Menyanthaceae to be looked for in Wisconsin. Re¬
ported just south of Wisconsin in Winnebago County, Illinois
(Fuller, Fell and Fell 1949), it has alternate suborbicular floating
leaves nearly identical to those of the waterlilies (Nymphaea and
Nuphar) and 1 or more umbels of 5-merous fringed-petaled yellow
flowers.
328 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
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Argus, George. 1964. Preliminary Reports on the Flora of Wisconsin No. 51.
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Berry, G. H. 1951. Gentians in the Garden. Farrar, Straus and Young, New
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Card, H. H. 1931. A revision of the genus Frasera. Ann. Missouri Bot. Gar¬
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Curtis, J. T. 1959. The Vegetation of Wisconsin. Univ. of Wisconsin Press,
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Beam, C. C. 1940. Flora of Indiana, Dept, of Conservation, Indianapolis.
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Fernald, M. L. 1899. A spurless Halenia from Maine. Rhodora 1: 36-37.
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- — . 1950. Gray^s Manual of Botany. 8th Ed. Am. Book Co. N.Y. 1632 pp.
Fuller, G. D., E W. Fell, and G. B. Fell. 1949. Check list of the vascular
plants of Winnebago County, Illinois. III. Acad. Sci. Trans. 42:68-79.
Gilg, E. 1895. Gentianaceae. In Engler, A. and Prantl, K. Die Natilrlichen
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Gillett, J. M. 1957. A revision of the North American species of Gentianella
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- . 1963. The Gentians of Canada, Alaska, and Greenland. Canada Dept.
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Gillett, J. M. and H. A. Senn. 1961. A new species of Agropyron from the
Great Lakes. Canad. Jour. Bot. 39 :1169-1175.
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Hartley, T. G. 1962. The Flora of the '‘Driftless Area*’. State Univ. of Iowa
(Iowa City) MS. Ph.D. thesis.
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the Quarternary Period. Stockholm. 168 pp.
Iltis, H. H. 1957. Botanizing on Muir’s Lake. Wise. Academy Review, Spring
1957:60-61.
- . 1965. The Genus Gentianopsis : transfers and phytogeographic com¬
ments. Sida 2: 129-154.
- & W. M. Shaughnessy. 1960. Preliminary Reports on the Flora Wis¬
consin No. 43. Primulaceae-Primrose Family. Transact. Wise. Acad. Sci.,
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Wisconsin No. 48. Compositae I — Composite Family 1. Transact. Wise.
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Jones, G. N. and Fuller, G. D. 1955. Vascular Plants of Illinois. Univ. of
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Bot. 25:480-485.
- . 1940. Floral anatomy in the Gentianaceae. Am. Jour. Bot. 27:640-
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225-235.
Ma, Y. C. 1951. Gentianopsis — a new genus of Chinese Gentianaceae. Acta
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10:40-43.
Mason, H, G. and H. H. Iltis. 1958. Preliminary reports on the flora of
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- . 1965a. The white gentian of the prairies. The Michigan Botanist
4:43-47.
- . 1965b. Hybridization in Gentiana (Gentianaceae) : A resume of J. T.
Curtis^ Studies. Transact. Wise. Acad. Sci., Arts & Letters 54:283-293.
- - . 1966a. Taxonomy of Geniana, section Pneumonanthe, in Eastern North
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- 1966b. Gentiana puhernlenta sp. nov., a known but unnamed species of
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Roy. Soc. Can. Ill (V) 33:1-7.
PRELIMINARY REPORTS ON THE FLORA OF WISCONSIN.
NO. 54. EQU ISET ACE AE— HORSE! A\L FAMILY
Richard L. Hauke
Department of Botany, University of Rhode Island
The monogeneric family Equisetaceae, one of the so-called “Fern
Allies”, is well-represented in the flora of Wisconsin. Five species
and one hybrid of the subgenus Equisetum, and four species and
three hybrids of the subgenus Hippochaete have been collected in
the state. Although the genus is unmistakable, and several of the
species are readily recognizable, the species of Equisetum are fre¬
quently subject to misidentification. A study of the subgenus Hip¬
pochaete (Hauke 1960, 1961, 1962a, b, c, 1963) has shown that sev¬
eral factors contribute to this. First is an extreme morphological
plasticity under environmental stress. Thus, a single rhizome sys¬
tem of, for example, Equisetum arvense can bear aerial stems of
radically diverse appearance. Second is the occurrence of hybrid¬
ization, obscuring species boundaries. Third is the subtlety of those
characters which are reliable for taxonomic determination.
The practice, an unfortunate one, of giving formal taxonomic
recognition to essentially descriptive names has arisen in the no¬
menclature of Equisetum. Since the taxonomic categories of sub¬
species, varietas, and forma are intended for use with genetic vari¬
ants from a species type, their use to describe environmental vari¬
ation is misleading. In the treatment which follows, the plethora of
forms usually listed for several of the species (Try on et al, 1953)
are not accorded taxonomic status.
This treatment is based upon specimens in the herbarium of
the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee (WIS), University of
Minnesota (MINN), and the Milwaukee Public Museum (MIL),
for the loan of which I thank the curators. A few specimens from
other herbaria [Missouri Botanical Garden (MO), University of
Michigan (MICH), Ohio State University (OS), University of Cali¬
fornia (UC), New York Botanical Garden (NY), and the United
States National Herbarium (US)] are included. The assistance of
Dr. Hugh litis and Miss Carol Michelson in preparing this paper is
particularly appreciated. Dots on the maps indicate specific locali¬
ties and triangles county records only.
331
332 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
EQUISETUM L.
Rhizomatous perennials with stems characterized by a jointed
appearance with leaves small, whorled, and fused into a nodal
sheath. A series of ridges and grooves traverse the internodes and
continue up into the nodal sheaths. These ridges and grooves ah
ternate in each successive internode. Stem in cross-section usually
with a prominent central canal (centrum) and smaller vallecular
(under the grooves) and carinal (under the ridges) canals. Re¬
production by spores borne in a cone terminal on the vegetative
stem or in some species on a specialized fertile stem.
Key to Species
A. Stems with regular whorls of branches.
B. First internode of branch shorter than or about equal to
subtending stem sheath, at least in lower portion of plant.
C. First internode always shorter than stem sheath.
D. Sheath teeth few, large. Stem prominently angled
- 3. E. palustre.
DD. Sheath teeth numerous, small. Stem nearly smooth
_ 1. E. fluviatile.
CC. First interncde of upper whorls longer than stem
sheath.
E. Stem teeth long and narrow. Branches 3-sided, with
deltoid teeth _ 4. E. pratense,
EE. Stem teeth short and wide. Branches 4-5 sided, with
pointed teeth _ _ __2. E. X litorale.
BB. First internode of branch longer than subtending stem
sheath.
F. Teeth dark, coarse, separate. Branches usually simple.
Stem ridges lacking conspicuous ornamentation _
- 6. E. arvense.
FF. Teeth red, membranous, coherent. Branches with 3-5
pairs of lateral branches. Stem ridges with prominent
silica spicules _ 5. E. sylvaticum.
AA. Stems normally unbranched, occasionally with a few branches.
G. Stems soft, deciduous (occasionally forms of E. palustre,
E. X litorale will fit here) .
H. Sheaths as long as wide, retaining teeth. Plants of wet
places - 1. £7. fluviatile.
HH. Sheaths about twice as long as wide, usually shedding
teeth (except species 12). Plants of grassy, sandy
places.
1965]
Hauke — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
333
I. Plants with many ridges, the teeth deciduous. Rhi¬
zome dull.
J. Cones blunt, with green, plump spores. Sheaths
green _ 7. E. laevigatum.
JJ. Cones apiculate, with aborted spores. Sheaths
often black-girdled _ _ _ 8. E, X ferrissii.
II. Plants with few ridges, teeth retained. Rhizome
shiny _ 12. E. X nelsonii.
GG. Stems firm, evergreen. Cones apiculate.
K. Large plants with numerous ridges.
L. Sheaths about as long as wide. Spores green _
_ 9. E. hyemale var. affine.
LL. Sheaths about li/^ times as long as wide. Spores
aborted _ 8. E. X ferrissii.
KK. Small plants with 14 or fewer ridges.
M. Stem with six angles but only three teeth _
_ 13. E. scirpoides.
MM. Stem with angles and teeth of same number, more
than 3.
N. Ridges in cross-section deeply furrowed. Spores
green _ 11. E. variegatum.
NN. Ridges in cross-section mostly biangulate.
Spores aborted _ 10. E. X trachyodon.
I. SUBGENUS EQUISETUM
Plants usually with regularly branched deciduous stems and
blunt cones. Stomata superficial, in bands.
1. Equisetum fluviatile L. Water Horsetail, Pipes.
Map 1 ; Figs. 1, 14, 15.
Rhizome shiny, light brown, unfelted. Stem smooth, with thin
wall and very large centrum, usually lacking vallecular canals.
Sheaths about as long as wide, with 12-20 short (2-3 mm) narrow
black teeth. Branches, when present, with first internode shorter
than or equal to subtending stem sheath, 4- to 6-angled. Cones pres¬
ent. Late May to early July.
A common and widespread species in wet places, the Water
Horsetail tends to come up in May as simple unbranched stems,
and to become branched as the season progresses. Hence in May
all collections tend to be of the unbranched form (f. linnaeanum
(Doll) Broun, of Tryon et al., p. 128, 1953), whereas by July most
are of the forms with regular v/horls of branches (typical form of
Tryon et al.) . Occasionally small or irregularly branched forms are
found.
334 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[VoL 54
Figures 1-13. Diagrams of Equisetum stem cross-sections. Lined areas are
supporting tissue, dotted areas chlorenchyma. Heavy lines mark canals — ^val-
lecular under the grooves, carinal under the ridges, and the centrum in the
center. The light lines indicate the endodermis. 1. E. fluviatile. — 2. E. X litor-
ale. — 3. E. palustre. — 4. E. pratense. — 5. E, sylvaticum. — 6. E, arvense. — 7.
E. hyemale var. affine. — 8. E. X ferrissii. — 9. E. laevigatum. — 10. E. X
trachyodon. — 11. E. variegatum. — 12. E. X nelsonii. — 13, E, scirpoides.
1965]
Hauke — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
335
E. scirpoides | 5
336 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
1965]
Figures 14-30. Photographs of nodal sheaths and branches of Equisetum.
Scales are all millimeter rulers. 14. E. fluviatile, branched. — 15. E. fluviatile,
unbranched. — 16. E. X litorale. — 17. E. pretense. — 18. E, palustre, — 19. E.
sylvaticum, vegetative. — 20. E. sylvaticum, fertile. — 21. E. sylvaticum branches
with silica spicules. — 22. E, arvense.—2S. E. arvense branches with 3 angles.
— 24. E. hyemale var. affine. — 25. E. X ferrissii. — 26, E. laevigatum. — 27. E.
X trachyodon — 28. E. variegatum. — 29. E. X nelsonii. — 30. E. scirpoides.
Hauke — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
337
338 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
2. Equisetum X LITORALE Kuehl. Shore Horsetail.
Map 2 ; Figs. 2, 16.
Equisetum fiuviatile L. X E. arvense L.
This hybrid is usually mistaken for Equisetum fiuviatile, but
differs in having definite vallecular canals, fewer (8-14) teeth,
and 4- to 5-angled branches with the first internode shorter than
the subtending sheath at the lower nodes, but definitely longer
than the sheaths at the upper nodes. The cones contain aborted
spores, which are readily recognizable because they are colorless,
without elaters, and are never shed from the cone.
Milde first considered E. X litorale as a hybrid in 1851, but later
(1867) decided it was a species becoming extinct. Only four lo¬
calities are known for E. X litorale in Wisconsin, but it probably
occurs elsewhere and has been bypassed as E. fiuviatile. Grant Co. :
Wyalusing State Park, 19 June 1959, Patman s.n. (WIS). Green
Lake Co. : Marsh, north shore Lake Puckaway, Marquette, 18 Sept.
1929, Fassett 8799 (WIS). Richland Co.: shallow water of spring-
hole, Gotham, 11 Aug. 1958, Hartley 5266 (WIS) - Winnebago Co.:
springy shore of Fox River, Eureka, 14 Sept. 1931, Fassett 1325S
(WIS).
3. Equisetum palustre L. Marsh Horsetail. Map 4 ; Figs. 3, 18.
Rhizome shiny, dark brown, unfelted. Stem prominently angled,
with a small centrum and vallecular canals as large as the centrum.
Sheaths definitely longer than wide, with 8 to 12 long (3- to 6
mm) dark, white-margined teeth. Branches 6- to 7 angled, with
the first internode only 1/2 long” as the stem sheath or shorter.
The Marsh Horsetail, a plant of wet places, is usually easily rec¬
ognizable because of its few, large sheath teeth. Though normally
a handsome plant with regular whorls of branches (f. verticillatum
Milde of Tryon et al., p. 127, 1953), it may occur in sparsely
branched or unbranched forms. Tryon, et al. (1953) call this the
typical form, following apparently Victorin (1927). (In the first
edition they had used Victorin's names.) Typification of the name
E. palustre L. is difficult since there is no specimen of this species
in the Linnaean herbarium in London. (The sheet so labeled con¬
tains two specimens of E. arvense, one a robust, well-branched
form, the other a rather depauperate specimen.) The Linnaean
description is minimal (Equisetum caule angulato, frondibus sim-
plicibus, i.e. Equisetum with angular stem, simple branches.), but
Linnaeus would hardly have said frondibus simplicibus if he
wished to indicate a plant with caule nudo, an expression he used
in descriptions of unbranched species.
1965]
Hauke — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
339
340 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters XVol. 54
The Marsh Horsetail is uncommon in Wisconsin, being found
mostly in the northern part of the state. It bears cones in June and
July.
4. EQUisetum pratense Ehrh. Meadow Horsetail.
Map 5 ; Figs. 4, 17.
Rhizome black, dull, with light brown felting on the nodal
sheaths. Stems slender, roughened with silica dots along the ridges,
with a relatively large centrum and well-developed vallecular
canals. Sheaths of sterile stems slightly longer than wide, with a
slight furrow in the middle of each segment, and with 8-16 thin-
textured teeth having a dark center and colorless margins.
Branches spreading or somewhat recurved, 3-angled, with deltoid
teeth. First internode about equal to the subtending sheath on
lower whorls, longer on upper whorls.
Fertile stems developing in May and June, with yellow or brown
internodes and large, green, prominently flaring sheaths (2-3
times the diameter of the stem) with long (4-6 mm) teeth. At
first unbranched, but persisting after the cone shrivels, becoming
green and branched.
This species is found occasionally throughout the state in moist,
wooded areas. It is often mistaken for E. arvense, but the rough¬
ened stems, furrowed sheaths, papery teeth, and deltoid branch
teeth are all distinctive. It appears to be less variable than the
other species of this subgenus.
5. Equisetum sylvaticum L. Wood Horsetail.
Map 6; Figs. 5, 19, 20, 21.
Rhizome dark brown, felted all over. Stems roughened with a
double row of prominent silica spicules along the ridges; centrum
large and vallecular canals prominent. Sheaths about as long as
wide, with 8-16 long (to 1 cm) papery, reddish brown teeth,
usually coherent into 3 or 4 lobes. Branches 3-4 angled, spreading,
branched, giving the plant a delicate, lacy appearance. First in¬
ternode longer than the subtending sheath. Fertile stem developing
in May, at first lacking chlorophyll and unbranched, with very long
(to 15 mm) papery teeth (Fig. 20), becoming green and branched
as the cone shrivels.
The Wood Horsetail is the most beautiful species of Equisetum.
It occurs throughout the state in moist, shaded areas, being quite
common northward. Two forms of this species have received con¬
siderable attention. One has the first internode of the branches
scabrous with silica spicules (typical E. sylvaticum in Europe)
(Fig. 21), the other has the first internodes of the branches with¬
out silica spicules (var. multiramosum (Fernald) Wherry of Tryon
1965] Hauke — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin 341
et al, p. 131, 1953). Fassett (1944) studied mass collections from
various areas and showed that the scabrousity of the branches is
a clinal character, occurring more frequently in plants from the
western part of the range. It is also a variable character, some
plants having completely smooth branches, others having branches
scabrous only near the sheath, and others being completely sca¬
brous. Fassett concluded that since this character shows geographic
correlation, it merits varietal recognition. It is my belief, however,
that a single, variable character with a gradual increase in fre¬
quency across a vast area and with no associated characters pro¬
vides insufficient grounds for segregating the Wood Horsetail into
two varieties.
6. Equisetum arvense L. Field Horsetail,
Map 3 ; Figs. 6, 22, 23.
Rhizomes dark brown to black, felted along their length. Stems
smooth, with a large centrum and well-formed vallecular canals.
Sheaths about as long as wide, with slightly furrowed segments
and 8-12 dark, often incurved teeth. Branches 3- to 4-angled, erect
or ascending, the first internode definitely longer than the subtend¬
ing sheath.
Fertile stems developing in April and early May, brown, thick,
and fleshy, with large, flaring sheaths bearing long (to 15 mm)
teeth and lacking branches. These die back as soon as the spores
are shed, just when the young vegetative shoots are beginning to
develop.
The Field Horsetail is by far the most common Equisetum
throughout Wisconsin, growing in all sorts of disturbed places —
cultivated fields, roadsides, railroad beds, sand dunes, river banks,
lake shores, and even along the edge of woods. Perhaps this diver¬
sity of habitat and association with disturbed places account for
its extreme variability. It occurs in depauperate forms and robust
forms, in procumbent, decumbent, and erect forms, in forms with
short, erect branches and forms with long, ascending to spreading
branches. All of these have been named, but purely for descriptive
purposes with no indication that any of them are genetically based.
Plants with three-angled branches [var. boreale (Bong.) Rupr.
of Tryon et al., p. 123, 1953] (Fig. 23), are found throughout the
range of E. arvense, but do seem to be more common in the north¬
ern part of the range, and there in shaded, quite undisturbed habi¬
tats. (See maps 55 and 56 in Tryon et al., p. 124, 1953.) However,
in the absence of a correlation with other characters, and consid¬
ering its poorly defined geographic correlation, this character
hardly merits varietal distinction. Even granting it forma status
can, as far as I know, serve no useful purpose.
342 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
11. SUBGENUS HIPPOCHAETE (Milde) Baker
Plants usually with unbranched, evergreen stems bearing apicu-
late or acute cones. Stomata sunken.
7. Equisetum laevigatum A.Br. Smooth Scouring-Rush.
Map 7 ; Figs. 9, 26.
Equisetum kansanum Schaffner of Tryon et al., p. 119, 1953.
Rhizome dull black, felted on sheaths. Stems medium to tall (to
8 dm) smooth, deciduous, with large centrum, prominent vallecu-
lar canals, and supporting tissue massed under the grooves.
Sheaths twice as long as wide, slightly flaring upward, green with
a black rim, with 18-24 segments, the teeth deciduous. Cones blunt
to slightly apiculate, sporulating mostly in June.
This is a species of open flelds, and occasionally of railroad
beds, roadsides, and lake shores. It hybridizes with E, hyemale
and because of this and a confusion of types, this species is com¬
monly misnamed E. kansanum Schaffner (Tryon et al., 1953; see
Hauke, 1960). Plants may develop branches with age or following
injury, and these sometimes grow from the base, producing a clus¬
ter of small stems mimicking E, variegatum. Occasionally forms
are found with teeth retained, these being whitish. The smooth
scouring rush is found mostly in the southeastern part of the state.
8. Equisetum x ferrissii Clute. Map 8 ; Figs. 8, 25.
Equisetum laevigatum A. Br. X E. hyemale var. affine
(Engelm.) A. A. Eat.
Equisetum laevigatum A. Br. of Tryon et. al., p. 118, 1953.
This hybrid is intermediate between its parents E. laevigatum
and E. hyemale in many characters, and is often called E. hyemale
var. intermedium A. A. Eat. It has supporting tissue massed under
both the grooves and the ridges, sheaths about 144 times longer
than wide, is half-evergreen, and develops a black girdle on the
sheaths of the lower part of the stem. Cones appear mature in
July, but contain aborted spores. This hybrid occurs mostly in the
southeastern part of the state, but occasionally shows up in north¬
ern Wisconsin, where one parent is absent. Vegetative dispersal
can account for this (see Hauke, 1960, 1963).
9. Equisetum hyemale var. affine (Engelm.) A. A. Eat.
Scouring-Rush. Map 9; Figs. 7, 24.
Rhizome dull black, felted at the sheaths. Stem tall (to 12 dm)
1965]
Hauke — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
343
344 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters [Vol. 54
rough, with a row of silica tubercles along the ridge, evergreen.
Centrum and vallecular canals large, and supporting tissue massed
under the ridges. Sheaths about as long as wide, dark-girdled
around the middle and ashy white above, with 18-40 segments, the
teeth usually shed. Cones sharply apiculate.
The Scouring-Rush is so called because its rough stems were
used to scour pots and pans. They still are used by musicians to
polish reeds for woodwinds. This species is common throughout the
state and occurs in a variety of places — woods, fields, roadsides,
railroad beds, lake and river margins. Branched forms result from
injury, and often short, cone-bearing branches develop from the
upper nodes of the previous year’s stems. Occasionally it retains
or tardily sheds the sheath teeth [var. rohustum (A. Br.) A. A.
Eat. of some authors]. (Some apparent forms are actually hybrids
with other species (see above and below).
10. EQUISETUM X TRACHYODON A. Br. Map 10; Figs. 10, 27.
Equisetum hyemale var. affine (Engelm.) A. A. Eat. X E.
variegatum Schleich.
This hybrid is intermediate between the parents in size and
ridge number. The ridges are biangulate, with a double row of
silica tubercles. Equisetum X trachyodon frequently has the sheath
coloration of E. hyemale, but the general low, clumped aspect and
teeth structure of E. variegatum. Rare in Wisconsin, it is known
from only four eastern counties : Kewaunee Co. : New Bay, on
sawdust piles, borders of Lake Michigan, 15 Sept. 1925, E. J. Pal¬
mer 28807 (MO). Kenosha Co.: flat prairie on banks of drainage
ditch. Pleasant Prairie, 12 Aug. 1941, Kruschke s.n. (MIL). Marin¬
ette Co.: Pike River, Amberg, 14 Sept. 1937, Tryon SS8U (WIS).
Waukesha Co. : wet sandy shore. Golden Lake, 9 Oct. 1927, Fassett
7563 (WIS).
11, Equisetum variegatum Schleich. Variegated Horsetail
Map 10; Figs. 11, 28.
Rhizome shiny black, unfelted. Stems small (to 3.5 dm) and
clumped, with small centrum and vallecular canals, supporting
tissue more prominent under the grooves, and ridges bearing two
rows of silica tubercles with a well-developed furrow between them.
Sheaths about 1% times longer than wide, with segments having
two ridges separated by a central furrow. Teeth persistent, obtuse,
with a dark center and wide white margins, occasionally retaining
also a filiform tip. Cones small, sporulation from July to September
or overwintering and shedding the next spring.
1965]
Hauke — Reports on Flora of Wisconsin
345
This small, attractive species of wet sandy places, like river
banks, lake shores, and ditches, is found in Wisconsin only near
the shores of Lake Michigan and Lake Superior. It is very dis¬
tinctive because of the variegated teeth and furrowed ridges, but
the hybrids that occur with E. hyemale (see above) and E. laevi-
gatum (see below) tend to obscure its distinctiveness.
12. Equisetum X NELSONII (A. A. Eat.) Schaffner
Map 11; Figs. 12, 29.
Equisetum laevigatum A. Br. X E. variegatum Schleich.
This hybrid has small, deciduous stems with sheaths much longer
than wide. It is readily mistaken for small forms of E. laevigatum,
but the shiny black rhizome, furrowed sheath segments, teeth color¬
ation, and aborted spores reveal its hybrid nature. It is rare in
Wisconsin, with specimens collected from only four southeastern
counties. Brown Co. : Green Bay, 21 June 1881, Schuette s.n.
(WIS). Racine Co-: Racine, 12 Sept, 1933, Hicks s.n. (OS). She¬
boygan Co.: Elkhart Lake, 29 June 1879, Schuette s.n. (WIS).
Waukesha Co.: Silver Lake, Wilson, s.n. (WIS).
13. Equisetum scirpoides Michx. Dwarf Scouring-Rush.
Map 12 ; Figs. 13, 30.
Rhizome rough, black, with felted sheaths. Stems very slender,
wiry, and small (to 2 dm), flexuous, matted, with no centrum, 3
vallecular canals, and 6 ridges. Sheaths with 3 deeply furrowed
segments and a black band around the base of 3 papery white teeth,
which often bear a filiform tip. Cones small, sporulating in late
summer, or overwintering and shedding the following spring.
The dwarf Scouring-Rush forms a loose turf of twisted wiry
stems, generally in cold, moist, shaded places throughout N. Wis¬
consin, much rarer S. of the “Tension Zone’^ in cold wet muck of
Thuja or Abies halsamea-Betula papyrifera woods, on and near
rotten logs in Tsuga-Acer saccharum-Fagus forest, on the edges of
rivers and lakes, less often in sandy, dry, dz open Oak-Hemlock-
White Pine forests, or rocky canyons with Taxus canadensis or on
sandstone cliffs, in S. Wisconsin in shaded edges of springs, lime¬
stone talus on N-facing bluffs, and on cold, mossy, moist, sand¬
stone bluffs beneath white pines. With its curly stem and 6 ridges
but only 3 teeth, it is an unmistakable species, easily overlooked
because of its small size.
346 Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters ,[Vol. 54
Bibliography
Fassett, Norman C. 1944. Mass Collections: Equisetum sylvaticum. Am.
Fern Jour. 34 : 85-92.
Hauke, R. L. 1960. The smooth scouring rush and its complexities. Am. Fern
Jour. 50: 185-193.
- . 1961. A resume of the taxonomic reorganization of Equisetum, sub¬
genus Hippochaete, I. Am. Fern Jour. 51: 131-137.
- . 1962 a. Ibid. II. Am. Fern Jour. 52: 29-35.
- . 1962 b. Ibid. III. Am. Fern Jour. 52: 57-63.
- . 1962 c. Ibid. IV. Am. Fern Jour. 52: 123-130.
- . 1963. A taxonomic monograph of the genus Equisetum subg. Hip¬
pochaete. Beihefte zur Nova Hedwigia 8. J. Cramer, Weinheim.
Milde, J. 1851. Uber Equisetum inundatum Lasch. Bot. Zeit. 9: 705.
- . 1867. Monographia Equisetorum. Nova Acta Acad. Leop.-Carol.
32 (2).
Tryon, R. M., Jr., N. C. Fassett, D. W. Dunlop, and M. E. Diemer. 1953.
The Ferns and Fern Allies of Wisconsin. 2nd ed. University of Wiscon¬
sin Press, Madison.
ViCTORiN, Frere Marie- 1927. Les Equisetinees du Quebec. Contri. Lab. Bat.
TJniv. Montreal No. 9.
r
OFFICERS OF THE WISCONSIN ACADEMY OF
SCIENCES, ARTS AND LETTERS
President
Harry Hayden Clark
Department of English
University of Wisconsin— Madison
Vice-President (Sciences)
George C. Becker
Department of Biology
Wisconsin State University,
Stevens Point
Vice-President (Arts)
Adolph A. Suppan
Dean, School of Fine Arts
University of Wisconsin-
Milwaukee
Vice-President (Letters)
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.
Director, State Historical Society
Madison, Wisconsin
President-Elect
David J. Behling
NML Insurance Co.
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Secretary
Eunice R. Bonow
Department of Pharmacy
University of Wisconsin-
Milwaukee
Treasurer
Norman C. Olson
NML Insurance Co.
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Librarian
Jack A. Clarke
Department of Library Science
University of Wisconsin-Madison
APPOINTED OFFICIALS OF THE ACADEMY
Editor — T rans actions
Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr.
Department of Speech
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
Editor — Wisconsin Academy Review
Chairman — Junior Academy of Science
Jack R. Arndt
Extension Division
University of Wisconsin-Madison
THE ACADEMY COUNCIL
The Academy Council includes the above named oflBcers and oflScials
and the following past presidents of the Academy.
Paul W. Boutwell
A. W. Schorger
H. A. Schuette
L. E. Noland
Otto L. Kowalke
Katherine G. Nelson
Ralph W. Buckstaff
Joseph G. Baier
Stephen F. Darling
Robert J. Dicke
Henry Meyer
Merritt Y. Hughes
Carl Welty
J. Martin Klotsche
Aaron J. Ihde
Walter E. Scott
/ij ip
SCtSmiES, SETS an
In Wisconsin History
Cover Design hy Art Division
Wehcrafters Inc.
Madison, Wisconsin
Additional copies of this monograph are available from Mrs. Patricia K. Behling, *
Administrative Assistant Wisconsin Acaderhy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
4421 North Cramer Street, Milwaukee, Wis. 53211
TRAmCTIOSS OF THE
WIKIil AEADEMT
OF SCIEIES, ARTS
AID lEHERS
Volume LIV
Part A
1965
GOODWIN F. BERQUIST, JR.
Editor
This publication was made possible through the generous
financial assistance of The Milwaukee Journal and
Dr. Harry Steenbock, Emeritus Professor of Bio¬
chemistry at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
SCIENCES, ARTS AND
LETTERS IN WISCONSIN
HISTORY
A special monograph based upon a
presented at the 95th Annual
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences,
series of addresses
Meeting of the
Arts and Letters.
Madison, Wisconsin
May 7-9, 1965
OFFICERS OF THE WISCONSIN ACADEMY OF
SCIENCES, ARTS AND LETTERS
President
Harry Hayden Clark
Department of English
University of Wisconsin— Madison
Vice-President (Sciences)
George C. Becker
Department of Biology
Wisconsin State University,
Stevens Point
Vice-President (Arts)
Adolph A. Suppan
Dean, School of Fine Arts
University of Wisconsin-
Milwaukee
Vice-President (Letters)
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.
Director, State Historical Society
Madison, Wisconsin
President-Elect
David J. Behling
NML Insurance Co.
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Secretary
Eunice R. Bonow
Department of Pharmacy
University of Wisconsin-
Milwaukee
T reasurer
Norman C. Olson
NML Insurance Co.
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Librarian
Jack A. Clarke
Department of Library Science
University of Wisconsin— Madison
APPOINTED OFFICIALS OF THE ACADEMY
Editor — Transactions
Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr.
Department of Speech
University of Wisconsin— Milwaukee
Editor — Wisconsin Academy Review
Chairman — Junior Academy of Science
Jack R. Arndt
Extension Division
University of Wisconsin— Madison
THE ACADEMY COUNCIL
The Academy Council includes the above named officers and officials
and the following past presidents of the Academy.
Paul W. Boutwell
A. W. Schorger
H. A. Schuette
L. E. Noland
Otto L. Kowalke
Katherine G. Nelson
Ralph W. Buckstaff
Joseph G. Baier
Stephen F. Darling
Robert J. Dicke
Henry Meyer
Merritt Y. Hughes
Carl Welty
J. Martin Klotsche
Aaron J. Ihde
Walter E. Scott
IV
Table of Contents
PREFACE . . vii
WISCONSIN’S CONTRIBUTION TO
HUMANITARIANISM AND
THE GOOD LIFE
Russel B. Nye . . . . 1
LANDMARK DECISIONS OF THE WISCONSIN
SUPREME COURT
George R. Currie . 15
DOES WISCONSIN HAVE AN IDENTITY?
(Some Suggestions on an Historical Problem)
Leslie H. Fishel^ Jr . 25
THE BASIC SCIENCES IN WISCONSIN
Aaron ]. Hide . 33
HIGHLIGHTS IN THE HISTORY OF WHA:
A SALUTE TO SEVERAL RADIO PIONEERS
Harold B. McCarty . . 43
TWO GHANGES AND A CHALLENGE IN
GRADUATE EDUCATION
Karl Kroeber . 49
WISCONSIN’S ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE ARTS:
A SURVEY
Fannie Taylor . . . . . . . 55
ALLIS-CHALMERS: A REPRESENTATIVE
WISGONSIN INDUSTRY
Walter F. Peterson . . . . . . . 67
V
BUSINESS AND CULTURE IN
NINETEENTH-CENTURY WISCONSIN
Alice E. Smith . . 77
“HITCHING SCIENCE TO THE PLOW”: WISCONSIN
LABORATORIES AND AGRICULTURAL
PRODUCTIVITY
Morton Rothstein . . 87
SOME WISCONSIN BIOLOGISTS OF THE PAST AND
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THEIR WORK
Loioell E. Noland . . . . . 95
SOME CONTRIBUTIONS OF WISCONSIN’S
GEOLOGISTS AND SOIL SCIENTISTS
Robert F. Black . . . . . . . . 107
CHARLES FARRAR AND THE LADIES’ ART AND
SCIENCE CLASS OF MILWAUKEE
Katherine G. Nelson . . . . . 119
HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL REVIEW OF THE
DOMESTIC TRAFFIC OF THE PORT
OF MILWAUKEE
Eric Schenker . . . . 125
A NEW METHOD FOR PREDICTING THE BLOOMING
DATE OF SPRING FLOWERS
Katharina Lettau . . . . 135
WATER POLICY EVOLUTION IN WISCONSIN:
PROTECTION OF THE PUBLIC TRUST
Walter E. Scott . . . 143
VI
Preface
In 1964, the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters published
its first special monograph, The Wisconsin Academy Looks at Urbanism.
This innovation was so well received that in the following year, The Natural
Resources of Northern Wisconsin: A Wisconsin Academy Profile, appeared.
Sciences, Arts and Letters in Wisconsin History is the third monograph in
this series.
Like its predecessors, this publication is a collection of addresses pre¬
sented at the Academy’s May meeting. Each paper focuses upon a special
phase of the conference theme. Each is the work of a recognized leader in
Wisconsin or in the nation. And each is designed to further our knowledge
and stimulate our thinking about the remarkable state of which we are part.
The final paper in this collection deserves special mention for it is the
work of Academy President Walter E. Scott. As Mr. Scott often says, water
reserves are of timely concern to us all. In order to assess the evolution of
government policy in this sphere in detail, the author has greatly expanded
his Presidential remarks, both in substance and in documentation. Readers
will find Mr. Scott’s paper at the close of the present volume.
Goodwin F. Berquist, Jr. Milwaukee, Wisconsin
vn
Copies of The Wisconsin Academy Looks at Urbanism,
the Academy’s 1963 special monograph, are available
at a cost of $2.00 each through; The University Book¬
stores, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin 53211.
Copies of The Natural Resources of Northern Wisconsin:
A Wisconsin Academy Profile, the Academy’s 1964 special
monograph, may be procured at a cost of $2.50 apiece by
writing Walter E. Scott, 1721 Hickory Drive, Madison,
Wisconsin 53705.
Vlll
WISCONSIN’S CONTRIBUTION TO HUMANITARIANISM
AND THE GOOD LIFE
Russel B. Nye
One thing which can be said, certainly, about the theme of this meet¬
ing, '"Wisconsin’s Contribution to Humanitarianism and the Good Life,” is
that it is sufficiently broad. The purpose of my part in it, as I have chosen
to interpret it, is to serve as a generalized introduction to those papers which
follow and which make up the major portion of the conference, dealing more
specifically and exhaustively with selected examples of Wisconsin’s contri¬
butions to humanitarianism and the good life. As we begin, it seems necessary
as a base for our discussion to locate more precisely what it is we are
exploring.
The phrase "humanitarianism and the good life” implies a considera¬
tion of both social and individual values — the promotion of the welfare of
both humanity and of the person. It suggests society’s obligation to improve
itself, to provide for each individual the potentials for a better life. This is
a strong, pervasive strain in the American tradition, stemming from our deep-
seated American belief in progress, our native, optimistic conviction of the
inevitable improvement of things. This is also an equally powerful strain in
the pattern of American reform — ^from the generalized, rationalistic trend of
humanitarian reform in the 18th century, from the romantic, personalized
reform of the early 19th century, to the institutionalized, socialized reform
of the later 19th and 20th centuries. When we talk about humanitarianism
and individual “good life” we must place these terms within the broader
context of this American tradition of optimism and individualism. To believe
that a “good life” can be made, those who hope to make it must believe
that the individual is worth it, and that it is obtainable. One of the great
principles on which all Americans hope for the “good life” is based on the
supposition that individual life is valuable.
Wisconsin, of course, shares this tradition with all other states. The
“good life” we know, and the better life we hope for, is not Wisconsin’s alone,
and it would be unfair to imply that any single state, or group of states, has
exclusive rights to the advancement of American society. This is not what this
conference intends — what the topic for discussion means is that Wisconsin’s
contributions and achievements in attaining that kind of life have been often
important, interesting, and in a broad sense original. It is this which pro-
j vides us with the question which, it seems to me, really lies beneath the
i topic chosen for this conference.
j How is it that a state with a relatively small population, comparatively
! modest natural resources, and a relatively brief history, has produced more
I than its share of humanitarian leaders and movements, and has attained
] such a high level of the “good life?” Why is it that Wisconsin has established,
I among its sister Midwestern states and in the nation at large, such a clear
I and identifiable personality? This is the question raised by this conference
!l
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
1
2
Russel B. Nye
which is most interesting to me. For Wisconsin, quite eaily in its history,
established a characteristic identity which it has maintained until the present
day — something more than a state flower, or a song like On Wisconsin, or a
state emblem like a badger, but a feeling of distinctiveness that one wishes
one could define more precisely, but one most undeniably there. These are
the questions to which we really address ourselves when we speculate about
Wisconsin’s contributions to humanitarianism and the good life.
First, we must establish Wisconsin’s position within its regional and
historical framework. Wisconsin is a Midwestern state. This means historically
that it was never a colony, that it was a creation of the Federal government,
that it never separated from that Federal government, that it had its own
unique kind of frontier — different from those of East and South and Far West.
Like other Midwestern states, it attained maturity swiftly, and developed its
culture in an atmosphere of accelerated change.
Wisconsin is a creation of the later 19th centur)% of that crucial cen¬
tury’s latter half, which differentiates it in temper and personality from East,
West, and South. Wisconsin received its territorial status and statehood
during the Jacksonian era, was almost at once tempered in the Civil War,
and matured in the postwar decades of wealth, expansion, and reconstruc¬
tion. There was never an 18th century culture in Wisconsin and the upper
Midwest — the roots of its society lie almost wholly in modern times. Of the
Midwestern, states (with the exception of Minnesota) Wisconsin is the only
one settled largely by direct migrations from Europe. Half the people in the
state of my generation were either foreign-born or born of foreign-born par¬
ents. Strong German and Scandinavian elements transplanted to the state
without an intervening stage of American settlement, gave the state’s ethnic
background a distinctive flavor. There were New Englanders and New York
Staters who came to Wisconsin, of course, like my grandfather who gave shape
to the state’s early institutions. The majority of delegates to both constituional
conventions were Yankees; Eastern states furnished the lawyers, educators, ^
merchants, and political leaders for early Wisconsin society." This influence, |
however, can be overstressed. The great influx of imigrants, of fairly homo- |
geneous groupings, who poured into Wisconsin in the later 19th and 20th :
centuries as the state reached maturity, added an overlay of a different cul- [
ture, neither foreign nor Yankee, to Wisconsin’s society that Ohio or Michigan, j
for example, did not possess.^ i
In the Eastern and Southern colonies the settlers brought their social i
and economic systems with them from Europe, since the country to which *
they came had none. They came into a wilderness which required a century ;
to tame; their struggle to alter their patterns of living to fit the needs of an i
emergent society and a new country was long and arduous. This was not the ,
case in Wisconsin. By the time the state was settled, Americans had already |
worked out a set of techniques for controlling the wilderness. The Eastern i
^For a discussion of the background of the Midwest, see R. B. Nye, Midwestern Progres- I
sive Politics, (East Lansing, 1951), chapter 1. '
^W. B. Furlong, “'Wisconsin: State of Insurgents,” New York Times Magazine, April 3,
1960, has an interesting discussion of early Wisconsin society. '
^Leon Epstein, Politics in. Wisconsin (Madison, 1958), contains an analysis of these ele- ;
ments. An excellent essay on the German contribution is Carl Wittke, “The German Forty- ^
eighters,” in O. F. Ander, ed., The John H. Hauberg Memorial Essays, (Rock Island, 1954), ;
pp. 41-50. j
Wisconsin s Contribution to Hiimanitarianism
3
emigrants who came brought with them social, political, and economic sys¬
tems already formed; the process was one of transfer, not adaptation. The
immigrants who came from Europe so soon after the state’s admission to
the Union, brought with them very few of their own institutions. They neither
wanted nor needed much of Europe’s way of life (in fact, in a good many
cases they were escaping from it) . They moved not into a wilderness but into
a ready-made society, already viable, already well adapted to their aspirations.
Wisconsin possesses, as a result of its Midwestern past, a distinctive
state culture which is not merely a miniature version of the national culture.
A cross-section of Wisconsin is unrepresentative of the nation at large; there
are too many variants for it to be called “typical,” too many differences for
it to be microcosmic. In it the strands of its ethnic and cultural heritage were
never completely woven together, the components of Wisconsin society never
merged into consistency. In my own youth, and I imagine it is still
true today, one had the feeling in Wisconsin of a foreignness not yet
blended, yet completely American. There were and still are islands of un¬
absorbed culture scattered about the state — Norse, Swiss, Amish, Dutch,
German, Polish. These people, many of them present in the state for four
generations, have fitted themselves perfectly into Wisconsin’s social, political,
and economic system without abandoning other cultural elements their for¬
bears brought with them. I am not speaking here of the kind of giant melting
pot that is, say, New York, but of something not at all urban and quite clearly
unique to Wisconsin. John R. Barton, of the Sociology Department at the
University of Wisconsin, put it well by saying in Wisconsin, “We are not a
melting pot but a beef stew. We were all thrown together into the same pot
but the beef remained the same and the carrots remained the same and the
peas remained the same.”^
These and other elements in Wisconsin’s past have combined to produce
in the state a particular kind of society, on which, I think, displays certain
characteristics which we can call distinctively Wisconsin’s. As one looks at
the state’s past, it is possible to identify a Wisconsin character, conditioned
by its history, composition, and experience. It is equally possible to distinguish
a characteristic way of doing things, a way of approaching and resolving issues
— in other words, a style. If the study of the character of a society is an effort
to establish a collective personality, then the examination of that society’s
style seeks to define how that collective personality reacts to and acts upon
its environment. Wisconsin’s search for the good life, it seems to me, has
displayed at least four distinguishing traits which help to identify its particular
style.
First, Wisconsin has consistently shown a distrust of strong, autonomous
government. There has been in the state, since its beginnings, an individualistic
and localistic tradition, a tradition of dissent, independence, and self-assertion.
The editor of the Southport American, in 1845, when Wisconsin was deter¬
mined on statehood, put this into stout resolve when he notified Congress that
the people of the Territory were “fully convinced that they are old enough,
and rich enough, and strong enough to take care of themselves,” a feeling
they have never hesitated to express ever since. Historically Wisconsin has
been more sensitive than many states to the traditional Jacksonian principle
^Quoted by Furlong, op. cit., p. 4.
4
Russel B. N ye
of governmental responsiveness to and responsibility for public needs. Second,
Wisconsin has always placed strong emphasis on planned progress through
popular enlightenment. Wisconsin’s leaders have almost always shown, some¬
times reluctantly perhaps, respect for the application of popular intelligence
to the development of its society. Third, Wisconsin has displayed rather con¬
sistently a kind of self-centeredness, often mistaken for and mislabelled “isola¬
tionism,” that is distinctively its own. There is apparent in the state’s past a
concern for its own problems, within its own context, for finding solutions
application in its own terms. Wisconsin has long considered itself an entity,
and has developed a kind of positive localism that is not necessarily a turning
away, but rather an inward focus
Fourth, and perhaps most important in terms of this meeting, Wisconsin
has consistently tended toward reform based on an investigation of the facts
of society and the subsequent use of those facts as a basis for action. This
particular variety of reform is almost wholly a product of late 19th and
early 20th century pragmatism, and Wisconsin has made it very much its
own. It is a self-generated, self-imposed, adaptative type of reform which
reflects the era in which it received its shape and purpose. I shall speak at
greater length of this later.
Thus far I have tried to do two things: to establish Wisconsin’s identity
within its historical and regional context; and to indicate the board contours
of its style. It is only by thus sketching the contexture of Wisconsin’s search
for the “good life” that some estimate of that search is understandable. At
tnis point the possibilities of further exploration are limitless; we could talk
about Wisconsin’s achievements in law, or science, or the arts, of communi¬
cations, or conservation, and almost any field of endeavor in which its con¬
tributions have been distinguished. However, I do not want to have this
paper turn into a catalogue of names and achievements. I hope to be analy¬
tical, rather than descriptive, and I should therefore like to restrict my re¬
marks to areas in which it seems to me Wisconsin’s contributions to “the good
life” have been sui generis, areas in which we can say, with some accuracy,
“This is what Wisconsin, as compared to other states, has done.”
I should like to explore, then, Wisconsin’s contributions to the “good
life” in the socio-economic field, in politics, and in education. These are
fields in which, I believe, it can be said that Wisconsin has evolved a style
of its own— -fields which, in a sense, are inseparable, for in Wisconsin the
educational, political, and socio-economic have been traditionally bound
together.
Wisconsin has, for the most part, faced its social and economic prob¬
lems with an attitude characterized by its own brand of pragmatic idealism.
The state has always been ready to experiment, if we read its history right
— ready to adapt, ready to pioneer. It has always focused its institutional aims
on the single goal of producing a good life for its citizens. Wisconsin will be
a success, the senior LaFollette once remarked,®
if it can be shown that Wisconsin is a happier state to live in, that its
institutions are more democratic, that the opportunities of all its people
■'^Thomas McAvoy, ed. The Midwest: Myth or Reality? (Notre Dame, 1961), pp. 53-75,
has a discussion of this attitude in the Midwest.
®Larry Gara, A Short History of Wisconsin, (Madison, 1962), p, 202.
Wisconsins Contribution to Humanitarianism
5
are more equal, that social justice more nearly prevails, (and) that human
life is safer and sweeter.
This is a simple aim, but it is one which has provided the state with tremen¬
dous motive power in the field of legislation, long before LaFollette expressed
it so neatly in 1909. What has been necessary to do, whatever group in
power has usually done — and as a result, Wisconsin has pioneered in social
and economic legislation in a way few other states have, and has provided
models for those whose aims are the same but whose practical attainments
less. One could make a long list of these here, either the first of their kind,
or of such priority as to have influenced others to follow — ^pensions for the
blind and dependent children (1907, 1913, 1919); hour and wage regula¬
tions (1909); female and child labor laws (1911); workman’s compensa¬
tion (1911); the apprenticeship law (1911); minimum wage laws (1913);
unemployment compensation (1932); and many more. These are all mani¬
festations, I think, of a principle traditionally associated with Wisconsin,
that of dehberately using the legislative process to change and adjust the
social and economic status.
The simplest way of illustrating Wisconsin’s distinctive attitude toward
its socio-economic problems is to list, as I have done, some of those laws
which have in some way contributed to solutions. However, I should like to
use two more specific examples of this principle of which I have spoken —
of employing statutory means to accomplish social ends — which in my opinion
are characteristic. These are the development of the cooperative system, and
the organization and contributions of the Dairymen’s Association, both of
them typically Wisconsinian methods of approaching certain complicated
socio-economic problems. They both represent good examples of Wisconsin’s
way of translating its aim at the good life into practical results through
political and legislative means. I do not choose these two instances at random.
I choose them to illustrate how it seems to me Wisconsin met two major
challenges of the late 19th and early 20th centuries in its own style- — that
is, the challenge of change relationships among producer, marketer, and con¬
sumer arising from the economic shifts of the post-Civil War era; and the
challenge of economic dislocation and disruption, brought on by the exhaustion
of Wisconsin’s natural resources and the opening of new lands to the west.
All the Eastern states faced these challenges, of course, some successfully and
some less so. How Wisconsin did is illustration of the State’s own distinctive
way of handling those problems which bore directly on its hopes for ''the good
life.”
The history of the cooperative movement in Wisconsin has been treated
in detail elsewhere and I have no need to repeat it here. What I wish to
point out is that the cooperative, as Wisconsin used it, is a visible example
of the kind of pinpointed reform that characterized the Wisconsin tradition.
The first cooperative actually existed in Jefferson County in 1841, two years
before the Rochdale weavers began their experiment in England. Throughout
the latter half of the 19th century the Grange and other farm groups devel¬
oped the cooperative principle with varying degrees of success. The Wiscon¬
sin legislature in 1887 even passed a law (later repealed, but the first of its
kind) to assist the growth of cooperative societies. After 1900 the Society of
Equity, and the Right Relationship League, with the assistance of leaders
6
Russel B. Nye
such as Charles McCarthy and Judge Dan Mahoney, succeeded in estab¬
lishing the cooperative enterprise as a legitimately acceptable economic pat¬
tern, leading to the laws of 1911 providing for their incorporation as normal
business ventures/ The history of the cooperative in Wisconsin is a good
example of the highly pragmatic nature of Wisconsin’s response to one of the
major developments of the modern marketing world. It was a rationally-
planned way, characteristic of such ventures in Wisconsin, of trying to get
at the roots of those issues which affected the interests of producer, con¬
sumer, and marketer.
My choice of a second example may seem curious, but I believe it is
descriptive and valid — the Wisconsin Dairymen’s Association. By the 1870’s
Wisconsin’s chief resource, its lumber, was almost gone, its wheatlands out¬
produced by the superior lands to the West, its cutover lands unadapted for
farming, its mines depleted and unable to compete with those of the West.
Wisconsin’s economy was on the downgrade; a relatively simple agricultural
economy, it did not have the means or the resources or the population to begin
a transition to industrialism. The Wisconsin Dairymen’s Association, formed
in 1872, provides the only illustration I know of an organization which
shifted the entire agricultural economy of a state from one base to another in
a deliberately planned and promoted move.® William Dempster Hoard, Chester
Hazen, and others determined to turn the state’s economy from multipurpose
farming toward dairying and livestock, and the Wisconsin Dairymen’s Asso¬
ciation became the chief instrument of the change. This meant introducing
a number of new ideas into agriculture — the concept of specialization and
industrialization, of agriculture as an economic science, of handling an agri¬
cultural product in an industrial manner. As a result, Wisconsin produced
the first example of the modern farmer who is really an agricultural business
specialist, different from the wheat farmer and the rancher. This shift to a
dairy-based economy involved the adoption of whole new sets of agricul¬
tural techniques, the establishment of quality controls, of radically different
marketing and production methods, and of productive and processing re¬
search. The dairy industry’s close relations with the University Agricultural
School, and its ready acceptance of new technological aids such as the silo
and the separator. Henry’s research in cattle feeding, the Babcock tester, and
the work of Steenbock mai'ked the successful completion of an agricultural
revolution in which Wisconsin was foremost. From 1880 to 1920, when Ameri¬
can agriculture was in deep ti'ouble, Wisconsin’s farm population was rela¬
tively stable and even prosperous. The interesting thing is, to me, that in
the process of change there was a minimum of resistance offered by the ’
agricultural population, traditionally conservative and resistant to change.
The answer in Wisconsin was never to ‘"raise less corn and more hell,” as in ;
Kansas, but to make practical adaptations of means to an end, through asso¬
ciation and planning and execution.
’See H. R. Austin, The Wisconsin Story (Milwaukee, 1964), 230 ff.; William Kirsch,
“Cooperative Marketing in Wisconsin,” Blue Book (1931); and Harold R. Groves, “Consumer i
Cooperation in Wisconsin,” Blue Book (1937). M. E. McIntosh, “Cooperative Communities in
Wisconsin,” Proceedings of the Historical Society of Wisconsin (1903) pp. 99-117, deals with
early experiments in the state. The Wisconsin Association of Cooperatives, founded in 1944, in
1962 listed in Wisconsin 2095 organizations classified as cooperative in principle.
®For good general accounts, see Gara, op. cit., pp. 151—3; and William F. Raney, Wis¬
consin: A Story of Progress (New York, 1940) pp. 228-31.
Wisconsin s Contribution to Humanitarianism
7
These two examples seem to me representative Wisconsin responses to
the socio-economic challenges confronting the establishment of “the good
life” in times of change, and excellent evidence of the practicality and flexi¬
bility which have long characterized the state’s approach to that “good life.”
Whatever that good life, however, it must be lived within a political
system, and the shape and quality of government determine what that life
will be and how it is attained. Wisconsin’s political past reflects its position
within the Midwest, lying between the eastern bloc of industialized states
(Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois) and the more agriculturalized western
bloc of Iowa, Minnesota, and the Dakotas. Wisconsin partakes historically
of the characteristics of both, and has been subjected to those two great
forces of modern America, industry and agriculture, in a mixture and manner
unlike that of any other state in the region. One of the great questions of
the late 19th century concerned the political balance between the private
interests of industry and the public interests, and the proper role that gov¬
ernment should play in establishing and maintaining that balance. Was gov¬
ernment to be considered a positive force in arranging the new relationships
among the elements of a rapidly-industrializing society? Or was government
to be an interested bystander, participating in the clash of forces only when
invited, or at the extremity of conflict? Or, the most crucial question of all,
could a people with their government as the agency, regulate themselves in
such a manner as to save that freedom, without endangering it in the process?
These were the major political questions of the late nineteenth century dec¬
ades, and ones which concerned Wisconsin quite directly.
The Constitution of 1848, a loose, permissive, typically Jacksonian docu¬
ment, granted the government of the new state few positive powers. Yet after
the Civil War, as the issue of strong versus weak government was gradually
joined, Wisconsin moved farther and farther away from this posture, toward
stronger controls. The battles with the railroads during the midcentury years
focussed on a slowly emerging principle — that government had both a right
and a duty to intervene in private life for the public interest. The Potter
Law of 1873 was a pioneer attempt to justify government regulation, and
despite its early repeal it represented a type of decision on the issue that
would reappear more than once in the future. The law was the first recog¬
nition, as Justice Ryan called it, of the necessity of public control of those
“new aggregations of capital and power” with which that era, and all sub¬
sequent ones, would have to deal.”
The railroad problem was only one specific issue on which a decision
was made. During the seventies and the eighties Wisconsin’s government
entered other areas of social control by assuming increasing responsibilities for
public health, conservation, agricultural research and development, educa¬
tion, and industrial regulation. The State Board of Health and Vital Statistics,
established in 1876, was followed by the appointment of boards of medical,
dental, and pharmaceutical examiners, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and
®For discussion of the importance of the principle implied in the Potter law, see Raney,
op, cit., pp. 248—250, and M .M. Quaife, Wisconsin (4 vols., Chicago, 1924) III: The Wisconsin
Supreme Court’s decision, upholding the constitutionality of the Potter law, preceded by two
years the famous Federal Supreme Court’s decision on Munn v. Illinois, the case generally
assumed to has established the right of regulation.
8
Russel B. N ye
the Insurance Commission. All of these, which were essentially experiments
in the extension of state authority over sensitive areas of public interest, were
accepted in Wisconsin before 1890. At a time when there was real doubt
whether or not the states could competently handle the crises created by
industrialization, urbanization, clashing class interests, and an exploding popu¬
lation, Wisconsin had already begun to define the nature, extent, and con¬
trol of state regulation, and to explore the ramifications of the use of the
government as a positive instrument for social and economic adjustment.
Wisconsin’s progressive movement of the post 1900 decades did not spring
up from nowhere; it had deep roots in the regulatory and social legislation
of the seventies and eighties and nineties, where Wisconsin had already es¬
tablished a tentative leadership. Wisconsin, long before 1900, had assumed
that the state, working through the political process, had a primary function
in humanitarian reform and a real responsibility for the encouragement of
conditions for “the good life.”
The fruition of all these trends, of course, came in the era of Wisconsin
politics labelled as the “progressive” years, gathered together in the loose
body of principles referred to by Charles McCarthy as “the Wisconsin Idea.”
This was, and still is in a number of ways, Wisconsin’s chief political con¬
tribution to the “good life,” — an attitude, a state of mind perhaps, rather
than a set of precise principles. Two books which appeared in 1912, Mc¬
Carthy’s Wisconsin Idea and Frederic C. Howe’s Wisconsin: Experiment in
Democracy, summarized and explained it better than any have since. There
is no need here to repeat the story of Wisconsin’s “progressive years” after
the turn of the century, since it is well known and I have given my version
of it elsewhere.^" But suffice it to say that The Wisconsin Idea was a pro¬
gram and a theory. The program, effectuated between 1900 and 1914, was
built about a three-pronged pattern of legislation. To insure and enlarge the
functions of representative government, the state had a direct primary, an
initiative and referendum law, a corrupt practices act, a law controlling cam¬
paign expenditures, a civil service law, and an anti-lobbying law. To protect
the citizen against organized economic power it set up transportation, indus¬
trial, and public utility commissions; it had a tax commission, an income tax,
an inheritance tax, regulatory laws for insm'anee and banking, and a fair-trade
act. To insure public safety and welfare it had ehild and female labor laws,
industrial safety laws, public health and pure food laws. The Wisconsin Idea
was also a theory — ^that state government should be representative, respon¬
sible, and responsive to public need, and that most of all, government should
serve as an active and efficient implement of social progress.
The key principle which lay behind the theory and the program, as The
Wisconsin Idea took shape, was regulation, whether the issue was an equitable
distribution of the tax burden, or the protection of health, or the maintenance
of economic competition, or a guarantee of honest government. In essence
the Wisconsin Idea assumed that government had an obligation to control
and conduct public affairs in such a manner as to promote the wellbeing of
'^®In Midtoestern Progressive Politics, op. cit., pjj. 215—22. Two useful articles concerning
specific reforms in Wisconsin are George M. Keith, “Development of the Wisconsin Pension
Program,” Blue Book (1940) pp. 129-43; and William Haines, “Fifty Years of Civil Service,”
Wisconsin Magazine of History 39 (Autumn, 1955), pp. 30-38.
Wisconsin’s Contribution to Humanitarianism
9
its citizens— that ''good life” of which we speak— or, in the words of Richard
T. Ely, it assumed that the state is "an agency whose positive assistance is
one of the indispensable conditions of human progress.” The best contempor¬
ary estimate that I have found of The Wisconsin Idea is that of a travelling
British journalist, C. P. Ibert, who in 1913 visited Madison, took careful
notes about what he saw, and later lectured on his experiences to the London
School of Economics. The Wisconsin Idea, he said,"^
is not afraid of government. It does not regard the Government as an
enemy ... It believes that the Government has important duties to
perform, and should have extensive powers for the performance of those
duties. Nor is it afraid of experts. It uses them freely and believes in
their utility. But it is intensely democratic. It believes that the Govern¬
ment should be controlled by the people, and should be used by the
people, not only for defence of their rights, but also for the supply of
their needs.
This remains, I believe, Wisconsin’s great political contribution to the
"good life.” Wisconsin was first to declare, test, and approve the expanded,
positive, role of government which has since become the significant single
operative principle of twentieth century political life. Theodore Roosevelt
spoke prophetically in 1911 when, after visiting Wisconsin, he wrote
We must look to Wisconsin when we desire to try to solve the great
social and industrial problems of the present and future, for Wisconsin
shows the way along which we Americans must make our civic and
industrial advances during the next few decades.
By 1914 Wisconsin then had already drawn the shape of twentieth-
century social politics to come; in it one may find the seeds of Theodore
Roosevelt’s Square Deal, Wilson’s New Freedom, Franklin Roosevelt’s New
Deal, and the essentials of the Great Society.^® What the Wisconsin Idea did,
at bottom, was to assume the positive responsibilities of government, and
to translate that acknowledgment into legislation.
I have spoken thus far of contributions to "the good life” in two areas
— socio-economic and political life — -in which it seems to me a claim may
be made for Wisconsin’s priority. I should like now to turn to a third, the
field of education, for it seems to me that this institution at which we meet
tonight^ — the University of Wisconsin^ — has had particular importance in Wis¬
consin’s development.
American higher education, in the years after the Civil War, was being
redefined. The changed country that emerged from that war, needed changed
^^“The Wisconsin Idea,” Living Age 281 (May 2, 1914), p. 289.
'^Outlook 98 (May 27, 1911), p. 144. Roosevelt, it should be noted, later wrote an
introduction for Charles McCarthy’s book, calling Wisconsin “a laboratory for wise experimental
legislation aiming to secure the social and political betterment of the people as a whole.”
^®For a discussion of this relationship, see Nye, ap. cit., pp. 247-'51, 262—93, and
360^82; an interesting article by a participant is Arthur J. Altmeyer, “The Wisconsin Idea and
Social Security,” Wisconsin Magazine of History 42 (Autumn, 1948) pp. 19—25. It was not
mere happenstance that Edwin E. Witte, McCarthy’s successor as director of the Wisconsin
Legislative Reference Library and member of the University of Wisconsin faculty, was execu¬
tive director of the Committee on Economic Security under Roosevelt, whose report became the
basis for the Social Security Act of 1935.
10
Russel B. Nye
educational aims and institutions. The American society, economy, and per¬
sonality were never the same again after 1865, and the old pre-war colleges
and universities were not, to be frank about it, equipped to deal with the
new America and its needs. Garfield’s remark about the ideal college being
Mark Hopkins on one end of a log and a student on the other was a good
example of why they were not; Garfield’s ideal of education did not fit the
new nation, and was not at all what it needed, no matter how admiringly
it has been quoted since. Ghange was in the air in education- — in the move¬
ment for scientific and technological education, in the movement for gradu¬
ate work and advanced scholarship, in the movement away from the rigidities
of the old classical curriculum toward the pragmatics of the elective system
(which even conservative Harvard pioneered); in the movement toward
democratizing education, toward recognizing individual differences and needs,
and opening higher education to the middle and even the lower classes,
The kind of educational institution Garfield described had very little role to
play in accomplishing any of these things.
The point was, and it was apparent by the 1850’s, that the new industrial-
agrarian society that was taking shape, needed new training and new educa¬
tion. The key to the future lay in the Land Grant Gollege Act of 1862, the
famed Morrill Act, first introduced in 1857,^^ which furnished a vague but
understandable educational philosophy for a new kind of institution. It was
this act which first gave some kind of meaning and purpose to the state uni¬
versities recently created in the Midwestern States, and which soon became
the new agencies of instruction that society required. By 1880 it was clear
that the old colleges and the private universities could not longer speak for
American higher education, set its standards, enunciate its goals, or monopo¬
lize the resources available to education. The Morrill Act was a long step
toward making higher education a state and federal responsibility.
The American state university, a unique institution among all institutions
of higher learning in the world, was defined and formed in the Midwest.
There were a number of reasons for this. First, the state university had to I
cope with numbers. These states grew with tremendous rapidity, and the !
state universities were the only educational institutions whose responsibility [
it was to provide higher education for a rocketing population. Second, the '
state university had to meet the practical demands of late 19th century so- ■
ciety, to make technical, vocational, and scientific education legitimate. Third,
it had to provide economic, judicial, political, scientific, and intellectual lead- j
ership for a new American society — the society of Twain and Rockefeller
and Bryan and Theodore Roosevelt — leadership that did not come from !
either end of Mark Hopkins’ log or Harvard Yard. When President Andrew |
White of Gornell in 1870 wanted a botanist for his faculty, neither Harvard '
nor Yale could supply one who could qualify as a scientist. White remarked, .
“These colleges make lawyers and dilettanti,” of which neither he nor society |
^^See Frederick Rudolph, The American College and University, (New York, 1963), j
Chapter 13, for an extended discussion of this period in higher education. i
'’^’For a complete analysis of the effect of the Morrill Act, see E. D. Eddy, Jr., Colleges '
for Our Land and Time: The Land Grant Idea in American Education, (New York, 1957), j
!
Wisconsins Contribution to Humanitarianism
11
needed an additional supply."’ Fourth, the state university had to serve also
the traditional university function of transmitting knowledge, culture, and
enrichment to the next generation, as the old colleges had, and as universi¬
ties had done since the middle ages.^'
To summarize, the state university, as it developed in the later 19th
century, brought higher education into the mainstream of American experi¬
ence, and made the university an agency of public service. The university
was assumed to bear a close relationship to society, and to have a major func¬
tion in the operation of that society. A committee of the Wisconsin legislature,
speaking as early as 1858 of the University of Wisconsin, stated it very clearly.
It declared that the university ''shall primarily be adapted to popular needs
. . , shall aid them (the people) in securing to themselves and their posterity,
such educational advantages as shall fit them for their pursuits in life, and
which by an infusion of intelligence of power, shall elevate these pursuits to
a dignity commensurate with their value.
The Midwestern state universities which developed in this period out
of this underlying philosophy soon assumed central roles in the lives of their
states. They had to find out, from experiment and discussion, exactly what
their role was and how they were to play it in a changing, complex society.
In varying degrees these universities shaped and assumed certain identities
and functions, but none with greater success than the University of Wiscon¬
sin. The concept of the American state university, developed here on this
campus, seems to me one of Wisconsin’s great contributions to "the good
life.” As the "Wisconsin Idea” in government made the state a laboratory for
progressive legislation, so the "Wisconsin Idea” in education made this uni¬
versity the prototype of the new higher education. Richard T. Ely, who was
political reformer as well as teacher, defined the university in 1894 as "the
fourth department of the state, along with the judicial, executive, and legis¬
lative branches,” a statement which while perhaps exaggerated, was not
inaccurate.^^
The idea of the Midwestern State university, of which Wisconsin became
the primary example, derived from two beliefs: that the application of in¬
formed intelligence, drawn from the university and from an informed elec¬
torate, could be profitably applied to problems of modem society, and that
higher education should be a mass, rather than a class, experience. Curiously
enough, there were two conflicting principles implied within these beliefs,
which the state universities have somehow managed to reconcile — the idea
that the expert, the educated elite, have a special function and responsibility
in affairs of state; and the idea that the university has a special obligation to
popular education beyond any elite. The one reflects the Jeffersonian empha-
i sis on learning and excellence; the other the Jacksonian emphasis on practical,
I mass education. The university is expected to serve both class and mass, and
} somehow does, not always without strain. But these two contrasting concepts
I i^Rudolph, op. cit., p. 246.
5 aTFor an extended discussion of the state universities as they developed in these years,
see Rudolph, op. cit., chapter 12.
isyernon Carstensen, “The Origin and Early Development of the Wisconsin Idea,”
Wisconsin Magazine of History 39 (Spring, 1956), p. 182.
; ’‘^Austin, op. cit., p. 282.
12
Russel B. Nye
of education have combined within a state university, such as Wisconsin’s,
to become the greatest single force of economic and social mobility in Ameri¬
can society.
The University of Wisconsin, under four strong presidents, provided the
model for the state university idea as it developed into the unique educa¬
tional institution it now is, John Bascom (1874-1887), a powerful scholar
and teacher, was a liberal (some thought radical) political and social thinker
who believed that the university must become engaged with and involved in
the issues of the day. He favored income taxes and monopoly laws, prohibi¬
tion, woman suffrage and coeducation, among other things, and in his day
the fledgling institution in Madison was no ivory tower. Thomas Chamber-
lain (1887-1892), a scientist of note, was among the first of the major state
university presidents to recognize the urgent need for scientific and tech¬
nological education, imparting to Wisconsin the sti'ong scientific tradition it
still holds. It was “a function of the university,” Chamberlain said in 1889,
“to seek a universal educational influence in the community tributary to it,”
and he urged his faculty to “offer all the aid . . . consistent with their duties
... to educate the people in any industry or calling or in general culture
or in any useful line . . .” Chamberlain, of course, created the School of
Economics, Political Science, and History, which probably had more direct
influence on the society of its era than any other academic grouping before
or since. Charles Kendall Adams (1897-1902) maintained and amplified
the tradition of service firmly established by his predecessors. Adams’ adminis¬
tration saw the famous Ely case involving academic freedom, which estab¬
lished an educational precedent of great importance It saw too the establish¬
ment of the so-called “Wisconsin school” of institutional economics which
tiansformed it from the legendary “dismal science” into what Charles Mc¬
Carthy later called “a science by means of which order, morality, and states¬
manship could live.”
The University of Wisconsin, well before 1900, had established itself as
a model for university participation in the life of the state. The College of
Agriculture, founded in 1889, under William A. Henry, with the work of
Henry, Babcock, Hart, Steenbock, and others, added millions of actual cash
value to the state’s economy. The School of Economics trained administra¬
tors and specialists as well as economists, we must remember, and men from
its staff of the caliber of Sparling, Reinsch, Raymond, Scott, Jones, and i
Commons were in a sense consulting engineers to the state. The addition of
the Short Course in 1885, and of Extension Courses in 1891 (fifty courses,
from landscape gardening to Scandinavian literature, Chamberlain noted in i
his first report) offered additional evidence of how the university applied its
ideal of public service to social needs.
The University of Wisconsin evolved its permanent and present pattern
during the era of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, when, between
1900 and 1914, it was most directly concerned with the large body of pioneer- '
ing legislation passed by the Legislature during those years. The progressive
political thinkers of that period saw in the university that combination of
2®For studies of this case and its ramifications, see Theodore Herfuth, Shifting and ;
Winnowing: A Chapter in the History of Academic Freedom at the University of Wisconsin, i
(Madison, 1949); and Walter Metzger, Academic Freedom in the Age of the University, (New
York, 1961).
Wisconsins Contribution to Humanitarianism
13
education and public service that they held as their ideal, and President
Charles Van Hise (1903-1918) was exactly the kind of university president
who could promote it. Van Rise's inaugural address of 1903 remains, I be¬
lieve, the classic statement of the Progressive Era’s concept of public univer¬
sity education; it could be repeated today by any state university president
without changing more than a phrase or two, without losing a trifle of
relevance.^^ Its theme throughout is service to the state, equality of educa¬
tional opportunity, the duty of a university to serve and to lead. The univer¬
sity, wrote Van Hise, is to be creative and practical, vocational and visionary.
“I shall never be content,” he said later, “until the beneficent influence of the
university reaches every family in the state.” What Van Hise said coincided
exactly with the prevailing Progressive idea of education. Robert LaFollette
had long believed it imperative, he wrote in his Autobiography, “to bring
all the reserve of knowledge and inspiration of a university more fully to the
service of the people,” and as if in reply to Van Rise’s address, he wrote
that “the State welcomes the ever-increasing tendency to make the univer¬
sity minister in a direct and practical way to the material interests of the
state.”^^
It was this intimate, energized union between university and state, be¬
tween academic and practical studies, which attracted nationwide attention to
Wisconsin, and which made the University a nationally-known pattern for
institutions of its kind. Journalists came to report on it — men such as Lincoln
Steffens and William Hard — and visitors came in a constant stream to observe
its policies in action.^ Professor C. P. Ibert of London School of Economics,
who discussed the educational philosophy of the University at some length
with both McCarthy and Commons, gave it one of the best summaries I have
found. He wrote
The university, as a creature of the State and a partner of the State,
should, so far as is consistent with her purpose, scope and functions,
endeavor to meet and supply the proper needs of the State. But she
must have liberty to interpret those needs herself, and should endeavor
to interpret them in a comprehensive and lofty sense.
The story of how it worked, of the influence of the University of Wis¬
consin on governmental policy and of the coordination of research with the
economic and social needs of the state has been well told elsewhere.^ The
important thing is that it did work, and that this concept of public higher
education, developed in the Midwest and particularly exemplified by Wis¬
consin, provided the basic pattern for the twentieth-century American state
-^Lawrence Cremin, The Transformation of the School, (New York, 1961), p, 161 flF. has
a good analysis of Van Hise’s importance as educator.
^^LaFollette, Autobiography, (Madison, 1912), pp. 26-7; Merle Curi and Vernon Car-
stensen. The University of Wisconsin: A History, (Madison, 1949), 11:90.
^William Hard, “A University in Public Life,” Outlook 86 (July 27, 1907) pp. 659-67;
Lincoln Steffens, ‘‘Sending a State to College,” American Magazine 67 (February, 1909) pp.
346-64. D. Y. Thomas, who reported on the University in The Dial 53 (September, 1912), p.
135, found seven faculty members serving officially with both university and state government;
twenty-three serving the state unofficially; thirteen serving as consultants to state bureaus; and
four state officers serving on the university staff.
^Living Age, (May 2, 1914), p. 291.
^'’Especially by Curti and Carstensen, op cit., volume II, for the relevant years.
14
Russel B. Nye
university. President Harrington not long ago remarked, as others have before
him, of the fact that although “there are at least twenty universities with
more money, with bigger physical plants, with more substantial states in
terms of economic wealth behind them, and yet, somehow or other, this
university has become one of the great universities of the nation and the
world, The educational philosophy worked out over the past three quarters
of a century by the University, and to which it adheres still today, helps to
explain that “somehow or other.” I should maintain that this concept of higher
education which Wisconsin exemplifies remains not only a major contribu¬
tion to the “good life” of which we speak, but one of American society’s
chief tools for forging a better future.
I have spoken here for a long time, and I have left much undone. To
find, in an hour, the temperament of a state’s society, to attempt to define
the configurations of its culture and the quality of its style, to sketch some¬
thing of its pursuit of the “good life” — this is a task too large for any speaker,
or for that matter for any conference, to fulfill. But I hope that I have pro¬
vided a broad backdrop for the papers which follow, and which concern
themselves with more specific aspects of Wisconsin’s social, economic, politi¬
cal, and cultural development. I hope that as well I may have caught some¬
thing of that elusive quality, that vague but real essence of what we sense,
without quite being able to name it, that is Wisconsin. This is, I think, the
heart of the matter — that Wisconsin’s contribution to humanitarianism and
the good life perhaps has been more than anything else an attitude, a state
of mind, a projection of a personality and a style.
^Austin, op. cit., p. 457.
LANDMARK DECISIONS OF THE WISCONSIN SUPREME COURT
George R. Currie
We are all acutely aware of the tremendous impact made upon the law
of this nation and the lives of its people by decisions of the United States
Supreme Court. By comparison they tend to dwarf the importance of deci¬
sions of the highest courts of the various states. Neverthless, decisions of
the latter courts do play a significant part in the development of the law and
the lives of our people. It is the objective of this paper to discuss some of
the decisions of the Wisconsin Supreme Court that fall in that category.
Attorney General ex rel. Bashford v. Barstow
No case coming before the Wisconsin Supreme Court drew more public
attention than that of the Attorney General ex rel. Bashford v. Barstow^ which
grew out of a bitterly contested election for governor in 1855. In those years
state officers were elected in the odd numbered years in contrast to our pres¬
ent method of conducting such elections in the even numbered years.
William A. Barstow, Democrat, had been elected in the 1853 election.
The following year the new Republican party had been born and in 1855
it put up a slate of candidates for state officers headed by Coles Bashford of
Oshkosh for governor. Barstow sought re-election on the Democratic ticket.
Barstow’s term as governor had been a stormy one and one faction of his
own party had accused him of dishonesty and corruption. After the election
on November 6th both Barstow and Bashford claimed to have been elected.
On December 17th, the state board of canvassers met to canvass the vote.
This board was composed of the secretary of state, attorney general, and state
treasurer, all Democrats. The board declared Barstow elected by a vote of
36,355 to 36,198 or a plurality of 157. The Republicans at once cried ‘Traud.”
Barstow was inaugurated governor on January 7, 1856, but Bashford
also took the oath of office as governor on the same day. In the meantime
Bashford had employed four of the leading lawyers of the state including
Edward G. Ryan, Timothy O. Howe, and Alexander W. Randall. Ryan was
destined to be Chief Justice of the state Supreme Court, Howe United States
senator, and Randall governor. They investigated the facts and found not
only had there been falsification of the votes in favor of Barstow in Chippewa
and Waupaca counties but votes had been reported and included in the
canvass for three non-existent precincts; one each in Chippewa, Dunn and
Polk counties.
An action in quo warranto was instituted in the Supreme Court by the
attorney general which charged that Bashford had been elected governor,
that Barstow had usurped the office, and asking for the ouster of Barstow.
Bashford’s lawyers also appeared in the action as did those of Barstow. Two
of Barstow’s lawyers were future United States Senator Matt. H. Carpenter
qi856), 4 Wis. 567.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
15
16
George R. Currie
and future Chief Justice Harlow S. Orton. Barstow’s lawyers moved to dis¬
miss on the theory that to permit the Supreme Court to determine who was
governor would destroy the independence of one of the three co-ordinate
branches of government and subordinate the governorship to the control
and domination of the Court.
When this position was rejected by the Court, Barstow’s lawyers handed
the Court a communication from Barstow and withdrew from the case. In
his communication Barstow challenged the constitutional right of the Court
to proceed and concluded with this statement, “I shall deem it my imperative
duty to repel with all the force vested in this department any infringement
upon the rights and powers which I exercise under the constitution.” Barstow
backed up his threat by storing a quantity of arms in the Capitol.
The Court was not to be daunted by this threat of force and proceeded
to eventually take testimony and decide that Bashford had been elected and
Barstow was to be ousted. Particularly noteworthy is this statement appear¬
ing in the concurring opinion of Justice COLE;
This is not only a popular government, but it is a representative
government — one where the officers are but the agents, and not the
rulers, of the people; one where no man is so high as to be above the
constitution, and no one so low as to be beneath its protection.
Three days before the Court’s final decision was announced on March
24, 1856, Barstow resigned and was succeeded temporarily by Lieutenant
Covernor McArthur, grandfather of General Douglas McArthur. McArthur
in time yielded the office to Bashford. Thus passed a crisis in our state’s his¬
tory that well could have erupted into bloodshed.
The case of Attorney General ex rel. Bashford v. Barstow established
once and for all that not even the governor was above the law and that the
Wisconsin Supreme Court had the jurisdiction and power to enforce the
laws and state constitution against even the highest officer in the state.
Attorney General v. Railroad Companies
By 1873, the day of the little railroad of a hundred miles or more in
length was gone. Two large railroad corporations were then operating in
Wisconsin, the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul, and the Chicago and
Northwestern. They had been granted generous charters which clothed them
with full power to regulate freight rates and passenger fares as they chose.
Charges of discrimination and exorbitant rates were frequently leveled
against the railroad companies. One vocifierous group making such attacks
was the Patrons of Husbandry, a national organization of farmers called the
“Grangers” which achieved considerable political power in the West.
In 1873, the Democrats elected William R. Taylor, governor of Wis¬
consin, thus breaking many years of Republican rule. The legislature then
enacted an act known as the “Potter Law” fixing maximum freight rates
and passenger fares, and providing penalties for disobedience. It also created
a railroad commission composed of three members and gave the commission
power to investigate into the actual cost of the railroads, their gross and net
receipts and indebtedness, and to reduce freight rates when it could be
Landmark Decisions of the Wisconsin Supreme Court
17
done without injury to the railroads. The law went into effect in April, 1874,
but was disregarded by the railroad companies. They took the position that
their charters, which gave them power to fix rates as they chose, constituted
inviolable contracts, and that the Potter Law was unconstitutional. Attorney
General Sloan then commenced original proceedings in the Wisconsin Supreme
Court for writs of injunction to restrain both the Chicago, Milwaukee and
St. Paul and the Northwestern from charging greater rates and fares than
fixed by the Act.
Some of the leading lawyers of the state, together with two from Chicago
participated in the arguing of these cases, the arguments consuming nearly
a week. Part of these arguments and the opinion of the Court which followed
had to do with the original jurisdiction of the Court as well as the constitu¬
tional issue. The opinion was written by Chief Justice EDWARD G. RYAN,
who had only recently come onto the Court by appointment of Governor
Taylor. It is probably Ryan’s greatest opinion.
The opinion held that the Potter Law did not impair the obligation of
any contract because of the power reserved to the state in the Wisconsin
constitution to alter corporate charters and franchises. Neither did the Act
confiscate the property of the railroad companies. On this latter point Ryan
stated:
It was repeated, with a singular confusion of ideas and a singular
perversion of terms, that the provisions of the chapter amount to an act
of confiscation; a well defined term in the law, signifying the appropria¬
tion, by the state, to itself, for its own use, as upon forfeiture, of the
whole thing confiscated. It was denounced as an act of communism. We
thank God that communism is a foreign abomination, without recogni¬
tion or sympathy here. The people of Wisconsin are too intelligent, too
staid, too just, too busy, too prosperous, for any such horror of doctrine;
for any leaning towards confiscation or communism .... Such objec¬
tions do not rise to the dignity of argument .... They were not worthy
of the able and learned counsel who repeated them, and are hardly
worthy even of this notice in a judicial opinion.
This decision by the Wisconsin Supreme Court preceded by two years
the landmark decision of the United States Supreme Court in Munn v. Illinois,'
wherein an Illinois law regulating the rates which public grain elevators
might charge was held constitutional. While over the years rate regulation
of railroads has for many years been taken over by the federal government
under its power to regulate interstate commerce, many utility rates are sub¬
ject to state regulation. Although Attorney General v. Railroads did not spell
out the guide lines which determine whether a particular rate violates the
state and federal constitutions, it established the board precedent that rate
regulation in itself is a constitutional exercise of state power.
State ex rel. Wisconsin Inspection Bureau v.
Whitman, Insurance Commissioner
One of the most significant developments in recent times has been the
tremendous part which administrative agencies have come to play in the
2(1876), 94 U. S. 113.
t
18
George R. Currie
daily lives of our citizens. We now take it for granted that, in a complex
modern society such as ours, effective government at the state and national
level could not function without administrative agencies. However, in years
past courts often took a hostile attitude to this development in our law. They
were troubled by the concept upon which our national and state govern¬
ments were founded of the three separate, independent branches of govern¬
ment, viz., the legislative, executive, and judicial departments. The courts
found it difficult to conceive how it was lawful to create administrative
agencies and clothe them with legislative and decision-making power. Statutes
conferring powers upon administrative agencies were struck down as un¬
constitutional on the ground that the legislature had attempted to delegate
legislative power to an administrative agency appointed by the executive
branch of government.
When the courts of this past era did sustain a grant of legislative power
to an administrative agency they would resort to the fiction that the power
granted was that of making rules and regulations which fell short of the power
to legislate. One of the forward-looking decisions of the nation in the field
of administrative law was that of the Wisconsin Supreme Court in State ex
rel. Wisconsin Inspection Bureau v. Whitman, Insurance Commissioner,^ de¬
cided in 1928. The opinion was written by Justice (later Chief Justice)
ROSENBERRY. The case was concerned with the issue of whether a statute
was constitutional which conferred upon the commissioner of insurance the
power to disapprove rules and regulations of inspection bureaus operated by
fire insurance companies.
The opinion pointed out that the question of constitutionality arose
because of the concept of the separation of the three branches of government.
This paragraph of the opinion succinctly states the problem:
Beginning with the creation of the Interstate Commerce Com¬
mission, which in the beginning was little more than an extra-legislative
committee, there has been a development in our law brought about
chiefly by the creation of boards, bureaus, and commissions, which has
worked and is working a fundamental change. Not only are legislative
and judicial powers delegated, but they are exercised in combination,
and we not infrequently find powers belonging to the three coordinate :
branches of government combined in a single administrative agency. '
The change is fundamental because the law, at least in some of its
aspects, no longer emanates from the legislature, is no longer wholly
declared and enforced by the courts; and to the extent that this is true, |
we have departed from the fundamental principles upon which our poli- i
tical institutions rest. This has been the cause of much concern and is a ;
source of much diversity of opinion.
The court stressed that students of the law as weU as those in govern- I
ment agreed that there existed an overpowering necessity for a modification
of the doctrine of separation and non-delegation of powers of government, i
Therefore, the delegation of legislative power to the commissioner of insur¬
ance was not unconstitutional on the ground of separation or non-delegation |
8196 Wis. 472.
Landmark Decisions of the Wisconsin Supreme Court
19
of powers. The test to be applied in determining the validity of a delegation
of legislative power to an administrative agency was stated in this language:
The power to declare whether or not there shall be a law; to de¬
termine the general purpose or policy to be achieved by the law; to fix
the limits within which the law shall operate, — is a power which is
vested by our constitutions in the legislature and may not be delegated.
When, however, the legislature has laid down these fundamentals of a
law, it may delegate to administrative agencies the authority to exer¬
cise such legislative power as is necessary to carry into effect the general
legislative purpose . . .
As some reassurance to those who might be fearful that the freedoms
and liberty of our citizens would be jeopardized by clothing administrative
agencies with legislative power, the court pointed out that there existed
effective checks upon abuse of power by such agencies. First, the agency
must conform precisely to the statute creating the power. Second, the courts
will prevent the exercise of the power oppressively and unreasonably. Lastly,
the legislature may modify or withdraw the power granted.
Since this decision, the Wisconsin Supreme Court in passing on the
validity of a statute conferring power on an administrative agency has not
been troubled with the fact that legislative power has been so delegated.
Instead the Court examines the statute to see if the legislature has set a suffi¬
cient guide line by stating the general purpose or policy to be achieved. The
application of this policy has permitted our state and local administrative
agencies to effectively operate.
Cases Upholding Right of State to Finance Public
Buildings Through Dummy Corporations
Secs. 4 and 6, art. VIII, Wis. Const., limit the amount of state debt to
$100,000. Sec. 3 of this same article provides:
The credit of the state shall never be given, or loaned, in aid of
any individual, association or corporation.
In spite of these prohibitions the state in recent years has been able to
finance vast building projects running into millions of dollars such as state
buildings and buildings for the University’s two campuses and those of the
state universities (formerly state colleges). The device used is that of the
private building corporation commonly referred to as a ‘‘dummy” corpora¬
tion. The present capacity and stature of our public institutions of higher
learning would have been impossible from a practical standpoint if the cost
of all buildings had to be paid for out of current revenues. Likewise, our
mental and correctional institutions would be severely handicapped for lack
of needed facilities.
Therefore, it is doubtful if any opinions of the Wisconsin Supreme Court
have had more of an impact than those which have held constitutional the
private building corporation method of financing public buildings.
The steps in this method of financing are these: State-owned land is
leased to one of these building corporations. The building corporation then
20
George R. Currie
finances the construction of the building by issuing its own bonds. The build¬
ing when completed is leased to the state or some state agency for sufficient
rental to amortize and retire the bonds. After the bonds are paid, the lease
to the building corporation terminates.
At the present time there are four of these building corporations, viz,, the
Wisconsin State Building Corporation, the Wisconsin State Public Building
Corporation, the Wisconsin University Building Corporation, and the Wis¬
consin State College Building Coiporation. The latter two corporations only
finance self-liquidating buildings such as dormitories and no tax moneys are
involved. The first two receive their rentals out of state appropriations derived
from tax moneys. The personnel composing the boards of directors of these
building corporations are publie officers, employees and legislators, but the
corporations are non-profit and are incorporated under the general corpora¬
tion statutes. As of the end of 1963 the total indebtedness of all four was
$164,859,000, and it is considerably more than that now.
The first case which upheld the constitutionality of this method of
financing state buildings was Loomis v. Callahan,^ decided in 1928. The two
projects there involved were the furnishing of the Memorial Union and the
construction of the Field House on the University campus. The Court held
that, although the building corporation was a private coiporation, its under¬
takings under the lease to it were public, so that the lease was not invalid
on the ground that public property was being transferred for a private pur¬
pose. It was further held that no state indebtedness was incurred because the
debt was that of the building coiporation. A later ease, which involved a
somewhat similar method of financing, explained that an obligation on the
part of the state to pay future rent is not a debt within the meaning of the
debt prohibition of the constitution. There exists a sound historical basis for
this holding.
This significant statement was made by Mr. Justice OWEN, in the
opinion in Loomis v. Callahan, supra (at p. 524) :
It is of no legal consequence to say that the plan is a subterfuge
and devised for the mere purpose of circumvening the constitution.
That may be admitted without answering the question thus presented
one way or the other. In order to condemn the transaction it must be j
found that it creates a state debt within the meaning of the constitution, i
Even though any plan which places needed buildings at the disposal '
of the state may be said to circumvene the constitution, it does not offend ,
against the constitution unless the plan does give rise to a state debt |
within the meaning of the constitution. :
State ex rel. Wisconsin Development Authority v. Dammann,^ decided
by the Court in 1938, also played an important part in buttressing the con¬
stitutionality of the “dummy” corporation method of financing construction j
costs of state buildings. The Wisconsin Development Authority (“W. D. A.”)
had been incorporated by private individuals under the general corporation j
statutes. The legislature passed an act which outlined the duties of the corpor¬
ation and made an appropriation to it. j
n96 Wis. 518.
'^228 Wis. 147.
Landmark Decisions of the Wisconsin Supreme Court
21
One of the grounds on which the act was attacked was that it made the
W. D. A. a public agency. The Court held that W. D, A. already possessed
under its articles of incorporation the powers the act sought to confer upon
it. Therefore, it remained a private corporation although the funds appro¬
priated were for a public puipose. In this respect the appropriation feature
of the act was no different than other appropriations made for a public
purpose to such private corporations as the State Historical Society, The State
Horticultural Society, various county agricultural societies, Wisconsin De¬
partment of the G. A. R., etc. It was pointed out that all these also perform
public functions.
In subsequent cases, which have attacked the constitutionality of
financing state building projects through state building corporation
statutes, it has been held that they remain private corporations even though
they perform public functions. In so holding the Court has repeatedly cited
and relied upon the W. D. A. Case. This holding provides the keystone for
upholding the constitutionality of the building coiporation method of financ¬
ing state building construction because, were it to be held that the building
corporations were state agencies, then their debts would constitute state
indebtedness under sec. 3, art. VIII, Wis. Const.
Cases Abolishing Immunities
For many years the most fruitful source of litigation in our trial courts
has been personal injuries. Over the years our Supreme Court, as well as
the highest appellate courts of most states, formulated rules of immunity
which prohibited for reasons of public policy recovery for negligence in these
four situations: (1) where the fault was that of the state or its subdivisions;
(2) where the action was brought against a charitable organization such as
a non-profit hospital association or Y. M. C. A.; (3) where the negligence
was that of a religious organization or corporation; and (4) where an un¬
emancipated minor sued the parent.
The immunity rule with respect to the state and its political subdivisions,
when traced back to its source, was found to rest on an old English case
which held that the king could do no wrong. This is scarcely a legitimate
reason in present day America for continuing the rule in effect. A better rea¬
son for not abolishing the rule was that a big damage judgment against a
school district, town, village, small city, or rural county might divert tax
revenues and either cause curtailment of public service or inflict great hard¬
ship on taxpayers.
The policy reasons for exempting charitable and religious organizations
from liability for negligence was that to permit liability would divert the
funds which had been donated to the support of these organizations to a
purpose not intended by the donors.
The immunity granted parents against suits by their children rested on
the premise that to permit such actions would be to disrupt family harmony.
There was one area in which the legislature for many years has departed
from the immunity rule and that is by permitting recovery against towns,
villages, and cities for injuries caused be defects in streets and sidewalks.
However, it imposed a rather small dollar limit on the amount of damages
22
George R. Currie
which has only in recent years been raised. In time the legislature also en¬
acted the safe-place statute which had the effect of abolishing the immunity
with respect to accidents caused by defects in public buildings including
those owned by municipal, charitable, and religious corporations. This gave
rise to the incongruous situation, for example, that if a patient in a hospital
operated by a non-profit corporation were hurt by reason of a piece of ceiling
plaster falling on him he might recover damages, but, if injured by the
negligent administration of a wrong drug he could not. Finally the legisla¬
ture provided for recovery of damages for accidents resulting from the negli¬
gent operation of state and municipally owned motor vehicles.
Many areas of non-liability still existed in spite of these statutes. A few
examples are these: A person injured by a pile of folding chairs falling upon
him in a church basement; a boy losing several fingers on a power saw in
school manual training class; and a child burned while playing on a city
dump ground. The legislature turned a deaf ear to any proposal to permit
a child to recover for any injuries caused by the parents’ negligence.
Commencing in 1961 and ending in 1963, the Wisconsin Supreme Court,
in a series of four decisions, abolished all four of these immunities. Kojis v.
Doctors Hospital^ did away with charitable immunity; Holytz v. Milwaukee"
did the same with respect to governmental immunity; and Widell v. Holy
Trinity Catholic Church^ abolished the immunity of religious institutions. Then
Goller V. White^ held that an unemancipated minor child might recover for
injuries sustained in an automobile accident caused by the negligence of the
parent. These four decisions constituted an “about face” on the part of the
Court from its prior position that changes such as these lay within the
province of the legislature rather than the Court. The Court did not attempt
to gloss over that this was so, but asserted that, because these rules of im¬
munity were court-made rules, it was the responsibility of the Court to cor¬
rect its own mistakes.
Insofar as there originally may have been legitimate policy reasons justi¬
fying these rules of immunity, the availability and wide use of liability in¬
surance had largely destroyed their validity. In any event, modern day justice
requires that a person sustaining injury through the negligence of another
be permitted to recover damages for his injuries.
The legislature has taken no steps to reverse or modify the effect of
the decisions in the Kojis, Widell, and Goller Cases. The one decision of the
four which drew legislative action was the Holytz Case which abolished gov¬
ernmental immunity. This legislative action consists of a new statute appli¬
cable to negligence actions against policital subdivisions of the state and
officers thereof which requires the giving of notice within 120 days after the
accident and limits the maximum damages recoverable to $25,000 except
in case of an accident caused by the negligent operation of a municipal or
state-owned and operated motor vehicle.
«(1961), 12 Wis. (2d) 367.
^(1962), 17 Wis. (2d) 26.
8(1963), 19 Wis. (2d) 648.
“(1963), 20 Wis. (2d) 402.
Landmark Decisions of the Wisconsin Supreme Court
23
Cases Protecting Equality of Voting Rights
The last two cases to be mentioned may well prove in the long run the
most important of all. These are the recent cases of State ex rel. Reynolds v.
ZimmermanC and State ex rel. Sonneborn v. Sylvesterf^^ hereafter referred
to as the “County Board Case.” The former dealt with reapportionment of
the legislative districts of the state and the latter with the method of election
of county boards. Central to both was compliance with the equal-protection-
of-the-laws clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Con¬
stitution as interpreted by the United States Supreme Court in Baker v. Card"
and ensuing cases as embracing the “one man-one vote principle.”
Prior to Baker v. Carr the United States Supreme Court had held that
the matter of reapportioning election districts for voting purposes where a
legislature failed to act was a political question with which the Court should
not concern itself. While the Wisconsin Supreme Court had in years past
held unconstitutional legislative apportionment acts which denied equality of
representation because of gerrymandered districts, it held as late as 1962
that it had no power to interfere where an apportionment act was valid when
enacted but later resulted in great disparity of representation due to subse¬
quent population shifts.
The Wisconsin legislative apportionment act enacted after the 1950
census was known as the Rosenberry Act. While it had accomplished an
equitable apportionment on the basis of the 1950 census, the 1960 census
disclosed gross disparities. For example, the largest state senatorial district
as of 1960 had a population of 208,343, and the smallest 74,293. Although
the Wisconsin constitution requires the legislature to reapportion legislative
districts at the first session following each federal decenial census, the legis¬
lature and governor were unable to agree on an apportionment bill at the
1961 and 1963 legislative sessions.
When State ex rel. Reynolds v. Zimmerman was argued before the Court
in January, 1964, an election of all assemblymen and about half the state
senators was to be held later that year. Nomination papers for the Septem¬
ber primary were eligible to be circulated commencing May 15th. The Court’s
opinion, which held the Rosenberry Act unconstitutional, was handed down
February 28th. Because chaos might result if the legislature and governor
still were unable to agree on a new apportionment act, the Court retained
jurisdiction and declared that, if no valid apportionment act were enacted
by May first, the Court would promulgate an apportionment plan of its own
by May 15th for holding the 1964 legislative elections.
The legislature thereafter passed an apportionment bill, the governor
vetoed it, and the veto was not overridden. The Court then on May 28th
promulgated its own apportionment plan but expressly made it only effective
for the 1964 legislative elections and until the legislature and governor should
supplant it with an act of their own. It was with great reluctance that the
Court took this step, but it was felt to be the best of the alternatives open
to it.
“(1964), 22 Wis. (2d) 544,
■^M1964), 25 Wis. (2d) 177.
“(1962), 369 U. S. 186.
24
George R. Currie
The County Board Case decided only this January held invalid the then
statute for electing county boards in all counties except Milwaukee and
Menominee Counties at any election subsequent to the April, 1965, election.
The law held invalid provided that county boards should be composed of
the town chairman of each town, a supervisor elected from each village, and
a supervisor elected from each ward of a city. The opinion pointed out far
greater disparities in representation on county boards than existed with re¬
spect to legislative districts at the time of the court’s decision in State ex rel.
Reynolds u. Sylvester. It was the first decision in the country by the highest
court of a state to apply the “one man-one vote principle” to an elective law¬
making body of a state political subdivision. Again the Court retained juris¬
diction in case the legislature and governor failed to enact by November
first a valid law with respect to the composition of county boards. The legis¬
lature did promptly enact a new law which the governor has signed. Under
this law county board members are to be elected by districts apportioned
according to population. The actual apportioning is to be done by the existing
county boards. The law provides the maximum number of board members
a county falling within a particular population class may have.
Some people predict that, as the result of the County Board Case deci¬
sion and the enactment of this statute, county government in areas of dense
population will become more effective, and town governments will be rele¬
gated to a place of little importance. There is presently a great need for
strong county government in such areas to grapple effectively with urban
problems which transcend city and village boundaries. On the other hand, in
counties in rural areas with no metropolitan population centers, town gov¬
ernment may continue to flourish for a long time to come. These of course
are aspects of the problem with which the Court was not, and should not, be
concerned, as the issue which faced the court was solely a constitutional one.
Conclusion
Not all students of the law will agree with the selection of cases included
in this paper as qualifying as “landmark” decisions. On the other hand, there
well may be other cases which the author has overlooked which are deserv¬
ing of inclusion. All of those included, however, afford potent illustration of
the important part which the highest appellate court of one state has played
in the lives and times of its people.
DOES WISCONSIN HAVE AN IDENTITY?
(Some Suggestions on an Historical Problem)
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.
I want to talk first about a man named Edwin Bottomley. If you know
your Wisconsin historical publications, you will remember that the letters of
Edwin Bottomley were published by the State Historical Society more than
forty-five years ago and that the editor was one of my distinguished predeces¬
sors/ Bottomley was one of the thousands of settlers who populated the Mid¬
west before the Civil War and contributed to its regional identity. As a Wis¬
consin resident he exemplifies both the section and the state which claimed
him: he was at once a Midwesterner and a Wisconsin man.
The traits which particularize a son of the Midwest and a son of Wis¬
consin overlap at certain points, yet at others they are distinct and isolable.
In essence the question is what makes a state both a separable and an in-
sepai'able part of the section to which it belongs? What makes Wisconsin
Midwestern and what makes it Wisconsin? I do not propose to answer these
questions in specifics, since an historically-oriented profile of the state deserves
detailed attention. This, I am happy to report, Wisconsin is about to receive.
I propose, rather, an approach to these questions in the form of five general
forces: change, the church, chicanery, choice and chance.
I will try to use events from Edwin Bottomley ’s life, coupled with ran¬
dom observations about Wisconsin’s history, as illustrations of these forces
at work.
The Bottomley story has no special consequence in the sense that Bot¬
tomley and his family played a significant role in history, but its tone has
a Midwestern ring, its resonance is of Wisconsin. Edwin Bottomleys settled
the Wisconsin territory as they did the whole Midwest, giving a certain com¬
monness to the Midwestern experience and a singular distinctiveness to each
of the Midwestern states. In Bottomley ’s case, it was his and his neighbors’
reaction to their change of place and pace that has contributed to Wiscon¬
sin’s special character. His ambition or apathy, his diligence or dilatoriness
have become part of the Wisconsin tradition. His close ties to his church, his
artful balancing of funds, his decisions to purchase land, and to remain aloof
from alien neighbors, the buffeting he received from chance events — these,
multiplied a thousandfold, have made Wisconsin.
In the last analysis, we must go to people to discover the universal and
the unique. No matter the rocks and rills, the waters and the woodlands,
their impact is read in individuals and families and communities. To distin¬
guish the Midwest as a region in these United States and to distinguish Wis¬
consin as a state within the Midwest, we can look to the Edward Bottomleys.
Bottomley was born in 1809 in England to a respectable middle class
family. His father managed a mill and the family was well-respected in their
small English community. Bottomley himself was trained as a pattern-maker
for the mill, a job that had considerably more security than most industrial
^Milo M. Quaife, ed.. An English Settler in Pioneer Wisconsin (Madison, Wisconsin 1918).
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965 25
26
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.
jobs in England at the time. He was interested in music and, as an active
church member, directed the church choir. In 1829, he married a woman
of equal place, and this changed a lot of things for Mr. Bottomley as it does
for most of us. In little more than a decade, there were six babies, five of
whom survived. As Ins family grew, Bottomley worried about his children’s
future. He saw at first hand the consequences of child labor: families forced
to send their youngsters into the mill, into the factory, or into the fields at
a very early age, depriving them of opportunities for physical and mental
growth. He did not want his children to face this and sought a way out.
After great deliberation, he decided to emigrate to the United States with
his wife and children. They arrived in 1842 proceeding directly to a little
community in western Racine County known as the English Settlement.
There Bottomley bought some land and became a farmer. His experiences as
a pioneer in Wisconsin were not much different from those of other pioneers.
He wrote consistently and informatively to his parents in England and his
letters add color and meaning to our understanding of frontier life. The first
winter his house was not quite weather-proof and the Bottomleys frequently
woke up in the morning to find snow on the bed and, under it, their hobnail
boots frozen to the floor. He was unable to clear and till all of his land im¬
mediately nor could he afford a full herd of cattle, but as he worked and
worried he began slowly to stabilize his life. Several years after his family
settled in, his oldest daughter married a young neighbor in the church which
Bottomley and his friends had built.
In 1850, tragedy struck the family in the form of typhoid fever and
Edwin Bottomley succumbed after eight years in Wisconsin. His story, so full
of promise, comes to an end, but his letters, so rich in detail, remain for
perennial harvest.
This is the narrative which is of no particular consequence, except as
it can help us move from the particular to the general. The five factors which
I suggest as an approach to Wisconsin history are common to all historical
experience. It is their interplay among people which casts the unusual mold
of a state.
The first factor is change. Professor Nye alluded to this in his keynote
address. In Bottomley ’s case, change was a basic force in his life. He not
only changed location, from England to Racine County, but he changed his
occupation, his way of living, and his outlook on life. Reading his letters to
his parents, you can detect the care with which he explained to them the
unfamiliar and the strange. The changes had made of him, in CrevecoeuTs
phrase, a new man, and he tried to convey this in his letters without upsetting
the folks back home. For Bottomley, the changes in his personal experience
were the predominant forces which shaped his life in America.
During the midwest’s formative years, change provided a fundamental
thrust in the progression from territory to state. One of Wisconsin’s greatest
sons, historian Frederick Jackson Turner, noted this phenomenon in his famous
1893 address on the significance of the frontier, read before the American
Historical Association in July and the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
in December:
Now, the peculiarity of American institutions is the fact that they have
been compelled to adapt themselves to the changes of an expending
Does Wisconsin Have an Identity?
27
people — to the changes involved in crossing a continent, in winning a
wilderness, and in developing at each area of this progress out of the
primitive economic and political conditions of the frontier into the com¬
plexity of city life.^
Surely this has been a shared Midwestern pattern, for more than a cen¬
tury, whether you remark the transformation from frontier to farmland, or
from city to suburb.
For Wisconsin, it was the specific changes which shaped the face of the
state. The use of capital, for example, motivated by a multiplicity of factors,
moved sequentially from one investment form to another, each move adding
a new dimension to the state. Landed capital focused first on lumber, then
wheat, then dairying. Commercial capital was expended on river and canal
transportation, then railroads. Industrial capital favored saw mills, then flour
mills and eventually paper mills. Much of this capital came from outside of
the state and the section, yet its application in Wiscinsin progressing in par¬
ticular ways, formed communities, economic classes, labor markets, and legis¬
lation — in short those manifestations which make Wisconsin unique.
Other needs of Wisconsin’s settlers led to changes which brought distinc¬
tiveness. The mixture of new world isolation and old world entertainment
patterns helped to make Wisconsin the mother of almost one hundred different
circuses during the nineteenth century. The amalgam which was Wisconsin
helped to found a new political party before the Civil War. At the start of the
war, Wisconsin men who had left the old country to escape military service
flocked to volunteer in the Union army. A changing technology assisted an
artist with the camera, H. H, Bennett of Wisconsin Dells, to record Wiscon¬
sin scenes for posterity and lay the groundwork for the twentieth century
tourist industry. And through it all, the people were changing, moving in from
Europe and the East, moving out to the plains and the far west, making and
leaving their mark on the state.®
Will Herbert once remarked that when immigrants come to the United
States, they change everything — their language, their job, their national loyalty
—except their religion. This perceptive observation suggests the close rela¬
tionship between change and the second factor, the church. Organized reli¬
gion played a major role in shaping Wisconsin as it did in the life of Edwin
Bottomley.
In Bottomley’s case, this is revealed in a negative way. In 1847, some
Dutch families moved into western Racine county. While they spoke a foreign
tongue and exhibited some alien traits, Bottomley reported that they were fine
people. He had no prejudice in his heart. However, the Dutch were Roman
Catholic and when one Dutch family wanted to buy land adjacent to Bot¬
tomley’s, he became frantic. Although he was land poor and already in debt,
he scraped together enough money to travel to Milwaukee to make a down
payment on this land. He justified this purchase to his father by explaining
^Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Significance of the Frontier in American History,” Pro¬
ceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin . . . December 14, 1893 (Madison, Wis.,
1894), 80.
^Peter J. Coleman, “Restless Grant County,” Wisconsin Magazine of History, XLVI (Autumn,
1962), 16-20.
28
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.
that he feared a possible restriction on his use of a watering hole. Here, in¬
termixed with economic and social factors, is the force of church differences at
work.
Because a wide variety of ethnic groups settled Wisconsin bringing with
them religious affiliations, religious diversity was fact. The commonplace divi¬
sion between Roman Catholics and Protestants was complicated by ethnic
divisions within the Wisconsin Catholic community on the one hand and the
primary Protestant group, the Lutherans, on the other. These ethnic con¬
centrations and their counterparts of other denominations gripped their re¬
ligious practices and centered their social activities around their church with
a tenacity which isolated one from another culturally, even as they grew
together physically and geographically.
Church-centered ethnic groups in Wisconsin in the nineteenth century
retained their group idenity long after immigrant clusters elsewhere had mar¬
ried into the American mainstream. Here emerged a tossed salad of nation¬
alities in which each ingredient kept its own taste, while adding to the over¬
all flavor. This tendency to stay apart, while communication accelerated and
distances shortened within the state, in itself became characteristic of
Wisconsin.
This contradictory drawing together and drawing apart had, I believe,
singular and salutary effects. It fostered a high degree of community partici¬
pation, often church-led, in which all families entered actively into the life
of the community. The Swiss of New Glarus are one example and the Finns
in northern Wisconsin another. It spearheaded a healthy but competitive re¬
spect for cultural differences, too. Bottomley’s posture in the face of new
Dutch neighbors is a specific instance, while the Milwaukee Germans, pre¬
dominant but not preemptory, are another.
The political ramifications of long-lived church-dominated ethnic groups
are perhaps more susceptible to analysis, although there has been no recent
serious study of this in Wisconsin. While modern pollsters and politicians
scrutinize wards and precincts for bloc voting, the historical experience has
been largely ignored. We know generally that Wisconsin Germans voted for
Douglass rather than Lincoln in 1860 and that Wisconsin’s Scandinavians
supported Robert M. LaFollette, Sr. and the Progressives at the turn of the
century, but we are uncertain about the ethnic amalgam, the joining together
of ethnic groups for political purposes.^ Whatever future research will un¬
cover about the impact of the ethnic amalgam on Wisconsin politics, it is
certain that in this as in other areas of activity, the church was a substantial
ingredient in the mortar which supported the bricks of ethnic life in Wisconsin.
A third factor is the force of chicanery. Now I really cannot say, in
Edwin Bottomley’s case, that he actually practiced this art, but I can offer
two fairly close examples. (After all, a son does not usually write home about
his falls from grace, and Bottomley’s letters provided the substance of our
knowledge of the man. )
The first example is a recurrent one; the artistic and skillful way in
which he let his father know that he needed money. The second example is
more specific. When the time came for a payment on the land which he had
^See Frank L. Kelment, Wisconsin and the Civil War (Madison, 1963), pp. 6-10 and Robert
S. Maxwell, LaFollette and the Rise of Progressives in Wisconsin (Madison, 1956), pp. 59-62.
Does Wisconsin Have an Identity?
29
purchased, Bottomley was completely without money and the resources to
borrow. He went to his son-in-law and convinced him to advance $150 which
the younger man was saving for spring expenses. It takes an artist to borrow
from his father and then turn around and borrow from his son-in-law.
Whether or not these acts border on the chicane, the point is clear.
Chicanery is a worldwide skill, practiced even in Wisconsin and the Midwest.
In his remarks today, Chief Justice Currie reported on a court case involving
three precincts which were recorded as voting, though the precincts did not
even exist.
Other examples are legion and led to constructive reactions. Wisconsin’s
state treasurers were habituated to pocketing for themselves or their political
party the interest earned by invested state funds, a practice not uncommon
in other states. The Progressive momentum eliminated this bit of chicanery
in Wisconsin. In Milwaukee in the 1890’s, the head of the public library, a
distinguished and nationally-known librarian, absconded with over $10,000
of library funds, was caught and convicted by a jury but released without
penalty by the judge because of his upstanding character. The blatancy of
this juridical act led directly to a concerted movement for municipal reform
on the part of businessmen, lawyers, labor leaders and urban reformers.^
Chicanery, then, is not a force that molds the unique, but it creates one.
In Wisconsin, the chicane has generally been greeted by righteous indigna¬
tion, by reform movements, by reactions which vacuum clean the dirt and
change the legislative furniture. The great Progressive thrust in Wisconsin
began as a reaction to acts of chicanery. Modern conservation methods, in
which this state is a leader, began because of past acts of chicanery. Wiscon¬
sin’s labor movement, the dairy cooperatives, industry’s civic activities, all
began in part as a reaction to chicanery — and these have helped to create
an identifiable Wisconsin.
A fourth factor is choice, at the practical not the philosophic level. Like
the rest of us, Edwin Bottomley went through life faced with limited alter¬
natives and making choices among them. His decisions changed the course
of his fife and that of his family. In similar fashion, men and women of the
Midwest and Wisconsin played out their lives choosing among alternatives
and thereby shaping the present and the future for themselves and their
posterity.
The choices which individuals and institutions make alter the form and
substance of a state. The political leaders in Madison determined in 1846
to form an historical society and the seed took root. The University of Wis¬
consin Board of Regents in 1894 chose to support Professor Richard T. Ely
and not only did the seed take root, but the statement which flowered from
the choice still holds its bloom.*’ Individual choices occasionally make a
difference to a state also. William Dempster Hoard, as Professor Nye has
explained, dedicated his talents, by choice, to convincing Wisconsin farmers
to become dairymen. John A. Kimberly chose paper-making at a time when
most of his business friends were worrying over grist mills and lumbering.
am indebted to David Thelen for this Milwaukee example of chicanery and its conse¬
quences, and for other helpful suggestions.
®Vernon Carstensen, “Wisconsin Regents: Academic Freedom and Innovation, 1900—1925,”
Wisconsin Magazine of History XLVIII (Winter, 1964-5), 101-110.
30
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr.
To protect the interests of government workers at state and local lavels,
Arnold Zander began a small union in Wisconsin which grew into an influen¬
tial national organization. His choice helped to make Wisconsin a leader in
this field.
Choice is a force which makes life and history intriguing. Historians
have not ignored it, but few have grappled with it as a shaping force in the
history of a region or state. This is a problem of some magnitude; Wisconsin
can be differentiated from other midwestern states because of the results of
choices which its citizens, from the Bottomleys to top executives have made.
The final factor is chance. We all push aside expectations of the un¬
expected living in hope that we can cope with whatever happens. Edwin
Bottomley lived that way until he was struck down, at the age of forty-one,
by typhoid fever. He was gone before he realized fully the good life he had
hoped for and behind him he left young children, untilled land, and debts.
Chance is amoral; it works at all levels of human activity. Its consequences
carve out the distinguishing marks of a nation, a region, or a state.
In Wisconsin, to cite some specific examples, the risk of random forest
fires brought about the first aerial fire-spotting crew, the discovery of lead
brought the distinctive Cornish lead miners to Mineral Point, and the sinking
of the Lady Elgin in I860 with 400 of Milwaukee’s Irish- Americans aboard
checked the Irish influence in that city’s affairs for years to come.
The timing of a particular event or movement is also part chance. That
Turner should reach maturity as the frontier influence waned was sheer coin¬
cidence, yet his reputation as a historian and his substantial contribution to
the University of Wisconsin’s reputation as a seat of learning depended upon
it.'^ That LaFollette could sense that the fertile ground would nourish the
seed of progressivism was in good part chance, and LaFollette changed the
face of the state. It was chance which led Joe McCarthy to charge the State
Department with harboring Communists, yet this speech catapulted him to
fame, as the junior Senator from Wisconsin, and his subsequent career inno¬
vated far-reaching nuances in Wisconsin and national politics.® In each in¬
stance, the force of the man’s personality was critical to the success of his
mission and this, too, is part chance.
Because chance is beyond logic, it is seldom counted as an evaluative
force. So much depends upon it and so little do we take it into account. But
in analyzing what makes a state stand out, chance is a force to be reckoned
with.
Five factors, then, have played a predominant role in Wisconsin and
Midwestern history, as they would in the history of any area. The five —
change, the church, chicanery, choice and chance- — have created a Wisconsin
which is both a part of and apart from the Midwest. Because of these forces,
the Midwest’s Wisconsin is unique and identifiable.
If this analysis has meaning, it is a challenge to historians to dig into
Wisconsin’s history. For too long, the resident historians of national reputa¬
tion have tended other pastures, leaving their home state to too small a
■^See Ray Allen Billington’s perceptive article, “Young Fred Turner,” Wiscomiti Magazine
of History, XILVI (Autumn, 1962), 38-48.
®David A. Shannon, “Was McCarthy a Political Heir of LaFollette?” Wiscoiisin Magazine
of History, XLV (Autumn, 1961), 3—9.
Does Wisconsin Have an Identity?
31
group of able scholars among whom Alice E. Smith stands pre-eminent. The
opportunity to do this is at hand once more with the organization of a small
research staff at the Society under the direction of William Fletcher Thomp¬
son. Their charge is to produce a multi-volumed history of Wisconsin.
This project, to be financed with privately-raised funds, will proceed
in concert with the University of Wisconsin. We hope that distinguished his¬
torians in Wisconsin will lend their talents. We expect these investigations
in depth to provide still further opportunities for younger scholars to explore
in the years ahead. We anticipate that this will not only be intensive and
interpretive history, but that it will break new ground in examining cultural
history, community history, and the life cycles of ordinary people like Edwin
Bottomley, We will try to utilize ignored resources like artifacts and photo¬
graphs along with newspapers, manuscripts and archival records. And, speak¬
ing personally, I would hope that the volumes will come to grips with these
five factors and demonstrate evidentially the contradictory concept of the
uniqueness and the oneness with the Midwest of this attractive and stimu¬
lating state we call Wisconsin.
THE BASIC SCIENCES IN WISCONSIN*
Aaron J. Hide
The basic sciences, as they have developed in Wisconsin, have been
characterized by; 1) opportunism, and 2) pragmatism, but with 3) an in¬
tense drive toward the discovery of fundamental relationships, and 4) a
reputation for educating Wisconsin youth and the youth of others for pursuit
and application of scientific knowledge throughout the world, I trust that
the examples which follow will illustrate these four characteristics.
The earliest scientific work of fundamental significance to be done in
Wisconsin was carried out at Fort Crawford, on the site of modern Prairie du
Chien, in 1829. The state did not yet exist. Fort Crawford lay on the western
edge of Michigan Territory.^
The circumstances of the experiments were accidental. The investigator
was William Beaumont of Connecticut, a military surgeon who had learned
medicine by reading in the offices of two Eastern physicians and accompany¬
ing them on their rounds. During the War of 1812 he had ample opportunity
to gain surgical experience. Thus, he was no novice at Fort Mackinac when
he was called, on the morning of June 6, 1822, to treat an Indian youth,
Alexis St. Martin, who had been the unwitting recipient of a gunshot blast
which removed part of his left side, exposing a lung and the interior of his
stomach.
Beaumont cleaned the wound, made the patient as comfortable as con¬
ditions permitted, and left to attend other duties, anticipating St. Martin's
death in a matter of hours. The nineteen year old Indian did not die, but went
through a long and painful convalescence to regain his vigor and facilities,
but with a stomach wound which healed without fully closing, thus expos¬
ing the interior of the stomach to the prying eyes of Dr. Beaumont.
It was not until May, 1825 that the doctor, still at Fort Mackinac, took
advantage of his patient’s peculiar abnormality to undertake experiments on
digestion of pieces of food attached to strings and placed into the stomach
through the fistula. These studies were continued at Fort Niagara where
Beaumont was soon transferred, but were terminated in August when St.
Martin disappeared.
Four years later, when Beaumont was at Fort Crawford, he learned the
whereabouts of his former patient and, through the aid of the American Fur
Company, persuaded him to return as a hired hand and experimental sub¬
ject. St. Martin appeared with a wife and two children. A total of 56 experi¬
ments were carried out between then and March, 1831 when his wife’s home¬
sickness, coupled with St. Martin’s discontent with his role as experimental
animal, brought a new separation. The Indian family left for Canada by
canoe, moving down the Mississippi to the Ohio River, paddling upstream
until transfer might be made across Ohio to Lake Erie, then on through
Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence River, evidence of the generally robust
good health of St. Martin.
*This study was supported in part by National Science Foundation Grant GS— 194.
Wvs. Acad. TRANS. Vol. .54 (Part A) 196.?
33
34
Aaron /. Ihde
The Fort Crawford experiments laid the foundation for understanding
gastric digestion. Beaumont, though far from the centers of investigation, had
a deep understanding of the physiological knowledge of his day and pro¬
ceeded from these foundations to utilize his unique patient so as to determine
the fate of food in its passage through the stomach. In his early studies at
Fort Crawford, Beaumont checked the temperature of the stomach during
digestion. He collected gastric juices through the fistula and established that
the juice is not secreted continuously by the stomach glands, but is secreted
only when food appears in the stomach or when irritation of instruments
initiates secretion, contrary to the widely held belief that secretion was
continuous.
With gastric juice isolated from the stomach, Beaumont studied the
external digestion of beef and made comparisons with internal digestion. Other
foods were similarly studied. He found that digestion of meat takes place
particularly well in the stomach, though vegetables tend to remain undigested.
In studies of milk he ascertained that the milk is first coagulated, then the
curds undergo digestion.
Temperature studies revealed that gastric juice becomes inactive when
the temperature drops. Beaumont further showed that anger supresses the
effectiveness of gastric digestion. In studies with beef gall and pancreatic
juice isolated from freshly slaughtered animals Beaumont established the in¬
hibitory effect of these juices on gastric digestion.
Late in 1832 Beaumont was able to persuade St. Martin to submit to
another series of experiments which were carried out in Washington, D.C.
and Plattsburg, New York. These experiments terminated in 1833, the same
year that Beaumont’s Experiments and Observations on the Gastric Juice in
the Physiology of Digestion was published.” This recounted the experiments
and discussed the conclusions to be drawn therefrom. The book attracted
world wide attention and was reprinted in England and Germany before
another year had passed. It represented a milestone in the history of science.
The opportunistic studies of Beaumont, while carried out in what is
geographically Wisconsin, cannot be looked upon as a uniquely Wisconsin
work since the circumstances might very easily have led Beaumont to carry
out his observations in another army post. Accident or not, the event marked
an auspicious beginning for developments in the basic sciences which were
to follow.
The second scientist in our account was also an Easterner. He was born
of Quaker parents in upper New York in 1811, his father being a construction
engineer on the Erie Canal. Increase Allen Lapham entered Wisconsin terri¬
tory in 1836 when friendship with Bryon Kilbourn brought him to Milwau¬
kee. He had already had experience as a canal builder in New York, Penn¬
sylvania and Ohio, and in the latter state began the herbarum collection
which contained 8,000 specimens at the time of his death in 1875. Lapham
settled in Wisconsin, making the territory and the state his home during the
remainder of his days.
Lapham is representative of the gifted amateur who played such an
important role in the development of science from the 16th century to the
present. His interests and enthusiasms caused him to make important contri¬
butions to virtually every field he touched. As a naturalist he was in contact
The Basic Sciences in Wisconsin
35
with Asa Gray, Louis Agassiz, and other Eastern scientists, reporting on
plants and animals of the Milwaukee area. His Catalogue of Plants and Shells
Found in The Vicinity of Milwaukee was the first scientific imprint pub¬
lished in Wisconsin (1836). He discovered Indian mounds at Fort Atkinson,
Butte des Mortes, Aztalan, and in Sauk County and described them in his
Antiques of Wisconsin (1855). As a gazetteer he published the book,
Geographical and Topographical Description of Wisconsin, in 1844. He ad¬
vocated crop rotation and fertilization of the soil in a day when wheat farm¬
ers felt that the fertile Wisconsin soil might be mined indefinitely. He ad¬
vocated conservation in a day when the timber stands of Wisconsin seemed
endless. His Report of the Disastrous Effects of the Destruction of Forest
Trees (1867) was a pioneering work in the field.
For many years Lapham recorded weather information and advocated
a weather recording and forecasting service at the federal level. His 15 year
campaign finally bore fruit in 1870 when a Weather Bureau was created
within the U.S. Army Signal Corps.
In addition to these activities he recognized, despite being largely self-
educated, the importance of educational institutions and intellectual organi¬
zations. He was a founder of the Milwaukee Female College which was later
incorporated into Milwaukee-Downer; a founder of the Milwaukee Public
Library; a founder of the State Historical Society whose presidency he held
for twenty -two years; and a founder of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences,
Arts and Letters.®
While gifted amateurs have always made important contributions to
the growth of science, they alone are inadequate to make a profound impact.
The center of scientific growth must be an educational system with its prin¬
cipal objective the broad education of youth, but without neglecting the
practical needs of its contemporary society, and the obligation to open up
new understanding. The citizens of early Wisconsin recognized the importance
of education in a day when they might easily have postponed action to a later
time.
Carroll College was founded in 1846, Beloit College began instruction
in 1847, both before Wisconsin achieved statehood. Lawrence and the Uni¬
versity of Wisconsin received their first students in 1849. By 1875 there
were four more private liberal arts colleges (Milton, Ripon, Wisconsin Female
and Milwaukee Female) and four state normal schools ( Platteville, White-
water, Oshkosh, River Falls ).^ All of these schools had serious struggles for
survival in their early days and science instruction was seldom at a distin¬
guished level. At the private schools science instruction was frequently car¬
ried on by ordained ministers, a pattern which was only broken late in the
century. A major exception to this was Beloit College where a physician,
S. P. Lathrop became the first professor of chemistry and natural history
in 1849.® After he took a similar chair at the University in 1854 the Beloit
position was filled between 1858 and 1921 by a succession of four men who
had taken Ph.D. degrees in chemistry at the University of Gottingen in the
famous laboratory of Friedrich Wohler. In the other schools scientists of this
stature only began to be attracted in the last years of the century."^
At the state normal schools there was an almost steady turnover of
science teachers in the early years, although in two instances (T. C. Cham-
36
Aaron J. Ihde
berlin at Whitewater and Franklin H. King at River Falls) the chairs were
once held by men who became distinguished scientists."^
At the University of Wisconsin there was no science instruction until
Lathrop arrived in 1854. Death terminated his career before the year ended.
Although his chair was filled by another physician, Ezra S. Carr, there was
no science instruction of distinction during the next decade of the Univer¬
sity’s precarious existence. A new era began in 1868 when the post-war re¬
organization, partly a consequence of passage of the Morrill Act, led to the
appointment of John W. Davies, with a B.A. from Lawrence and a medical
degree from Chicago Medical College, as professor of chemistry and natural
philosophy; and W. W. Daniels, a graduate of Michigan Agricultural College
with some graduate work at Lawrence Scientific School at Harvard, as pro¬
fessor of agriculture and analytical chemistry.® In 1870 Roland D. Irving, a
graduate of the Columbia School of Mines, became professor of geology,
mining, and metallurgy.'’
These thiee men became a nucleus for the growth of science in the
University. Daniells introduced the first laboratory instruction when
he took over a carpenter shop in the basement of what is now Bascom
Hall. Irving quickly introduced laboratory work in metallurgy after his arrival.
The scientific cabinet, steadily and systematically enlarged through the years,
was vastly improved by the acquisition of Increase Lapham’s private cabinet
following his death. A brand new Science Hall was opened in 1877. An ob¬
servatory with the third largest telescope in the nation was acquired through
the gift of former Governor C. C. Washburn in 1877.^"
By 1881 a significant degree of specialization was evident in the science
faculty. Daniells was givng his full time to chemistry, Davies to physics. James
C. Watson had come from the University of Michigan to direct the observa¬
tory and initiate its research program. Edward A. Birge, who had offered some
of the work in natural history since 1875, now returned with a Harvard Ph.D.
and a year in Europe to a professorship of zoology William A. Henry came
to Wisconsin in 1880 as professor of botany and agriculture.^ In 1883 the
founding of the College of Pharmacy led to the appointment of Frederick
B. Power who came with a Ph.D. in chemistry from Strassburg.’^
Irving, who suffered an untimely death in 1888, had become a scientist
of national reputation in connection with his work on the geological survey.
The state authorized such a survey in 1873 with Lapham as chief geologist.
Irving was assigned work on the copper-iron region surrounding Lake Super¬
ior. Not only did he investigate the mineral-producing prospects of the re¬
gion but sought for answers to the more fundamental questions dealing with
the geological origin of the rocks of the region.
Thomas C. Chamberlin, then professor of geology at Beloit, was also
associated with the geological survey and became chief geologist in 1877,
thereby becoming responsible for editing the four- volume Geology of Wis¬
consin which was published between 1877 and 1883. He became an authority
on glacial geology and between 1882 and 1907 was U. S. Geologist in charge
of glacial studies. After he became president of the University of Wisconsin
in 1885 he did much to encourage fundamental research by establishing a
fellowship plan, encouraging the seminar method of instruction, and author¬
izing study for the Ph.D.’® The first such degree was granted in 1892 to
The Basic Sciences in Wisconsin
37
Charles R. Van Hise who also became a distinguished geologist and, in
1903, president of the University.’^® Although Chamberlin gave up the presi¬
dency in 1892 to become head of the geology department at the new Univer¬
sity of Chicago where he developed the planetisimal hypothesis of the earth’s
origin with F. R. Mouton, his program for basic research at the University
of Wisconsin was expanded by succeeding presidents. In 1906 a graduate
school was formally established with astronomer George C. Comstock as the
first dean. By then fundamental research was a recognized activity in many
departments and a number of Ph.D.’s, had been granted.
It is in many ways remarkable that basic research was pursued this
early for the people of the state had a strong attitude for the practical. This
is reflected in the demands for instruction in pedagogy, agriculture, mechanic
arts, medicine, and law. In 1855 the Regents established a medical depart¬
ment and made appointments to seven chairs but the department failed to
materialize.’’^ In 1859 a department or school of “physiology and hygeine” was
estabhshed with a Scottish immigrant, David Boswell Reid, as professor.
Because of the precarious condition of the University, Reid’s position sur¬
vived for only one year.’® Similar efforts were made to provide instruction
in agriculture and Professor Carr probably did give some instruction in agri¬
cultural chemistry.
The reorganization in 1868 provided for instruction in agriculture by
Professor Daniells, who was also given responsibility for operation of an ex¬
perimental farm. Instruction of agriculture proved a disappointment, since
farmers’ sons showed little interest in the acquisition of book learning, and
the obligations of the Director of the Experimental Farm appeared to be
primarily the operation of the farm at a profit, an impossibility under the
circumstances. When Daniells relinquished his farm obligations with the
formation of the chemistry depaitment in 1880, direction of the farm was
assigned to Wiliam Henry, the botanist. Henry recognized the importance
of agricultural experimentation and was successful in having the farm desig¬
nated an agricultural experiment station in 1883. A chemist with a Yale Ph.D.,
Henry Armsby, was appointed professor of agricultural chemistry and chemist
of the experiment station.
William Henry proved an enthusiast for scientific agriculture and, up to
the time of his retirement in 1907, he developed a College of Agriculture
catering directly to the needs of Wisconsin farmers and an experiment sta¬
tion carrying out both applied and fundamental research. His own interests
developed along the lines of animal feeding and his book. Feeds and Feeding,
was widely accepted for many years as the authorative work in the field.’®
The most spectacular accomplishment of Henry’s period was the develop¬
ment of a successful milk test by Stephen Molten Babcock in 1890. Babcock
came to the University three years earlier as successor to Professor Armsby
who had moved to Pennsylvania State College. The development of Wiscon¬
sin as a dairy state was handicapped by the frequent adulteration of milk by
watering or skimming. One of Babcock’s first assignments was to seek a test
for butterfat jn milk which would make such adulteration unprofitable. Bab¬
cock was successful at designing a test which was simple, rapid and inexpen¬
sive. Development of this test had a profound impact on dairying, not only
in Wisconsin, but in the United States as a whole. Watering and skimming
38
Aaron J. Ihde
of milk became unprofitable after farmers began to be paid on the basis of
pounds of butterfat delivered to the cheese factory or creamery
Meanwhile, agricultural research was developing along a variety of lines,
many of them being empirical applications of scientific knowledge. This was
largely the case with Babcock’s test, Franklin King’s work on barn ventilation
and silo construction, Harry Russell’s improvements in the pasteurization of
milk, and his eradication of tuberculosis from the university cattle herd. How¬
ever, studies of a fundamental nature was also being made at the station.
King’s studies of soil water and soil fertility represented an approach involv¬
ing the best scientific methodology available at the time. His work on soils
was practical only in the sense that through fundamental knowledge a better
practice ultimately results. When King joined the U.S. Department of Soils
in 1902 his work was fruitfully continued in Wisconsin by his disciple Andrew
R. Whitson who soon saw the need for a soil survey on a statewide basis."^
Particularly illustrative of the tendency to combine the practical with
the theoretical are the consequences of Babcock’s searching questions about
comparative value of animal feeds. Henry’s feeding tables were based largely
on values for proteins, carbohydrates, fats, and minerals as determined in
the chemical laboratory. Babcock questioned the equivalence of such com¬
ponents in different feeds and finally succeeded, in 1907, in initiating a set
of single grain experiments.
The feeding tests were conducted on 16 heifers by four of Babcock’s
younger colleagues, E. B. Hart, E. V. McCollum, George Humphrey, and
Harry Steenbock. During the four-year experiment it quickly became evident
that cows dependent on wheat as the sole source of nutriment, even when
fed a scientifically balanced ration, failed to develop satisfactorily. To a lesser
degree, this was also true of animals fed a ration derived solely from the oat
plant, or from a mixture of wheat, oats, and corn. Only corn-fed animals de¬
veloped normally. These experiments represent a milestone in the history of
nutrition by revealing that feeds are not qualitatively equivalent, even when
chemical analysis would indicate equivalency."
Even before the single grain experiment was concluded in 1911, Mc¬
Collum despaired of making progress in understanding the basic cause of
the problem through experimentation with large farm animals. Despite oppo¬
sition from Dean Harry Russell and department chairman Hart, but with
the backing of Babcock, McCollum began using albino rats in his feeding
experiments. Russell, when approached with the proposal had exploded, “The
rat is a barnyard pest and should be exterminated. The legislature will never
stand for the College feeding them. The answer is no!”^
McCollum’s feeding experiments, mostly with the assistance of Marguerite
Davis, quickly revealed different “biological values” in different foodstoffs. It
became evident that butterfat provided a peculiar stimulus to growth of rats
on a highly purified diet. After F. G. Hopkins of Cambridge introduced tlie
concept of “accessory food factors”, and Casimir Funk at the Lister Institute
suggested the term mtamine for a substance in rice polishings which pre¬
sumably prevented beri-beri, McCollum showed experimentally the need for
two factors for which he suggested the terms “fat soluble A” and “water solu¬
ble B”. He showed the fat soluble A to be present in butterfat, egg yolk fat,
and the lipid extract of leaves. In later work, done at Johns Hopkins where
The Basic Sciences in Wisconsin
39
he moved in 1917 to become director of the new School of Hygeine and
Public Health, McCollum showed the association of vitamin A with the un-
saponifiable fraction of fats and did fundamental work in showing the role
of the associated fat soluble vitamin D to the prevention of rickets. He also
became an ardent campaigner for better nutrition.
At Wisconsin Harry Steenbock observed the frequent association of vita¬
min A activity with yellow color in foods and demonstrated an association
with the yellow pigment, carotene.^^ He also followed up the association
between rickets and lack of sunshine and showed in 1924 that rickets¬
preventing activity could be induced in foods by irradiation with ultra violet
light.^ Patents on the irradiation process were turned over to the newly formed
Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation for management. The proceeds from
royalties were invested and the income used to sponsor scientific research at
the University and, in more recent years, to also construct university hous¬
ing and research facilities.
During the first five decades of the twentieth century the Department
of Agricultural Chemistry (later Biochemistry) was in the forefront of nutri¬
tion research. Other developments of significance were the work of Hart and
Conrad A. Elvehjem on the role of copper in anemia, Elvehjem’s demonstra¬
tion of nicotinic acid as the anti-pellagra factor, and somewhat peripherally
to nutrition, Karl Paul Link’s demonstration of dicoumarol as a hemmorhagic
agent and its subsequent application to surgery and rat killing. Although one
sees in all of these researches an application to practical affairs, the approaches
have always been such as to provide fundamental understanding of the ma¬
terials and processes involved.
Available time makes it impossible to explore other areas of fundamental
contributions to pure and applied science in Wisconsin. One can only refer
in passing to Louis Kahlenberg’s criticisms of ionization theory,"'^ to the work
of Birge, Chauncey Juday, Arthur Hasler, and their associates on limnology,"®
to the work of Norman Eassett, Aldo Leopold, John Curtis, A. W. Schorger
and associates on ecology and conservation, to the fermentation studies of
E. B. Fred and W. E. Peterson, the reaction rate studies of Farrington Daniels,
the hydrogenation work of Homer Adkins, the development of the pressur¬
ized linear accelerator by Raymond G. Herb. Even in making such a listing
one becomes guilty of overlooking other equally significant researches in the
University. Furthermore, there has been no reference to work in the other
colleges and universities, of the state, or to work done at the Yerkes Observa¬
tory, the Forest Products Laboratory, or coming out of industrial laboratories.
Not only have Wisconsin scientists made important contributions to fun¬
damental and applied science, but the state has served as a training ground
and a maturing ground for scientists who have made or are making funda¬
mental contributions to teaching and research in all other states of the Union
and many foreign countries as well. John Muir comes to mind as perhaps the
first such expatriate. But there are many others. One University department.
Chemistry, has granted degrees to over 3000 students. One thousand of these
degrees were at the doctoral level. Most of these chemists are not in Wis¬
consin today. If we include further, the chemists educated in our other uni¬
versities and colleges, the impact of Wisconsin in this one science alone is
profound.
40
Aaron J. Ihde
If we turn to what is looked upon in many quarters as the supreme mark
of international recognition, the Nobel Prize, we find a Wisconsin connection
in the lives of five of the science laureates. Joseph Erlanger, who shared the
medicine prize in 1944 for his research on the nervous system was the first
professor and head of the newly founded physiology department from 1906
to 1910. Herbert S. Gasser, who shared the prize with Erlanger, was born in
Platteville and received his B.A. and M.A. at the University. He served on
the medical faculty of the University for short periods before and after taking
his M.D. at Johns Hopkins. His research was on electrophysiology of nerves.
John Bardeen, who shared the 1956 prize in physics for his research on
semiconductors, was born in Madison and educated through the M.S. at the
University.
Edward L. Tatum, who shared the prize in medicine in 1958 was raised
in Madison, taking his B.A. in chemistry at the University, and his Ph.D. in
fermentation biochemistry. Joshua Lederberg, who shared the prize with
Tatum, was a member of the genetics faculty at the University from 1947 to
1959 where he did his work on genetics and evolution of microorganisms.
I trust that this survey with its limited number of examples demonstrates
the four characteristics referred to in my introductory remarks. Opportunism
is evident in Beaumont’s experiments, in the lake studies of Birge and Juday,
and the geological and soil surveys. Concern for the practical is seen in
Henry’s Feeds and Feeding, Babcock’s test, in the application of nutritional
knowledge, in the development of improved varieties of grain, in the eradica¬
tion of tuberculosis and brucellosis from dairy herds, in Daniels work on solar
energy. The fundamental outlook appears in the single grain experiments, in
the geological studies of Irving, Chamberlin, and their successors, in King’s
soil studies, in the probing for nutritional understanding by McCollum, Hart,
Steenbock, and Elvehjem. Finally, the place of the state as an educational
center is seen in the number of working scientists around the world who
claim a Wisconsin connection, frequently short in duration but profound in
results. Perhaps it might be said that education is Wisconsin’s most important
product.
References Cited
1. Raney, Wm. F., Wisconsin, A Story of Progress, Prentice-Hall, New York, 1940,
ch. 3.
2. Beaumont, Wm., Experiments and Observations on the Gastric Juice in the
Physiology of Digestion, Facsimile of original edition of 1833 with a bio¬
graphical essay by Sir Wm. Osier, Dover, New York, 1959.
3. Raney, op. cit., p. 473. Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography, State Hist. Soc.
of Wis., Madison, 1960, pp. 221-222.
4. Stearns. J. W., ed., The Columbian History of Education in Wisconsin, Even¬
ing Wis. Co., Milwaukee, 1893, pp. 86!215, 231—293.
5. Boutwell, P., Stephen Pearl Lathrop, A Pioneer Chemist in Wisconsin,
Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts and Letters, 41, 95-116 (1952).
6. SiEGFRED, R. and A. J. Ihde, Beginnings of Chemical Education in Beloit,
Lawrence, and Ripon Colleges, Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters, 42,
25-38 (1953).
7. Stearns, op. cit., pp. 289, 292.
8. Ihde, A. J. and H. A. Sghuette, The Early Days of Chemistiy at the Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin, /. Chem. Educ., 29, 65-72 (1952).
The Basic Sciences in Wisconsin
41
9. CuRTi, M. and V. Carstensen. The Umversity of Wisconsin, 1848-1925,
Univ. of Wis, Press, Madison, 1949, vol, 1, p. 335.
10. Huffer, C. M. and E. Feather, The Washburn Observatory, 1878-1959,
Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci. Arts and Letters, 48, 249-259 (1959).
11. Sellery, G. C., E. a. Birge, Univ. of Wis. Press, Madison, 1956, pp. 14ff.
12. Bryan, G. S., A Brief History of the Development of Botany and of the De¬
partment of Botany at the University of Wisconsin to 1900, Trans. Wis.
Acad. Sci. Arts and Letters, 40, part 1, 1-28 (1950).
13. Ihde and Schuette, op. cit., p. 68.
14. CuRTi and Garstensen, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 359, 537.
15. Ibid., pp. 261, 268-69, 359-60, 448, 545-46; Vol. 2, p. 354 .
16. Vance, M. M., Charles Richard Van Hise, Scientist Progressive, State Hist.
Soc. of Wis., Madison, 1960, p. 42.
17. Butterfield, G. W., Histonj of the University of Wisconsin, Univ. Press Go.,
Madison, 1879, pp. 67-70.
18. Gurti and Garstensen, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 113, 169, 441, 449.
19. Glover, W. H., Farm and College, The College of Agriculture at the Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin, A History, Univ. of Wis. Press, Madison, 1952, pp. 89-148.
20. Ihde, A. J., The Development of Modern Chemistry, Harper and Row, New
York, 1964, pp. 301-02, Glover, op. cit., p. 119. Ihde, Babcock-Pioneer
Agricultural Chemist, in Eduard Farber, Great Chemists, Interscience, New
York, 1961, pp. 808-13.
21. Glover, op. cit., pp. 112-32, 287-327. Gurti and Carstensen, op. cit., vol. 1,
p. 504; vol. 2, pp. 377-78, 410119, 448, 474
22. Hart, E. B., E. V. McCollum, H. Steenbock, and G .C. Humphrey, Physi¬
ological effect on growth and reproduction of rations balanced from restricted
sources, Wis. Agr. Expt. Sta., Res. Bull. 17 (1911).
23. As told to AJI by E. V. McCollum on April 9, 1964. Also see E. V. McCollum,
From Kansas Farm Boy to Scientist, Univ. of Kansas Press, Lawrence, 1964,
pp. 118-19. It is of interest to note that T. B. Osborne and L. B. Mendel
met similar opposition to use of white rats in their pioneering nutrition
studies at the Connecticut Agricultural Experiment Station, according to
H. B. Vickery in an interview with All on April 13, 1964.
24. Steenbock, H., White corn vs. yellow corn and a probable relation between
the fat-soluble vitamine and yellow pigments. Science, 50, 352-53 ( 1919 ) .
Also see papers of Steenbock and associates in J. Biol. Chem., 41, 81-86
(1920); 42, 131-52 (1920); 47, 89-109 (1921); 51, 63-76 (1922).
25. Steenbock, H., Induction of growth-promoting and calcifying properties in a
ration by exposure to light. Science, 60, 224-25 (1924). Also see Steenbock
and A. Black, /. Biol. Chem., 61, 405-22 (1924); Steenbock and M. T.
Nelson, ibid., 62, 209-216 (1924).
26. Glover, op. cit., pp. 293-99, 311. Gurti and Carstensen, op cit., vol. 2, p. 413.
27. Hall, N. F., A Wisconsin chemical pioneer — The Scientific Work of Louis
Kahlenberg, Trans. Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters, 39, 83-96 (1949), 40,
part 1, 173-83 (1950).
28. Noland, L. E., History of the Department of Zoology, University of Wiscon¬
sin, Bios, 21, 82-109 (1950).
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HIGHLIGHTS IN THE HISTORY OF WHA;
A SALUTE TO SEVERAL RADIO PIONEERS
Harold B. McCarty
Permit me, first to congratulate your Academy President or your con¬
ference Program Chairman or both on the choice of this topic for this par¬
ticular conference. The timing is excellent.
Yesterday was Engineer’s Day on our campus, and last night the College
of Engineering, at a banquet in Great Hall of the Memorial Union, honored
four of its graduates for their distinguished contributions to science and in¬
dustry. One of the four was C. M. Jansky, Jr., a name we honor greatly in
recalling the history of WHA.
“C. M.,” also known as Moreau, is one of the sons of C. M. Jansky, Sr.,
long-time professor of electrical engineering in the University. Another son,
Carl, is credited with the initial experiments and discoveries which launched
the science of radio astronomy. C. M., Jr. now heads a large firm of com¬
munications consulting engineers with extensive laboratory facilities in Wash¬
ington, D. C., and with assignments that are national and international in
scope. While a student here, he was stimulated, as others were, by Earle M.
Terry, Professor of Phyics. Professor Terry was dedicated to the conversion
of wireless telegraphy into wireless telephony, or radio broadcasting as we
know it now. His leadership and inspiration attracted another student whose
name we honor among the pioneers responsible for the founding of WHA:
Malcolm Hanson.
You may know part of the story of Malcolm Hanson, for he was chief
radio engineer on Admiral Richard E. Byrd’s first expedition to Antarctica.
Remember the thrill and excitement of those first broadcasts from the “South
Pole”? Later Hanson served as a consultant to the U. S. Navy, as a specialist
in the development of radar. He was killed in a plane crash while serving on
a communications mission in the Aleutian Islands during World War II.
There were other physicists and engineers active in producing wireless
telephone transmissions from the University station known as 9XM, but we
must be sure to pay tribute to these three: Prof. Earle M. Terry and his
devoted students, Malcolm Hanson and C. M. Jansky, Jr. Together they de¬
signed the circuits, made the vacuum tubes, and built the equipment which
made possible the start of broadcasting on a scheduled basis in 1919. It was
their pioneering which enables WHA (known as 9XM until 1921) to identify
itself as “The Oldest Station in the Nation.” So, a salute to Terry, Hanson, and
Jansky!
Naturally, the physical capability of reaching many listeners at one time
led to a recognition of service opportunities. Slowly at first, we’re told. But
Terry was a socially-minded scientist. He insisted that his colleagues on the
faculty come in and “say something worthwhile into the microphone.” Among
the first to see the possibihties and use the new instrument were three addi-
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
43
44
Harold B. McCarty
tional pioneers whose names we revere: Professors Wm. H. Lighty, Andrew
W. Hopkins, and Edgar B. Gordon.
Professor Eighty was Director of Extension Teaching. It was his respon¬
sibility, in effect, to take the University to the people. And he did, in various
ways — by correspondence study, by traveling teachers, by chatauqua-type
events combining entertainment and serious subjects, by resident classes, and
other means. He believed deeply that the University belongs to all the people
of the state and should serve them in every way possible. Frequently he
recalled for himself and others the words of President Charles R. Van Hise:
‘1 shall not rest content until the beneficent influences of the University are
available in every home of the state.”
Imbued with that idea, it was natural that Professor Eighty should em¬
brace radio. Here was a means of instant access to the minds of people far
and wide. He planned and scheduled talks by faculty members. If a pro¬
fessor shied away from the microphone or felt, as it is reported some did,
that radio was a passing fancy and a little beneath their dignity. Professor
Eighty would read the manuscript himself. He was a delightful character,
and a colorful one — with his neatly trimmed goatee, a flowing Windsor tie,
and his twinkling eyes and merry laugh. For years he rode horseback to the
campus from his home in The Highlands west of town. After that, for many
years, you could see him driving about town perched high in an old-fashioned
Franklin air-cooled automobile long after other cars of that make had dis¬
appeared from the streets. But Professor Eighty’s old-fashioned mode of
transportation had nothing to do with his vision and ideas about communi¬
cation. In this area he was truly far-sighted.
Equally far-seeing and quick to use the new medium was another leader
we honor, Andrew W. Hopkins, Professor of Agricultural Journalism and head
of the department responsible for publicizing the findings of agricultural re¬
search and experimentation. When I first met and fell in love with WHA in
1929, the station was carrying two important daily features — the Farm Pro¬
gram and the Homemakers Program — ^which had been established years earlier
by Professor Hopkins. Except for a quarter-hour of music and a single talk of
a general nature, those two programs comprised the entire schedule when
I began, and they ai'e still maintained at a high level of excellence by the
Department of Agricultural Journalism.
We have in our files a picture which provides documentation of some
of Professor Hopkins’ early efforts. It shows a scene in Agriculture Hall during
Wisconsin Jubilee and Dairy Month in June, 1922. Prominent among the
exhibits was a demonstration of how the University received and transmitted
market reports for the benefit of farmers. Near the radio receiver in the pic¬
ture is a sign which reads, “Wisconsin was the first state to use the wireless
telephone for market reports and still leads all the others.” One more first,
followed by many others in farm and home radio service, thanks to the
pioneering work of Andrew W. Hopkins.
Perhaps the name best known and most widely honored among WHA
broadcasters throughout the years is that of Prof. Edgar B. (“Pop”) Gordon,
conductor for 24 years of the popular Journeys in Music Eand on the Wis¬
consin School of the Air. He responded immediately when Hai'old Engel and
I organized the School of the Air in 1931 and issued a call for teachers who
Highlights in the History of WHA
45
could help to enrich the classroom activities of school children within range
of WHA. Beginning with a few hundred listeners in the schools of Dane
County, his radio class grew with the state radio network until it reached an
estimated total of 100,000 participating children each week. But Professor
Gordon’s pioneering began long before the start of the School of the Air, ten
years before. Records indicate that he broadcast a course in music apprecia¬
tion for adults in 1921, and the historical mural which hangs in Radio Hall
pictures one of those early programs. So, let us salute ‘"Pop” Gordon when
we acknowledge our debt to early leaders in radio.
The staff of WHA has always been grateful for another kind of leader¬
ship — the supervision, policy-making, and administrative support provided
by the University Radio (now Radio and Television) Committee of the
faculty. For more than thirty years, beginning in 1927, the Committee was
headed by Prof. H. L. Ewbank of the Speech Department, a pioneer in the
development of course instruction in broadcasting and the guidance of gradu¬
ate students, as well as in determining the educational role of a university
radio station. We proudly acknowledge also the technical guidance and gen¬
eral counsel provided for many years by Edward Bennett, Professor of Elec¬
trical Engineering.
When we organized the Wisconsin School of the Air in 1931, the gods
were certainly smiling. Broadcasts began on October 5, though it was barely
three weeks earlier that the idea emerged and the project was officially
launched. Yet, consider this lineup of programs for the first week:
Monday, 9:35 a.m.
2:10 p.m.
Tuesday, 9:35 a.m.
2:10 p.m.
Wednesday, 9:35 a.m.
2:10 p.m.
You and Your Government — Gov. Philip F. La
Follette (Direct from the State Gapitol)
Counseling and Guidance: Three Questions of
Importance to Students — Frank O. Holt, Regis¬
trar, University of Wisconsin.
Dramatization and Stories for Young Ghildren —
Miss Garrie Rasmussen, Auditorium Teacher,
Longfellow School, Madison.
Wisconsin History: Goming of the White Man —
Edgar G. Doudna, State Board of Normal School
Regents.
Let’s Sing — Prof. Edgar B. Gordon, U.W.
Art Appreciation: How Can the Study of Art In¬
crease the Joy of Living? — Walter R. Agard,
U.W. Professor of Classics and Vice President,
Madison Art Association.
Thursday, 9:35 a.m. Birds in Autumn and Winter — Prof. R. H. Den-
niston, U.W.
2:10 p.m. What Makes a House a Home? — Miss Kathryn
Counsell, Home Economics Instructor, Lowell
School, Madison
Friday, 9:35 a.m. Health and Safety — Mrs. Fannie M. Steve, Di¬
rector of Health Education, Madison Schools.
2:10 p.m. The Poetry Club — Miss Charlotte Wood, Depart¬
ment of English, U.W
46
Harold B. McCarty
Isn’t that a remarkable array of prominent leaders and effective teachers?
How lucky can a program planner be! Who could have foreseen the kind of
development that was so innocently launched then? Who could have guessed
that Professor Gordon was beginning a series of 24 years of weekly music
lessons for Wisconsin school children? Or that Fannie Steve would go far be¬
yond that into 1965-66, her 35th year of regular broadcasts of rhythmic ac¬
tivities and games for kindergarten and primary grades? (And still with a lilt
in her voice and an infectious chuckle.) Who could have foretold that the
beginners would soon be joined by others who would establish similar lon¬
gevity records — Wakelin (“Ranger Mac”) McNeel with his inspiring Monday
morning nature hikes and James Schwalbach with a distinctive, award-winning
series in creative art?
Chance plays an important part in such developments, as Leslie Fishel
of the State Historical Society pointed out in his remai'ks earlier in this con¬
ference. Surely, however, one of the major highlights in the history of WHA
has been a constant and dependable factor. It is the attraction the station
offers and the gratification it provides for unselfish broadcasters willing to
share with others their knowledge and skills.
The same spirit which has sustained the School of the Air since 1931
has been apparent also throughout the development of the College of the Air
and other program features. Somehow the noncommercial, public service
character of WHA seems to establish a kinship between broadcaster and
listener, and bring out the best in both.
The University News and Publications Service recently issued a bro¬
chure which portrays beautifully the WHA goal of service to the state. It is
entitled “The University With The State as Its Community,” and it is based
on a radio talk by President Harrington recorded at WHA for broadcast over¬
seas by the Voice of America. The text explains the nature of a big, state-
supported university, and the pictures illustrate some of its distinctive serv¬
ices. I am prejudiced, I admit, but I find it appropriate that the brochure
begins and ends with pictures of broadcast activities by WHA. The front
cover shows students in a fifth grade class in Black Earth listening to a School
of the Air science program from WHA, and the concluding page pictures
Professor Gordon directing thousands of children in the University Stock
Pavilion in his final music festival when he announced his retirement from
the School of the Air.
This handsome booklet, as indicated eai'lier, illustrates the state-wide
campus responsibility of the University of Wisconsin. Perhaps a more appro¬
priate title would be the name of a program series currently broadcast by
WHA and the State Radio Network: Our Campus — the World. Surely the
influence of the University is world- wide and, similarly, WHA’s service area
has grown far beyond the state boundaries.
Last month, for example, seemed like United Nations month at Radio
Hall, as visitors singly and in groups came pouring in from seven different
countries — from Tanzania, Korea, Venezuela, Egypt, and elsewhere. At the
end of his five-day stay, the gentleman from Egypt said, “I wish the com¬
mittee had planned my trip so I could spend the entire three months at WHA
and WHA-TV. I have learned more and found more to learn here than any
Highlights in the History of WHA
47
place in America. I am so grateful to you. Remember, when you come to
Cairo, you have a brother there.”
Here, it seems, is an indication of the ultimate goal of WHA and of all
instruments and agencies of communication. It goes beyond the speedy dis¬
semination of information to the cultivation of the wisdom, goodwill, and
brotherhood essential to the preservation and enjoyment of life.
For the steps taken in this direction through WHA, let us salute again
the planners and workers whose pioneering efforts we have recounted here.
TWO CHANGES AND A CHALLENGE IN GRADUATE EDUCATION
Karl Kroeber
My purpose today is to highlight two developments in the recent history
of graduate education and to suggest the nature and significance of one
special challenge which these developments pose to the humanities. I shall
speak of the University of Wisconsin, but what has happened here is repre¬
sentative of national phenomena^ — and what might be done at Wisconsin
could have extended significance.
Everyone knows that university enrollments are increasing, but surpris¬
ingly few have recognized how much of the increase is in the ai'ea of gradu¬
ate studies. Between 1954 and 1964 undergraduate enrollment at the Uni¬
versity of Wisconsin increased 77%. In the same period graduate enrollment
increased 155%. These figures become more interesting when seen in historical
perspective. Although the university is well over one hundred years old, the
Graduate School has existed for only sixty years. In 1920 the total enroll¬
ment at Madison was 7500, including 570 graduate students. In 1930 total
enrollment exceeded 10,000, including 1200 graduate students. In 1958 total
enrollment was 16,600, including 3,400 graduate students. This year we have
about 18,700 undergraduates and about 6500 graduates.
In brief, the recent increase in graduate enrollment is not an explosion,
a unique event, but the becoming-apparent of a process which has been
operating continuously throughout this century. For sixty years a steadily
increasing proportion of our students have been college graduates. In 1920
seven-and-one-half per cent of the student population were graduates; this
year more than 25% are graduates.
A more striking, and probably more significant, illustration of this pat¬
tern is the fact that our present undergraduate enrollment is only a little more
than twice what it was 35 years ago^^ — ^whereas present graduate enrollment
is about 5 and a half times what it was in 1930.
These figures tell only part of the story. In the first official report to the
president by the Dean of the Graduate School in 1938 it was suggested that,
due to expansion of knowledge and the need for increased specialization,
particularly in the natural sciences, po5t-doctoral appointments ought to be
encouraged. This year Dean Alberty conducted a survey, the first of its kind,
to discover how many post-doctoral appointees actually are on the Madison
campus — and came up with a listing of nearly 500, That’s more than twice
the size of the total faculty of some distinguished colleges, and it suggests
that in twenty-five years there may be more post-doctoral appointees on the
campus than there were graduate students twenty-five years ago.
One final set of figures and Til have done with population. Thirty-five
years ago about 15% of our graduate students worked for doctoral degrees
in the humanities; today about 20% are enrolled in the humanities division.
Because of this shift, enrollment pressure is stronger in the humanities than
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
49
50
Karl Kroeber
in the sciences, although there is far less money for research, and hence less
for support of graduate students in the humanities.
This brings me to the second of the changes I wish to mention; the fed¬
eralization of university research — a factor of significance because the educa¬
tion of graduate students cannot be separated from the research functions
of a university.
Twenty-five years ago federal funds for research at Wisconsin amounted
to 150,000 dollars. Today they amount to nineteen million dollars and support
62% of the expenditures for research on this campus. Ten years ago, to sug¬
gest the rate of acceleration involved, 31% of Wisconsin research funds, about
two million dollars, came from federal sources.
It is difficult to determine precisely how these funds are distributed
among the disciplines. A couple of years ago it was said that, nationally, 97%
of federal funds for research supported the natural sciences, 3% the social
sciences, and so small a fraction, the humanities that it could not be measured.
Today Td hazard the guess that 5% of federal funds for research go to the
social sciences and possibly /2% to the humanities. But these percentages will
rise rapidly — if for no other reason because of moral and political pressures
exerted by the growing number of graduate students who choose non-scientific
disciplines. The Office of Education has recently begun to support research
in the arts and humanities and the Congress is expected to pass legislation
establishing a National Humanities Foundation this spring.
The virtues and benefits of the federalization of research no longer need
emphasis. And I do not intend to discuss familiar general problems asso¬
ciated with federalization. These of course are troubling — the problem of lo¬
calized loyalty, for example. The modern scientist, it is sometimes said, owes
his primary allegiance to agencies of the federal government rather than to
his university, which may serve only as his base — for almost continuous travel
throughout this countiy and abroad. In my view, it is not intrinsically better
to be loyal to the University of Wisconsin than to the National Institutes of
Health, but more impersonal and abstract loyalties, such as those to federal
agencies, are unreliable unless built out of more personally-experienced and
particularized loyalties. The moral incertitude and bewildered self-questioning
of some scientists seems to originate in their lack of localized, as it were,
tangible, bases for their affectional commitments. Perhaps “the best intro¬
duction to astronomy is to think of the nightly heavens as a little lot of stars
belonging to one’s own homestead.”
Today, however, I want to tackle a less familiar subject: the challenge
posed to humanists by the fact of increased graduate enrollments in their
disciplines and the prospect of increased federal support for their research.
Should the humanities, as they are now tending to do, model themselves on
patterns established by the natural sciences, or should the humanities seize
this opportunity to differentiate themselves, to set forth on a new and adven¬
turesome course?
I believe the humanities should strike out in a new direction, that they
should differentiate themselves by becoming, more creative.
So as to make my meaning as cleai* as possible I shall speak of the
“aesthetic” humanities, the fine arts, music, literature and language studies.
Two Changes and a Challenge in Graduate Education
51
and exclude the less aesthetically oriented disciplines such as history and
philosophy. The expression of creativity in these disciplines is more compli¬
cated since it lies above all in humanizing the social sciences, which are — or
should be — the studies in which humanism and science meet, fuse, and
fructify. I challenge anyone to name an outstanding work of economics, psy¬
chology, anthropology, or political science, for example, which is not in fact
a synthesis of the humanistic and the scientific.
But if one confines his attention to the aesthetically-oriented disciplines
of the humanities one can see quite clearly how humanistic research and
teaching necessarily differ from scientific research and teaching. Research
I take to be a systematic endeavor to discover knowledge and new ways of
utilizing knowledge. Teaching I take to be not the mere dissemination of
knowledge, though it may include that function, but a systematic endeavor
to discipline and improve sensory, mental, and emotional powers. Socrates
was an effective teacher, even though (like our own Dean of Education) he
got into trouble by refusing accreditation; but Socrates did not disseminate
information — he left that to Xantippe.
Now- — while the scientific scholar’s research typically is into the unex¬
plored and the unknown, the humanistic scholar’s research typically is into
the forgotten. The humanist labors not on the bright edge of a new frontier
but among the tangled ruins of the past. The first men to whom the desig¬
nation “humanist” was applied were Renaissance students of classical an¬
tiquity, revivalists of pagan culture, scholars who unearthed what medieval
societies had buried.
Humanistic research tends to grow out of teaching, whereas scientific
teaching tends to follow behind research. The laboratory of an introductory
chemistry course is not normally where a fine chemist develops the ideas
which inspire his research— but it is in his introductory courses that a literary
scholar is likely to find inspiration for his specialized scholarship. As for the
training of mental and emotional powers, the scientist tends to discipline
emotions through segregation — he teaches his students consciously to exclude
sentiment from their work. The humanist teaches his students not to exclude
sentiments but consciously to analyze and to evaluate them. These distinc¬
tions suffer from the fault of all generalizations, but they are valid enough
to establish the point that teaching and research and their relationship in the
sciences and the humanities differ radically.
For this reason the humanist ought to respond differently to the pressure
of increased enrollments and the temptations of increased research support.
An obvious problem: the scientist who receives financing for his research is
taken from the classroom into the laboratory, where at the least he works with
graduate students. The humanist whose research is financed is likely to be
removed from the classroom to the library — where his chief contacts will be
with desk clerks and janitors. And, more importantly, on the research side
we must admit the finiteness of the past. Now that we have more books about
the Civil War than there were generals in that war, now that we have more
books about Shakespeare than there are characters in his plays, we must
question the purpose and value of enormously expanding the number and
scholarly potential of historians and literary critics.
52
Karl Kroeber
There is value in intensive study of the past — ^but the value will de¬
crease unless the study becomes more creative. Humanists, who are in dan¬
ger of swamping themselves in endlessly refined minutiae and in cutting
themselves off from classrooms where the most vigorous source of their in¬
spiration lies, should not flinch from introducing the aesthetic, the consciously
imaginative, into their own procedures of teaching and research. How this
might be done I may suggest by a simplified example. If a graduate student
of English literature wishes to write a doctoral dissertation about Goeffry
Chaucer — fine. But also fine if he wishes to write a doctoral dissertation
which consists principally of his creation in middle English of another Can¬
terbury Tale — Chaucer's plan for the series being 120 tales of which he
completed only a fraction. To write another Canterbury Tale judged by pro¬
fessional scholars to be a competent imitation would be at least as difficult as
writing an essay about Chaucer and would provide as good humanistic train¬
ing. Even more significant, the professor directing such a creative disserta¬
tion will be forced to apply his historical, philological, and aesthetic knowl¬
edge, the product of his research, to a newly challenging and vital presen¬
tation of his familiar preoccupations.
My example is simple, perhaps trivial, and, though it certainly has out¬
raged any conservative academicians present, it probably strikes most of you
as unexciting. But the principle it illustrates — that humanistic teaching and
research can be effective when their forms are radically differentiated from
the forms of scientific teaching and research — this principle is important, at
least in my biassed view, because humanism is important.
Of all creatures only man inherits, through his civilization, an accumula¬
tive past which makes possible dramatic and lasting improvements in the very
nature, as well as the conditions, of his existence. This unique heritage, like
all surpassing gifts, carries with it special dangers — among which is the threat
of becoming enamoured and then imprisoned by one's traditions. Because
civilization at its best is creative, we are perpetually challenged to preserve
what is good in itself and also as a guide into the future, and, simultaneously,
to slough off that which may impede our development and growth. The hu¬
manist should be the professional diagnostician of our success at meeting
this demand, and, therefore, he should be, implicitly or explicitly an indis¬
pensable critic of the immediate choices which constitute the evolving value-
systems of contemporary life. We must live in the present, but we cannot live
well, fully humanly, unless our present embodies the best of the past —
without making of it an excuse for inaction, a refuge, or an obstacle to
advancement.
The proper task of the humanities is to enhance our lives by fabricating
out of our specially human, our civilizational, past an analog of the living
continuity described by a great writer as essential to precious personal
experience:
We could never have loved the earth so well if we had had no
childhood in it, — if it were not the earth where the same flowers come
up again every spring that we used to gather with our tiny fingers as
we sat lisping to ourselves in the grass . . . These familiar flowers, these
Two Changes and a Challenge in Graduate Education
53
well-remembered bird-notes, this sky with its fitful brightness, these fur¬
rowed and grassy fields, each with a sort of personality . . . such things
as these are the mother tongue of our imagination, the language that is
laden with all the subtle, inextricable associations the fleeting hours of
our childhood left behind them. Our delight in the sunshine on the
deep-bladed grass today, might be no more than the faint perception of
wearied souls, if it were not for the sunshine and the grass in the far-
off years, which still live in us, and transform our perception into love.
WISCONSIN’S ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE ARTS» A SURVEY
Fannie Taylor
This paper is a survey only, by its nature leaving out much more than
it includes. My hope is that the material may suggest patterns of support
which the fine arts have received in the state of Wisconsin through citizens,
communities, and state government, working together.
As I- see it, these patterns are three. One comes through education. The
University of Wisconsin, established in 1849, has long been deeply influential
in all branches of creative activity.
A second pattern is the interest of the individual citizen, who is willing
to commit himself with time, money and sympathy.
A third pattern is essentially a '"policy” of encouragement by the state
government which, often unintentionally, has created agencies whose func¬
tion includes the fine arts.
Wisconsin has never had major funds for the arts and few physical fa¬
cilities. We have not always spent our modest monies wisely. But over and
over in our history, we find consistent interest in, and support for, music,
theater, dance, plastic arts, architecture and writing, and an equally consis¬
tent reference to the University for standards, for innovations, and for or¬
ganizational support. Seldom is the Wisconsin Idea so clearly developed as
in this interchange between the campus and the state community, particularly
in the past quarter century.
When early residents set about civilizing the wilderness it is probable
that they were not consciously concerned with the fine arts, even though a
piano was brought up the Mississippi river to grace the Dousman House in
Prairie du Chien.
Such concern usually comes with advancing civilization and the shelter
of education, and this education expanded quickly. There was a state college
at Platteville in 1866, one at Whitewater in 1868, and Oshkosh, River Falls
and Milwaukee all began before 1885.
But the teaching of fine arts moved slowly.
Although as early as 1867, in the old Female College in Madison, vocal
and instrumental music had been taught, a chair of music at the University
of Wisconsin was not created until 1880. The School of Music was estab¬
lished by Charles Kendall Adams in 1894, with no budget, by the way. Its
staff did not go on a regular salary basis until 1907,
The bachelor of music degree program was set up during the year
1915™16. The school had always emphasized training for public school music
teaching, and under Peter W. Dykema (1913“1924) this was expanded, re¬
flecting the Wisconsin concept of practical service to the state.
President Charles R. Van Hise, in the early 20th century, often empha¬
sized that the humanities were deficient at the University and should be
supported by instruction in the history and appreciation of the fine arts, yet
the department of art history was not established until 1925.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
55
56
Fannie Taylor
Graduate study in the theater and allied areas was approved for the
Department of Speech in 1916, and the first doctorate was awarded to C.
Lowell Lees in 1934.
At Beloit College, the Music Department was organized in 1891, and
its art collections and curricular interest in art history date from the same
period. Lawrence University has maintained a Conservatory since 1884 and
opened a Music-Drama Center in 1959. At St. Norbert College in Green
Bay the Music Department was started in 1937 by Rev. R. A. Sromovsky,
O. Praem., who had received the first doctorate in music from the University
of Wisconsin.^
In the last thirty-five years secondary school music has produced hun¬
dreds of school bands, orchestras and vocal groups, and the best of them
compete for ratings annually which may lead to academic scholarships. The
summer high school Music Clinic at the University of Wisconsin, directed by
Prof. Emmett Sarig, has trained thousands of youngsters. For many years
Prof. E. B. Gordon’s beloved radio series, “Journeys in Musicland” originated
over the state station WHA.
At the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee campus, a School of Fine
Arts embracing art, theater, music and dance was established in December,
1962, with Adolph Suppan appointed as its Dean.
In early days, other state agencies which would, by their nature, sup¬
port the arts, were created. The State Historical Society was chartered in
1853 to receive its first grant of state funds and to accept private funds for
endowment as well. The Society, incidentally, is the oldest in the nation to
benefit from continuing grants of state moneys. Aside from its library, its
collections extend to many visual displays^ — the Museum at Madison, and
historic sites operated throughout the state. These include Villa Louis, a nine¬
teenth century fur trader’s mansion at Prairie du Chien where some of the
first uses of the fine arts in daily frontier living can be observed; and museums
and restorations at Greenbush, Cassville, and the Baraboo Circus World
Museum. The latter certainly should be included in any discussion of the
arts in Wisconsin, whether fine or popular, because the development of the
circus by the Ringling Brothers of Baraboo is assuredly a splendiferous crea¬
tive effort of the nineteenth century.
In March, 1870 a special act of the legislature chartered the Wisconsin
Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, with whose objectives we are all
conversant.
A state fine arts commission was created in 1951 to approve the designs,
structure, composition, location and arrangement of all monuments, memorials
and works of art which are to become the property of the State.^ Works of
art belonging to the University and the State Historical Society are excluded
from this approval, by the way.
^By 1952 the Blue Book was reporting that state colleges at Milwaukee and Superior offered
special majors in art, and those at Eau Claire, Milwaukee, River Falls, and Superior had special
majors in music.
^Laws of Wisconsin 1951, Chapter 450. The Commission consists of the State Architect,
the Director of the Milwaukee Art Institute, a member of the art faculty of the University of
Wisconsin, a member of the Board of Curators of the State Historical Society, and a citizen
of the state of recognized standing in the field of fine arts, architecture or landscape architecture,
appointed by the Governor.
Wiscoilsins Encouragement of the Arts: A Survey
57
For the Wisconsin Centennial in 1948-49 a sub-committee on Music,
Drama and Art was appointed, with Mrs. Ronald A. Dougan of Beloit as
general chairman.®
In October 1963, Governor John Reynolds established the first Governor’s
Council on the Arts. The Council made the first state awards for contribu¬
tions in the arts on October 9, 1964 at a dinner in the Governor’s Mansion.^
Subsequently Governor Warren P. Knowles reorganized his office’s sup¬
port of the arts by appointing “public members” to the Wisconsin Arts
Foundation and Council. The latter organization, which grew out of the
University Agriculture and Extension Department in 1937, has as its inten¬
tion the coordination of arts organizations in the state.
As we search the records, we find a repeated pattern in Wisconsin of
self-perpetuating growth, a citizen’s responsibility, in which individuals ac¬
cording to their means, have contributed to a sympathetic climate in which
the fine arts have been able to grow.
A prime example, of course, is the individual membership program in
the Wisconsin Union. This system helps support many academically related
extra-curricular fine arts events held in the Memorial Union building. Union
membership is the prerogative of all students on the Madison campus and
extends to about 37,000 alumni and friends of the University. The State His¬
torical Society also operates as a public membership organization. In the
1964 annual report its Director Leslie Fishel, Jr., commented that while state
funds had gone up 35% in six years, private funds, gained through admissions,
sales and services, had gone up 65%, proof of individual citizen interest.®
Special non-state funds, administered by state officials but not from the
state treasury, have occasionally come to the rescue of the arts at the Uni¬
versity. Notable examples have been the assistance given the Old Masters’
Show displayed in the Wisconsin Union Gallery in 1948, presentation of
“Twelfth Night” and “Hamlet” by the Old Vic Theatre in 1958, and the
funds which will be forthcoming next fall for the presentation of three per¬
formances by the Metropolitan Opera Touring Gompany at the Union Theater.
The citizen’s responsibility in encouraging the fine arts is reflected in the
activities of the Johnson family of Racine. In 1937, H. F. Johnson estab¬
lished a trust, which in 1958 was broadened by the family decision to convert
its home, Wingspread, into an educational conference center. Wingspread is
one of the last of the “prairie houses” designed by Frank Lloyd Wright and
^Wisconsin Blue Book, 1950, pp. 146—153.
‘^The Wisconsin State Journal, Oct. 10, 1964, lists the following: Recipients were: Robert
von Neumann, Milwaukee painter who has taught for more than 50 years at the University,
Milwaukee, and its predecessor, Milwaukee State College; Margaret H’Doubler, Sister Bay, who
developed revolutionary ideas in the science and theory of dance while teaching at the Univer¬
sity of Wis.; Father John Walsh, Marquette University, who has incorporated original and
creative adaptations and style to the classic as well as contemporary drama; Mrs. Harry Lynde
Bradley, River Falls, for her contributions to the Milwaukee Art Center, Milwaukee Symphony
Orchestra and the Milwaukee Repertory Theatre; The University of Wisconsin’s Union Theater,
which, at its 25th anniversary, had gained a national reputation for consistent excellence and
diversity in programming in the arts; the University of Wisconsin— Milwaukee, for its summer
arts festival; the Wisconsin Painters and Sculptors, for its 50th anniversary and its impressive
contribution to the development of the arts and the cultural life of the state; the Peninsula
Music Festival, for giving Door County a music festival worthy of national recognition for 12
years; the late Frank Lloyd Wright, father of organic architecture, posthumous award; Edward
Steichen, photographer; illustrator-satirist Robert Osborn; writers Thornton Wilder and Edna
Ferber; and actors Alferd Lunt and Lynn Fontanne.
“Director’s Report, 1963—64, Wisconsin Magazine of Histonj, Vol. 48, No. 1 (1964) p. 78.
58
Fannie Taylor
is uniquely suited to the kind of program dreamed of by the Johnson Foun¬
dation trustees, with its “concern for the individuaFs creative abilities, for
his constant growth in mind and spirit.”®
A Wingspread conference having far-reaching impact was the May 1964
Conference on the Arts. A special issue of the University of Wisconsin journal
“Arts in Society” was devoted to the proceedings
Another family willing to support the arts have been the Brittinghams,
whose gifts of major private funds have had important results. Through monies
from the Brittingham Foundation the concept of the artist-in-residence was
pioneered at the University’s Madison campus. Brittingham funds established
John Steuart Curry, the painter, in 1936, and the State Emergency Board,
in the heart of the depression of the 30’s, found funds to build him a one-
room studio on the Ag Campus.®
Both Gunnar Johansen, pianist, who came in the late 30’s to the campus
and the Pro Arte Quartet, in 1940, were originally financed by the Britting¬
ham Estate.”
There are many other examples of contribution to the community by
individual citizens. In the late nineteenth century civic benevolences and
free enterprise, frequently in tandem, built many theaters. In 1893 Capt.
Frederick Pabst put up the Pabst Theatre in Milwaukee to replace the fire-
destroyed Stadt Theater, inheritor of a 45-year tradition of excellent German
productions. In Madison, M. E. Fuller and his brother, aided by one hundred
and forty subscribers who underwrote a building fund, erected the Fuller
Opera House in 1890, right next to the old City Hall on the capitol square.
The period home in Oshkosh of Mr. and Mrs. Nathan Paine, built in
the 1920’s, became the Paine Art Center and Arboretum in 1947, privately
endowed for public use.
‘^The Johnson Foundation, A Program Report, p. 5.
"‘Arts in Society, Vol. 2, No. 2, Edward L. Kamarck, Editor, University of Wisconsin Exten-
tion Division.
^Hondivritten memorandum in University of Wisconsin News Service Files for J. S. Curry;
Madison, August 15, 1936 — The appointment of John Steuart Curry as “artist-in-resident” at
the University of Wisconsin, announced by President Glenn Frank today, sets going at the
University a new movement which civic, educational, and art leaders believe will exert a far-
reaching influence in the cultural life of the state. The terms of this appointment are unique,
in that, while Mr. Curry’s appointment is a general university appointment, and he is to have
contact with all phases of the University’s life, he will sustain a special relation to the work
of the College of Agriculture with the rural youth of Wisconsin, Curry, along with Grant Wood
and Thomas Hart Benton, is distinctive in the degree to which his art draws its strength from
the very soil of America.
In launching this new educational venture, we are undertaking to give added impetus to
regional art as a force for rural, as well as urban, eulture in this Middle West area.
The funds to finance this development have been provided by a gi’ant from the U. of W.
Trust of the Brittingham Estate. The Emergency Board made available funds for the building
of a simple one-room studio on the campus.
“Professor Gunnar Johansen first performed at the University of Wisconsin under a grant
from the Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge funds. He was established as a lecturer in the School of
Music in 1938 with Brittingham funds.
The Pro Arte Quartet, with a grant from the Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge Foundation in
the Library of Congress, played all the Beethoven Quartets at the 1940 Spring Festival in the
Wisconsin Union Theater. They were stranded in this country by the Nazi invasion of Belgium.
Four leading alumni raised funds to retain the group on the campus. They were Thomas E.
Brittingham, Jr., investment counselor; Joseph E. Davies, lawyer and ambassador to the Soviet
Union; George I. Haight, Chicago attorney; Frank Sensenbrenner, president of the U. W. Regents.
Wisconsin s Encouragement of the Arts: A Survey
59
In Menomonie, lumberman Capt. Andrew Tainter, erected an imposing
Romanesque structure out of the Dunville sandstone of the area, and in 1890
made the town a gift of a $125,000 “community center” as a memorial to
his daughter, Mabel. The building included space for the library, city hall,
recreation facilities, and a 500-seat theater which present-day residents are
trying to restore as a charming memento of the gay nineties
The theater has always interested Wisconsin residents, and the Wis¬
consin Dramatic Society, founded by Prof. Thomas H. Dickinson in 1910
in Madison, is thought to have been the first “little theater group” in America.^^
Its Milwaukee branch, directed by Mrs. Laura Sherry, functioned into the
30’s. The oldest summer theater in the state is the Belfry Players at Williams
Bay, which started in 1932 as a dramatic club and utilizes an old Mormon
church for its auditorium. Dozens of other summer groups, some privately
sponsored, others municipally conducted, flourish or have flourished. Among
them are the Port Washington Players, the Peninsula Players in Door County,
the Court Theatre at Beloit College, the Creen Ram at Baraboo. One of the
most popular summer undertakings is the annual William Tell Festival, pro¬
duced at New Glarus by descendants of the Swiss settlers there.
At the University the most vigorous, long-term student theater ventures
reflect generational impulses twenty-three or four years apart. In 1899 the
Haresfoot Club was established. It presented original musicals, written and
acted by students, and using an all-male cast so that it could go “on the road”
without the attendant difficulties of chaperoning young ladies. Haresfoot lasted
into recent times, surviving wars and depressions, and finally dying in 1963
of old age and insolvency. The Wisconsin Players, stage production arm of
the Department of Speech, was created in 1922, largely through the influence
of one of the university’s most able faculty members, the late Gertrude E.
Johnson, professor of speech. She brought three struggling student organiza¬
tions together into one viable organization, the Wisconsin Players, today one
of the distinguished campus drama activities of the United States. Mention
of several faculty members of the Speech Department who have had a long
influence on state drama should be made: Prof. Fredrick A. Buerki, whose
technical knowledge of the theater has been carried by his students from one
end of the country to the other; Prof. Ronald E. Mitchell, playwright and
director; Prof. Jonathan W. Curvin, director; and Prof. John E. Dietrich,
generally credited with setting up the financial structure under which the
Wisconsin Players has operated so successfully that nearly 50,000 people
annually attend their productions.
Still another college generation produced a student variety show, “Humor-
ology”, started in 1946 and vigorously supported by its campus adherents.
Since about 1935 student actors also have performed at WHA in a variety of
radio and television productions for the state station.
^“Earl Chapin, “A Gay 90’.s Gem Comes Back to Life,” St. Paul Pioneer Presn, March 15,
1964.
’^The William F. Vilas will (1905) provides for scholarships, fellowships, professorships in
music, prizes, contributions to i^eriodic music festivals, construction of a theater and other aids
to the campus at Madison,
60
Fannie Taylor
Henry C. Yoiingerman, in his history of Madison’s Theaters states that
''The course of Madison’s theatrical activities so closely parallels the growth
of the city as to mark clearly its place in the city’s culture.”'^
But the problems of production in the City of Madison have always
been troublesome. Early activities took place under conditions that were a
severe test of the community’s enthusiasm. Not until Hooley’s Opera House
was built in 1871, with a cellar furnace and three gas chandeliers, did
theater activities find an adequate home. Here, Madison’s first theater group,
the Madison Dramatic Society, presented Tennyson’s drama "Dora” to an
audience of 700 patrons who paid $400 for the privilege. Some years later,
in 1877, we find an amateur benefit performance being given to cover the
cost of new seats, which were to be designed as single chairs, with turn-up
seats and arms, copied after those used in that model of new architecture.
Science Hall on the campus.
The University itself was long in getting adequate stage facilities. A
small, makeshift stage in Ladies’ Chapel was used in 1877 to present the first
campus show, with Robert M. LaFollette, Sr. in the cast.“ In 1879 Library
Hall (now Music Hall) opened and solved temporarily, at least, the problem
of a place to congregate. In later years, a room in Bascom was remodeled
to house the "Bascom Theatre” where the Wisconsin Players were launched.
Not until 1939, with the opening of the Wisconsin Union Theater, did the
Wisconsin Players productions and other campus activities come into appro¬
priate facilities and essentially their "modern” history. Alfred Lunt and Lynn
Fontanne, Wisconsin’s famous acting couple, performed "The Taming of the
Shrew” for this gala o^Dening which brought celebrities from all over the
world.
In 1945 the Wisconsin Idea Theatre was founded by Prof. Robert A.
Card under the sheltering umbrella of the University’s Extension Division.
Its purpose was, and is, to stimulate cultural work throughout the state, par¬
ticularly in theater arts and in writing. A corollary operation has been the
Wisconsin Idea Theatre Conference, which reaches its 21st birthday this
spring.
Antecedent to the Wisconsin Idea Theatre were the Bureau of Instruc¬
tion by Lecture, established in 1909 and the Bureau of Community Music
founded in 1913. In 1916 these were combined into the Bureau of Com¬
munity Music and Drama and Prof. Edgar B. Gordon, as their director, began
a career that spanned five decades of selfless devotion to the arts.
Many community theaters have functioned successfully for years. Green
Bay’s group, for example, is in its 29th season. For a period of the 1950’s the
Fred Miller in Milwaukee was gaining national attention for its theater-in-
tlie-round productions.
Another important educational theater element in the state is represented
by activities at the Roman Catholic institutions. Father John Walsh at Mar¬
quette University is known as a distinguished director. Sister Marie Aileen at
'^^Red Domino, founded in 1899; Edwin Booth, founded in 1902; Twelfth Night, founded
in 1912 Henry C. Yoiingerman, “Theater Buildings in Madison, Wisconsin 1836—1900,” Wisconsin
Magazine of History, Vol. 30, No. 3, March, 1947.
■^^‘Tci On Parle Francais.”
’^Robert E. Card, Grassroots Theatre, Madison, 1955.
Wisconsin s Encouragement of the Arts: A Survey
61
Edgewood College of tlie Sacred Heart at Madison was Helen Hayes’ teaelier.
St. Norbert’s College in Green Bay and both Cardinal Striteh and Alverno
Colleges in Milwaukee maintain vigorous programs in all the arts.
Dance, as an art form, was late blooming in the state, and received its
greatest impetus through the work of Prof. Margaret N. H’Doubler, who
taught a new theory of movement in the department of physical education for
women. She also organized the first Orchesis group, of which there are today
hundreds of chapters in colleges and high schools all over the country, and
with the aid of Prof. Blanche M. Trilling, director of the department, suc¬
ceeded in establishing a major in dance for her students, the first in the
country.
Recently, in 1961, the Wisconsin Ballet Company, with headquarters
in Madison, and strong support in Sheboygan, has been organized with Tibor
Zana as its artistic director.
Differing aspects of the story of the plastic arts in Wisconsin have been
well and fully told in two volumes. One is ""Art in Wisconsin” by Porter
Butts, published in 1936; the other ""Rural Artists of Wisconsin” by John
Rector Barton, published in 1948.
Prof. Butts’ book was described in the preface written by Prof. Oskar
F. L. Hagen, first chairman of the department of art history at the Univer¬
sity, as ""the first scholarly study of the origin and development of art in our
State and being the first publication by a graduate of the Department of Art
History . . ., it is in itself a fruit of that development.”^
In connection with the State Historical Society, in 1854, Lyman C.
Draper established a museum and with it a modest art gallery. In 1888 the
Layton Art Gallery, gift of Frederick Layton, was opened in Milwaukee with
an endowment of $100,000. In 1920 the Layton School of Art was organized
as a professional training school. There are other museums serving the state
such as the Theodore Lyman Wright Art Hall at Beloit College, and insti¬
tutions at Fond du Lac, Green Bay, Oshkosh and elsewhere.
By the early 20th century the art impulse in Milwaukee was sturdily
growing. In 1901 the Society of Milwaukee Artists was organized, followed
by the Milwaukee Art Institute in 1910. The Wisconsin Painters and Sculp¬
tors, of which the painter Gustave Moeller was the secretary and domin¬
ant force for years, annually holds an April exhibition at the Milwaukee Art
Institute. During the depression years of the thirties, the Milwaukee Works
Project Administration put out a vigorously creative product. Many of the
distinguished artists of today, such as the late Prof. Alfred Sessler, Prof. Santos
Zingale, Schomer Lichtner, and others, worked in this program.
In 1929, the building of the Memorial Union at the University opened
another art gallery, and with it a vigorous art program which sponsors the
annual Wisconsin Salon of Art, now in its 30th season. It also presents an
annual Student Art Show in the spring, as well as a diverse gallery program,
some of it in cooperation with the Madison Art Association — one of the
state’s most effective civic art groups.
The rural arts program, described by Prof. Barton in his ""Rural Artists
of Wisconsin” can be counted as one of the glories of the state’s encourage¬
ment of the arts. Barton’s book was a University Centennial publication and
^^Porter Butts, Art in Wisconsin, preface, v.
62
Fannie Taylor
was dedicated to the memory of John Steuart Curry a fragmentary but
convincing record of the vital influence of a great artist, a shy and unassum¬
ing man who inspired in everyday people the desire to create something true
and beautiful.”^®
Curry, painter-in-residence at the time of his death in 1946, was followed
by Aaron Bohrod, who is still in the post. This painter-in-residence program
has been a function of the College of Agriculture Extension Department
which annually encourages more than a thousand Wisconsin residents to
participate in rural art activity, and sponsors a state show and numerous
regional shows. Implicit in the rural art growth, too, has been the work of
Prof. James A. Schwalbach, who in 1945 started the program “Let’s Draw”
for school children over the WHA School of the Air, and began the annual
Junior Exhibit.
The restoration begun in the mid-thirties at Mineral Point of Cornish
miners’ old houses was early evidence of growing art interests in the south¬
western part of the state.“
Culmination of much of the impulse toward the encouragement and
display of the visual arts is presently before us in the great undertaking to
build the Elvehjem Art Center, a $3,300,000 tribute to the late University
president Conrad E. Elvehjem.'^'^ The University of Wisconsin Foundation has
undertaken the drive to obtain support from other than state funds for the
construction, and one of the key figures in this work has been James S.
Watrous, painter and professor of art history at the university, whose murals
and mosaics adorn many public and private buildings in the state. The first
seed money incidentally toward the construction of the Art Center came as
a one-million dollar gift from Brittingham Trust Funds in May 1962.
At Taliesin, near Spring Creen, one can still see a little wooden wind¬
mill designed by Frank Lloyd Wright in 1896 for his aunts who operated
the Hillside School for Boys and Girls. And on the hillside, like outcroppings
of warm brown limestone and sandstone are the buildings Wright created in
subsequent years for his own home and school. Wisconsin is known around the
world for its one “authentic giant”."® His reputation as philosopher-innovator
brought him international honors of all kinds, but his own country gave him
little recognition until very late in the career which carried him 90 years,
from Richland Center in 1869 to Phoenix, Arizona in 1959. He was finally
awarded the highest honor — the Gold Medal — of the American Institute of
Architects in 1949, and the University of Wisconsin granted him the honor-
^qohn Rector Barton, Rural Artists of Wisconsin, dedication, Madison, 1948.
^’The idea of snch a state-wide exhibition originated with Cnrry and Dean Chris L. Christen¬
sen of the College of Agriculture when they were attending an American Country Life Con¬
ference at Pennsylvania State College in 1939. The first show was held in the Memorial Union
at Madison, with the Rural Art Committee and the students of the Wisconsin Union Gallery
Committee as the sponsors. Thirty people from 17 counties entered. By 1947, 105 i^eople were
seeking entry with works in all media.
'^“Mineral Point, The Cornish Pendarvis” by Charlotte Knechtges, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1964).
i^Elvehjem Art Center Plans Approved, Wisconsin Alumnus, November, 1964, p. 4.
20james Marston Fitch “A Tribute — Frgnk Lloyd Wright J869-1959,” Architectural Foruni^
May, 1959, p. 109,
Wlscomins Encouragement of the Arts: A Survey
63
ary degree of Doctor of Fine Arts in 1955. The state contains about forty
examples of his work: schools, churches, the Johnson Wax administration
building at Racine, and a number of homes.
In his Wisconsin history William F. Raney comments that most of the
incoming American and European pioneers were literate, thinking people
“who needed newspapers and books,” and this need took immediate expres¬
sion in the establishment of the Green Bay Intelligencer in 1833. About one
hundred newspapers were started in the state before 1850 but the mortality
was high. In spite of this tradition Wisconsin has not had a large proportion
of writers, although many excellent works have been published, and a num¬
ber of Pulitzer prizes won. They went to Zona Gale in 1921 for “Miss Lulu
Bett,”; to Hamlin Garlin in 1922 for “A Daughter of the Middle Border”; to
Edna Ferber in 1925 for “So Big”; to Thornton Wilder in 1928, 1938 and
1943; to Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings for “The Yearling” 1939.^^
Other influential Wisconsin writers who should be mentioned are the
naturalist John Muir, Sterling North, Glenway Wescott, Helen C. White, and
August Derleth.
In 1948 the Wisconsin Regional Writers Association was established and
now has 33 groups. It sponsors, in cooperation with the extension service of
the College of Agriculture, a two-week workshop for professional writers at
Rhinelander.
A new Council for Wisconsin Writers was founded in the spring of 1963
as a working group of citizens whose purpose it is to obtain financial aid
for the state's resident writers. Its first award of $1000 went to Chad Walsh,
Beloit College poet.
Perhaps the most widespread involvement in the arts by the state and
its people is found in music. Milwaukee’s history abounds with community
choruses and famous groups like the Arion Club, and the city’s first such
organization was the Milwaukee Musical Society.^
The Milwaukee County Park Commission began its popular “Music Under
the Stars” program in 1938. Today the city is involved in two all-out cam¬
paigns: the first to build up the Milwaukee Symphony Orchestra, which was
organized in 1959 and currently presents series at the Pabst Theatre and
the Milwaukee Auditorium; the second to erect a Music Hall-Theater Center
for the Performing Arts. The neighboring community, Waukesha, has had
a community orchestra for 17 years, led by Milton Weber."^
Green Bay and La Crosse also maintain civic orchestras.
Ill Madison, while the community has sponsored many musical activities,
and groups like the Madison Sinfonia conducted by Marie Endres have long
held a top place in the local affection, much of the musical life has necessarily
centered around the University. It will probably continue to do so at least
until the community is able to resolve its long debate over the site and archi-
^^ichard W. E. Perrin, “Frank Lloyd V/right in Wisconsin: Prophet in His Own Country,”
Wisconsin Magazine of History, VoL 48, No. 1, 1964.
®Jerry Bock, part of the team that wrote “Fiorello,” shared the prize for the musical show
in 1960.
2®Musikverein (1850).
^^“Waukesha’s Amazing Austrian,” Jo Curtis Dugan, Wisconshi Tales and Trails, Vol. 5,
No. 4 (1964), p. 12.
64
Fannie Taylor
tect for its Arts Center, although the Madison Civic Music Association, with
the musical guidance of the Symphony conductor Roland Johnson and his
wife, is creating a vigorous orchestra and opera program for the city, to
which members of the University Music faculty have contributed their talent
and interest. Earlier conductors were Sigfried Prager and Walter Heermann.
At the Madison campus, and with occasional state tours, the University
of Wisconsin Band, directed by Prof. Raymond F. Dvorak, and the Univer¬
sity Symphony Orchestra, directed by Prof. Richard C. Church, have per¬
formed important service in music education. The Band was first organized
as a military band of 11 men in 1885. Recently Prof. Karlos Moser established
the University Opera Workshop and began a new kind of integrated program.
For decades the music, theater and dance programs of the Wisconsin
Union have strongly supported these departments at the University with both
student and professional presentations, although the program has taken on
its present breadth since the 1939 opening of the Union Theater with the
steady encouragement of the Union director. Professor Porter Butts. ^
Keystone to the music program is the Wisconsin Union Concert Series,
which has just concluded its 45th season. Numerous other artists and atti*ac-
tions have been offered by the Union over the years as well, including orches¬
tras, ballet and contemporary dance, operas, and theater attractions, often
brought to Madison for their only Wisconsin engagement. The University
student has had a prime opportunity, while in school, to view the musical
giants of his time.^
One of the state’s most consistent musical visitors has been the Minnea¬
polis Symphony Orchestra, first heard in La Crosse in 1910.“^ Its circuit in the
following years through an array of Wisconsin towns indicates the hunger
existing for professional music more than 50 years ago.
Such hunger manifested itself in Door County when the Peninsula Arts
Association was chartered in 1939 and began to build its large related arts
program. By 1953 the Association was able to sponsor the first Peninsula
Music Festival, with Mrs. Carl T. Wilson starting her long leadership.^ Dr.
Thor Johnson became musical director of the chamber orchestra which per¬
forms each summer at the Gibraltar High School Auditorium at Fish Creek,
introduces young artists, and presents awards from the National Federation of
Music Clubs.
There are other festivals, differently organized, but all encouraging the
fine arts. Madison’s Edgewood College holds a spring arts festival with dance,
films, discussion, plastic arts and music. Beloit College recently focused on
baroque music. The University at Milwaukee presented a wide-ranging Bee¬
thoven Festival, and conducts its summer arts program with the Fine Arts
25“Tlie Story of the Wisconsin Union Theater,” Madison 1949. A U. of W. Centennial
publication.
2®Complete listings of all productions at the Theater and Play Circle are available in the
Wisconsin Union Theater files.
"rtohn K. Sherman, Music and Maestros, Minneapolis, 1952, p. 315
2S‘‘The program bo.oldets which are issued for each season contain a set of program notes
which have been written by an eminent musicologist. For the past 3 years they have been
written by Heuwell Tircuit, music critic of Tokyo, Japan. These booklets for their own value,
have come to be in great demand from other musical oi'ganizations as well as public and
musical libraries.” Letter from Mrs. Carl T. Wilson to author, April 1, 1965.
Wisconsin’s Encouragement of the Arts: A Survey
65
Quartet in residence as a festival. The Wisconsin Union festivals of recent
seasons, on the Madison campus, have tended to concentrate themselves on
a particular area or theme. The Far Eastern Festival of 1963 made use of
the advice of the University’s Asian Theatre expert. Professor A. C. Scott.
In many ways the fine arts festival has become a very useful tool in our
society, a peculiarly twentieth century device for segmenting and organizing
a corner of the vast riches available to us.
Another such method of arts organization is the fine arts and recreational
calendar, of which Wisconsin has several.^
These, then, are some of the patterns into which encouragement of the
arts falls in our state: leadership by the University of Wisconsin, the State
Universities, and other public and private educational institutions; personal
commitment by our citizens; government approval implicit in state and muni¬
cipal agencies.
As might be expected, the most forceful encouragement of the arts seems
to be found at the Madison campus of the University, in part because it has
had long established administration. But the arts never florish without an
audience. There must be some person or group to receive the message, and
there is an ever-growing receptivity of this kind throughout the state. The
newspapers report increased attendance, need for larger auditoriums, sales
of original art work, striking awards for writing, painting, and other creative
activity. Through its public agencies, Wisconsin has indeed fostered the
arts, and also made possible the development of an audience. Now, today,
we are beginning to reap results.
I would like to suggest that in a state where we encourage vacationing
visitors, and the resort business is one of our chief commodities, that the
continuing development of the arts, for both their esthetic and recreational
potential, may have an important influence on our economy.
References
Barton, John Rector, Rural Artists of Wisconsin, Madison, 1948.
The Book of Beloit, Centennial publication by Beloit Daily News (1936).
Butts, Porter, Art in Wisconsin, Madison, 1936. Includes catalogue of the Wisconsin
Centennial (1936) Art Exhibition.
Conference on the Arts in Arts in Society, special issue, Vol. 2, No. 2 (1964).
Curti and Carstenson, The Univei'sity of Wisconsin History 1848-1925, Madison,
1949.
“Dance Festival”, University of Wisconsin, Program, Feb. 1961. Includes complete
listing of programs by Orchesis and professional dance engagements in Wis¬
consin Union Theater, 1939-1961.
Haberman, F. W., “Topics on a History of Theatre at the University of Wisconsin,”
in Wisconsin Stage, Vol. IX, No. 3 (1955).
Mailer, Julia, Dramatics as Fostered hy Dramatic Clubs: An Historical Study
Based on Student Dramatic Activities at the University of Wisconsin from 1891
to 1944. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, University of Wisconsin Graduate School,
1944.
2®The Wisconsin Union Quarterly calendar has been issued for decades, cataloguing activities.
The Conservation Department began a Calendar of Events in 1959 ■which has become a defini¬
tive record of leisure time activity in the state. The Wisconsin Arts Foundation and Council
publishes a quarterly arts guide. Wisconsin Tales and Trails puts out a three-month survey.
There are many others at the various educational centers and in communities.
66 Fannie Taylor
Oliver, William, “The Johnson Foundation & Its Wingspread,” in Wisconsin Tales
and Trails, Vol. 5, No. 3 (1964), pp. 29-33.
Peninsula Music Festival, 10th Anniversary Program, August 11-26, 1962. Includes
repertory from 1953-1962.
Perrin, Richard W. E., “Frank Lloyd Wright in Wisconsin,” in Wisconsin Maga¬
zine of History, Vol. 48, No. 1 ( 1964 ) .
Raney, William F., Wisconsin, A Story of Progress, New York, 1940.
Thwaites, Reuben Gold, The University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1900.
Wisconsin, A Guide to the Badger State, American Guide Series-WPA, (1941),
Literature pp. 139-148; Painting and Sculpture pp. 149-156; Music pp. 159-
167; The Theater pp. 168-173; Architecture pp. 174-181.
Youngman, Henry G., “Theater Buildings in Madison, Wisconsin, 1836-1900” in
Wisconsin Magazine of History, Vol. 30 (1947) pp. 273-288.
Blue Book
“Wisconsin Gelebrates its Gentennial”, by Merle G. Palmer, pp, 123-175,
(1950).
“Wisconsin in tlie Field of Art”, l)y Gliarlotte Russell Partridge, pi"). 10.3-110,
(1929).
“Wisconsin’s Place in the Field of Music”, by Winifred V. Miller, pp. 97-102,
(1929).
“Wisconsin Writers”, by Edgar G. Doudna, pp. 71-80, (1927).
SuppAN, Adolph A., “The New Glimate Eor the Arts in the American Gity: The
Growth of Cultural Centers”, The Wisconsin Academy Looks at Urbanism,
Vol. LII, Part A, 1963, p. 88-94.
ALLIS-CHALMERS: A REPRESENTATIVE WISCONSIN INDUSTRY
Waller F. Feierson
Nearly half the early American settlers in Wisconsin were from New
York state. Among these were the Kimberly brothers, John and Harvey, who,
along with Charles B. Clark found the Fox River valley congenial. Jerome
Increase Case had settled on Racine as his home by 1844. Even German
immigrants such as Guido Pfister and Frederick Vogel moved to Milwaukee
after working in Buffalo, New York. Edward Phelps Allis was obviously in
the main stream of migration when he arrived in Milwaukee during the spring
of 1846 from Cazenovia, New York."^
For all these men, and many more, Wisconsin was another name for
opportunity, a word defined in Webster s Collegiate Dictionary as “a favor¬
able juncture of circumstances.” Wisconsin was just that. Raw materials ex¬
isted in profusion and in happy combination. On the eve of the Civil War
Wisconsin's soil was offering not only an ever greater amount of wheat for
milling but food in abundance for the working man which would provide a
basis for the highest standard of living in history. The state’s ample, forests
provided lumber of all types for all purposes. The mines of northern Wis¬
consin and upper Michigan yielded the metals so necessary for an emerging
industrial society. Numerous excellent streams then meant abundant power.
While the state had no coal, the growing network of railroads brought ample
supplies from nearby Illinois and lake boats involved in the grain trade with
the East brought back even greater supplies of coal more cheaply from
Pennsylvania and Ohio."
Milwaukee was a growing city of about 10,000 souls when Allis, along
with a Union College classmate, William Allen, established a leather shop.
His expanding business gave him valuable experience in the management of
materials, men and capital. His abilities rapidly gained for him the recogni¬
tion of the business community and soon he was serving in executive capaci¬
ties on the boards of insurance companies, banks and railroads.^
Through contacts and observation Allis could see the opportunities for
manufacturing in the booming Midwest. He also noted that Milwaukee of all
cities in Wisconsin was destined to be the state’s manufacturing capitol. Her
commanding position on Lake Michigan was complemented by her excellent
communications with the interior. Not only Milwaukee but the state and
the region were growing in population to provide an ever expanding market.
By 1870 the population of Wisconsin was more than 1,000,000= and the in-
’'William Francis Raney, Wisconsin: A Story of Progress (Appleton, 1963), p. 217. Bayrd
Still, Mihoaukee: The History of a City (Madison, 1948), pp. 71—72. Four Men and a Machine
(Appleton, 1947), pp. 4-5. Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography (Madison, 1960), p. 206, 77,
70, 286, 362, 9.
'^Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, 1941), p. 695. Frederick Merk, Economic
History of Wisconsin During the Civil War Decade (Madison, 1916), pp. 123-124.
^Milwaukee Sentinel, December 2, 1845; April 2, 1889. John G. Gregory, History of
Mihoaukee Wisconsin (Chicago, 1931) I, 550-551.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
67
08
Walter F. Peterson
creasing numbers in Iowa, Minnesota and the Dakotas supported the rapidly
developing potential/
Opportunity presented itself in a variety of forms. Pfister and Vogel have
always been connected with leather just as the names of Kimberly and Clark
have been associated with paper. But Captain Frederick Pabst left the lakes
for brewing and the Falk family sold their brewing business to become iron
founders. Edward Allis felt that opportunity in his case rested in manufac¬
turing rather than leather. When the Reliance Works, established by Decker
and Seville in 1847, came on the market in 1861, Allis bought it and launched
himself and Milwaukee into a new era in history. Moving to a larger site in
1867 so that he could greatly expand his operation, he started building a plant
that, at the time of his death in 1889, covered 20 acres and employed 1,500
men. In fact, the annual business of E. P. Allis and Company at that time
amounted to three million dollars — half of the product of all the machinery
plants in Milwaukee.®
What was the key to the success of E. P. Allis? The American Society
of Civil Engineering which invited Allis to become a Fellow in 1883, made
this appraisal of his successful business technique. “Mr. Allis was not an en¬
gineer, not an inventor, not a mechanic, but he had in full measure that rare
talent for bringing together the work of the engineer, the inventor, the me¬
chanic, that it might come to full fruition, and the world at large be the
gainer thereby.” Allis brought together the engineering talent and provided
the financial support to secure the constant expansion of his works. It was
up to his engineers to provide the excellence in product and efficiency in
production that would result in profits.®
Allis began to use this business technique successfully in 1873 when
W. D. Hinkley, an outstanding man in the field of saw milling, came to the
Allis Company to head the Saw Mill Department. Hinkley revolutionized saw
milling by perfecting the band mill. The thin band not only reduced waste
but also cut more logs. The fact that Hinkley, colorful and eloquently pro¬
fane, increased sales of his department from a few thousand dollars in 1873
to over $400,000 by 1889 clearly indicates the value of a superior product.
This success was in response to the opportunity presented by Wisconsin as
the center of the lumber industry during the period 1865-1890. During those
years Michigan and Wisconsin accounted for nearly 30 per cent of the na¬
tional production.'^
From the days of Decker and Seville the Reliance Works had been
known for the excellence of its flour mills and that department had been the
^Merk, pp.. 126-127.
''Thomas C. Cochxan, The Pabst Brewing Company (New York, 1948), pp. 53—69 passim.
Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography, p. 126. Sentinel, May 21, 1861. James Seville, ‘^Milwaukee’s
First Railway,” Early Milwaukee: Papers from the Archives of the Old Settlers’ Club of Mil¬
waukee County (Milwaukee, 1916), p. 92. Sentinel, February 1, 1866; August 17, 1866; De¬
cember 7, 1866. Letter from Henry Riemenschneider to Louis Allis, October 9, 1903, Louis
Allis Scrapbook, 11. Sentinel,. April 2, 1889.
^Proceedings of American Society of Civil Engineers, 1889, Louis Allis Scrapbook, I. This
technique was also recognized in Milwaukee at the time of the death of E. P. AUis for an observer
stated in the Sentinel, January 2, 1889, “It has been Mr. Allis’ policy to secure the assistance
of the best specialists in the different lines of machinery manufacture, and thus turn out the
best machinery made,, to which is due in a large measure his gi'eat success.”
Allis— Chalmers Company, Sales Btdletin, December, 1905, p. 1. American Lumberman,
December 23, 1905, p. 1.
Allis— Chatniers: A Reprcsentatwe Wisconsin Industry
69
primary one in the company, Allis again applied his basic principle for suc¬
cess, He found the best possible man in William D. Gray, Given a free hand,
Gray perfected the modern roller mill, thus relegating mill stones to his¬
torical museums. The introduction of the roller mill wreested the milling
crown from Budapest in Europe and St, Louis in the United States and gave
it to Minneapolis which drew on the great wheat fields of the American
Northwest, The Allis Company was thus responsible for an agricultural as
well as a technological revolution. For nearly a century the Allis Company
and later Allis-Chalmers were the primary manufacturers of flour milling
equipment in the United States,^
In 1877, Allis rounded out his staff of brilliant engineers by securing
the greatest genius of them all, Edwin Reynolds, Around the top of the en¬
gineering building at the University of Wisconsin in Madison are carved
the names of the great engineers in history, but only one was so honored
during his lifetime and that was Edwin Reynolds, The strength of the United
States in large part has been based on power, and power in the late 19th
century meant the giant steam engine with its enormous flywheel Ed¬
win Reynolds" contribution to the 19th century was the perfection
of the steam engines that the company was prepared to take in
payment the amount of money saved during the first year of operation
When the Columbian Exposition opened in Chicago, the Allis Works had
the distinction of supplying the machine most representative of American
engineering progress. Known as “The Pride of Machinery Hall,” this steam
engine was not only the mechanical showpiece of the Exposition, but also
became the source of electrical power for the entire fair when President
Grover Cleveland pulled the switch on the 3,000 horsepower, 325 ton mon¬
ster, The thousands of steam engines sold around the world by the turn of
the century did as much as beer to spread the fame of Milwaukee, Wisconsin,®
In 1883 the largest employer in Milwaukee sponsored the formation
of the Allis Mutual Aid Society, an example soon followed by other Milwau¬
kee companies such as Filer and Stowell, Allis, who twice ran for the gov¬
ernorship on the Greenback ticket, thus cast himself in the forefront of be¬
nevolent employers. He matched annual membership fees and provided rooms
for society meetings. By the time of his death the facilities of the society in¬
cluded a dining room, reading room, and a social hall besides being primarily
concerned with the health and safety of the men. In the spring of 1900 the
Milwaukee Journal claimed that the Edward P. Allis Company “probably
keeps in closer relationship with the employees than any other establishment
in the country,”"^®
W. D. Gray, ‘‘A Quarter Century of Milling,” The Weekly Northwestern Miller, Part VII,
December 6, 1899, p. 1092, This is a portion of Gray’s twenty-part account. Merk, pp. 136-137.
John Storck and Walter Dorwin Teague, Flour for Man’s Bread: a History of Milling (Minne¬
apolis, 1952), pp. 161-199.
®Allis-Chalmers Company, Sales Bulletin, April, 1909, p. 42, Industrial Progress, April,
1909, p. 228. Robert H. Thurston, A History of the Growth of the Steam-Engine (Ithaca,
1939), pp. 501-503, Transactions, American Society of Mechanical Engineers, vol. 31, 1909,
10'52. It says something about Reynolds and also about Allis that the engineer was willing
to leave his position with the Corliss Works and a salary of $5,000 a year to come to Mil¬
waukee for less money, the only consideration being that he could have a free hand and
financial support to build anything he wished.
^^Senfinel, July 21, 22, 23, ISSSj April 2, 1887; March 13, April 10, 1888. Milwaukee
Journal, March 31, 1900. Gregory, IV, 146—149.
70
Walter F. Peterson
At the turn of the century Milwaukee was a mirror for the national
scene as the United States emerged as the greatest manufacturing nation in
the world. The stock companies of the seventies had vastly increased their
capitalization in the nineties and merged into ever larger units around 1900.
Consolidations brought the old Bay View Works into the United States Steel
Corporation in 1901; the Milwaukee Harvester Company joined with four
other firms in 1902 to form the International Harvester Company, and others
such as the Bucyrus Company followed suit. The banner year was 1901 when
forty-seven industrial combinations were formed, each having a capital of
$1,000,000 or more. The Allis-Chalmers Company was one of these and
played its part in one of the major changes in history resulting from the
rise of the large business corporation.^
The Allis-Chalmers Company was the result of the merger of four in¬
dustrial firms, each nationally prominent for its own products. The Fraser
and Chalmers Company of Chicago was known throughout the world for its
mining machinery and had equipped many of the South African gold mines
as well as the Homestake Mining Company and the Anaconda Copper Com¬
pany in the United States. The Gates Iron Works, also of Chicago, was justly
famous for its line of crushers and cement-making machinery. The Dickson
Manufacturing Company of Scranton, Pennsylvania, brought several lines of
heavy machinery into the merger. The fact that currently Allis-Chalmers is
one of the prominent manufacturers of crushing and mining machinery and
is the primary manufacturer of cement-making equipment can be traced
back to the merger of 1901.^^
The merger also made possible the fulfillment of a dream that had ma¬
tured in the fertile mind of Edwin Reyonlds — a great, new, scientifically
designed plant. At that time most manufacturing plants, the Reliance Works
not excepted, had been built in a haphazard manner, with a new building
here and an addition there as the pressure of increased business dictated.
Reynolds’ conception of the ideal, the truly modern and efficient plant was
one where all raw materials came in one end, moved through the fabricating
shops and came out the other as a finished product ready for shipment. This
dream came to fruition in the West Allis Works^ — a plant that revolutionized
the process of manufacturing heavy machinery. This plant, which for many
years was used as a model for designing other plants throughout the nation,
was built to utilize the services of 10,000 men and became the home office
for an industrial complex which was ultimately to girdle the globe with its
plants and products
Recognizing that the new century needed new sources of power to supply
the demands of an age of electricity, Allis-Chalmers purchased the Bullock
Manufacturing Company located at Norwood, Ohio. This company which had
^ijohn Moody, The Truth About the Trusts (New York, 1904), p. 488. Thomas C. Coch¬
ran, The American Business System; A Historical Perspective, 1900-1905 (Cambridge, 1957),
p. 51. Bernard Kom, A History of Bay View, Unpublished M. A. thesis, Marquette University,
1938, pp. 124-125, 170-171, 327. Still, Milwaukee, 354. Harold F. Williams and Kenneth
H. Myers, II, Designed for Digging; The First 75 Years of Bucyrus— Erie Company (Evanston,
1955), pp. 105-111.
^^Milwaukee Journal, May 3, 1901, Minutes, Meetings Board of Directors, Allis-Chalmers
Company, May 9, 16, 1901.
^3“The Great West— Allis Plant of the Allis-^Chalmers Company, Milwaukee, Wis.” Machin¬
ery, February, 1903. Industrial Progress, September, 1909, p. 530.
Allis-Chalmers: A Representative Wisconsin Industry
71
for two decades enjoyed an excellent reputation for quality electrical products
became the nucleus for the company’s expanding electrical line. For over half
a century Allis— Chalmers has ranked behind only General Electric and West-
inghouse in the electrical industry
The steam turbine was to mean power in the 20th century as the steam
engine had been the symbol of power in the 19th century. In 1902 company
engineers combed Europe for the best turbine information available. Allis-
Chalmers built its first steam turbine in 1903 and for the next half century
remained one of the leading turbine builders in the United States. The com¬
pany also purchased the rights to the best hydraulic turbines then manufac¬
tured in Europe. Due to the ingenuity of the company engineers, Allis-
Chalmers was soon producing turbines more advinced in design and with
higher efficiency ratings than those imported from Europe. During the next
half century the company was to produce hydraulic turbines generating well
over 10 million horsepower. Hoover Dam, the whole TVA complex, Bonne¬
ville, Grand Coulee and Niagara— -the prestige hydro-electric developments — -
were equipped totally or in large part by Allis-Chalmers.^''^
The addition of enormous gas engines which operated on industrial gases
from the country’s great steel mills and ranged in size up to 10,000 horse¬
power completed the major additions to the company’s product lines during
the first decade of this century. It was then possible for the Milwaukee com¬
pany to provide electric, hydro-electric, gas and steam power. In 1904 Allis-
Chalmers boasted that ''Ours are the Four Powers.” No other manufacturer
could make that claim.
Although the merger of 1901 had brought together a wide variety of
famous products and had produced a great new plant, the anticipated yearly
profits of 10 per cent did not materialize. In fact, there were no profits. Where
the Allis Company had been locally owned, control now rested largely with
Eastern bankers and industrialists. It is true that the board of directors read
like a “Who’s Who” of American business and included Elbert A. Gary,
head of United States Steel; James Stillman, of the National City Bank of
New York; and Cornelius Vanderbilt, member of the famous family of New
York capitalists. But the fact of the matter was that they were interested in
the short term profits secured through the merger and Allis-Chalmers was
relegated to the position of a forgotten stepchild. As a consequence the com-
pany fell into difficulties which forced a reorganization in the period 1911-
1913.^’
Reorganization did not spell disaster for the company largely because
Milwaukee refused to allow this to take place. It was in the interest of the
city and the state that Wisconsin’s largest and best known company should
T^^Electrical World and Engineer, February 13, 1904, p. 304, Milwaukee Journal, March
7, 1904. For the development of the electric utility industiy in Wisconsin from 1881 to 1955
see Forrest McDonald, Let There Be Light (Madison, 1957).
'^’'Sales Bulletin, November, 1905, p. 5; November, 1906, p. 1. Electrical World, February
17, 1904, p. 410. Edward Dean Adams, “Early Hydraulic— Turbine History,” Mechanical En¬
gineering, April, 1930, p. 395.
^^Milwaukee Journal, May 1, 1903. Industrial Progress, January 1909, pp. 13-14; May,
1910, p. 1048. Walter F. Peterson, “Built to Last — The Allis-Chalmers Gas Engine,” Wiscon¬
sin Academy Review, Spring, 1961, pp. 63—66. The Book of the Four Powers, Allis-Chalmers
Company, Chicago, 1904.
^’’Minutes, Meetings Board of Directors, Allis-Chalmers Company, May 9, 16, 1901. Plan
of Reorganization, March 18, 1912.
72
Walter F. Peterson
survive and prosper. Having wrested control from the East, the Executive
Committee of the Allis— Chalmers Manufacturing Company represented the
best in Milwaukee in terms of business acumen. Fred Vogel, Jr., President
of the First National Bank, was elected chairman. The others were Oliver
C. Fuller, President, Wisconsin Trust Company; ]. D. Mortimer, President,
the Electric Company; Gustav Pabst, President, Pabst Brewing Company; and
General Otto H. Falk, Vice President, the Falk Corporation, who had been
elected President of Allis-Chalmers.^®
What E. P. Allis had been to the company and Milwaukee in the 19th
century. General Falk was to the city and Allis-Chalmers in the 20th cen¬
tury. This square-built, former general of the Wisconsin National Guard di¬
rected the affairs of the company for 27 crucial years of war and depression.
Operating as a professional industrialist, General Falk once stated his philoso¬
phy of management in concise formd®
I looked upon it as my function, the true executive function, to
secure co-ordination of effort throughout the organization in accord with
well-established principles of management: Such as thrift in the use of
all physical properties — fair and square treatment of every individual —
the winning of the kind of co-operation that accompanies loyalty and
interest — financial good health — excellent quality in products — and the
final test, profits.
Otto Falk succeeded in achieving all his objectives. He consolidated
operations in the West Allis and Norwood Works and disposed of the other
properties. Through modernization of the plants and the development of a
spirit of cooperation and loyalty he increased eflBciency. By devoting ever
more funds to research and development the company was able to pioneer
in new and exciting areas. Through astute management during World War
I, Otto Falk placed the company on a sound financial footing. All of this pro¬
duced a healthy financial atmosphere evidenced in the profits of the com¬
pany which averaged more than 10 per cent yearly during the period 1919 to
1930.“
While the twenties were tremendously profitable, General Falk, in an
almost Biblical sense, accumulated reserve funds during the years of pros¬
perity. These financial resources allowed Allis-Chalmers to buy up more than
a dozen companies during the late twenties and early thirties. This expansion
of product lines, especially in the electrical and agricultural machinery fields,
i^Allis-Chalmers Manufacturing Company Board of Directors, March 15, 1913. Milwaukee
Journal, March 18, 1913. The Executive Committee was a closely knit group. On December
10, 1901, General Falk had married Elizabeth A. Vogel, daughter of Fred Vogel, Jr. Their
daughter Elizabeth Louise, married into the Pabst family. When Gustave Pabst resigned from
the board in October, 1915, he was replaced early the next year by Charles F. Pfister who was
a brother of Mrs. Fred Vogel. Otto Falk held directorships in the First National Bank (Fred
Vogel, Jr., President), The Wisconsin Trust Company (Oliver C. Fuller, President), and the
Hotel Pfister Company.
i^Neil M. Clark, “How General Falk Converted Bankruptcy into Profits,” Forbes, February
15, 1926, pp. 10-11.
^oibid. Otto H. Falk, “How a Change in Policy Saved Our Business,” Stjstem, February,
1922, p. 136.
Allis-Chalmers: A Representative Wisconsin Industry
73
provided further diversification. Moreover, these reserves provided a cushion
which helped the company weather the depression.^
If any single branch of the company helped carry Allis-Chalmers through
the depression it was the Tractor Division. When Falk took over the com¬
pany in 1913 he noted that the average man on the street had never heard
of Allis-Chalmers because it manufactured only heavy equipment. To remedy
this situation he launched the company into the tractor business. Allis-
Chalmers was just another tractor manufacturer during the first dozen years
of tractor production. All tractors, including Allis-Chalmers’, were drab, heavy
and difficult to start, drive and maintain. But in 1925 the General found
the kind of man that Allis had found in Hinkley, Gray and Reynolds — ^the
kind of man who could revolutionize a product line. He found this man in
Harry Merritt, a human dynamo who loved tractors and had an idea of what
could be done with them. This was a period of tractor renaissance in Wis¬
consin at large for Leon Clausen came to Case in Racine in the summer of
1924 and provided an enormous stimulus to that old and then lethargic
company.^
However, Merritt moved faster and went farther in his tractor develop¬
ment. He reduced the weight and price of the tractor while increasing its
power and utility. Painting it a unique “Persian Orange” so that it could be
easily seen, he streamlined its lines to give it what he called “tractor sex
appeal.” He revolutionized the industry by putting the tractor on rubber
tires and by bringing out a small combine called the All-Crop Harvester.
Through the energetic efforts of his able young lieutenant, W. A. Roberts,
sales increased until in the late thirties Allis-Chalmers had captured nearly
one-third of the national tractor market. The tractor line was also expanded
to cover all types of farm implements and a complete line of earthmoving
equipment as well.^
Another example of the impact of an inventive mind on American society
and also a corporation is seen in the development of the multiple V-Belt
Drive by Walter Geist. Starting as an errand boy in the milling department,
Geist rose to be a draftsman and then a power transmission engineer. In the
early twenties almost all shops were full of shafts and belts for the transmis¬
sion of power. Unsightly and inefficient, they posed a special problem in tex¬
tile production when grease and dirt fell on the thread or cloth. One old
employee claimed that Walter Geist “damn near burned the place down” in
^^From 1923 through 1938, Allis-Chalmers acquired the products or plants of the following
companies; Midwest Engineering 'Co., Indianapolis, Ind., 1923 (Products.; Worthington Pump,
Cudahy, Wis., 1924 (Products); Nordyke and Marmon, Indianapolis, Ind., 1926 (Products);
Hoar Shovel, Duluth, Minn., 1926 (Products); Pittsburgh Transformer, Pittsburgh, Pa,, 1927
(Entire Plant); Monarch Tractor, Springfield, Ill., 1928 (Entire Plant); La Crosse Plow Co.,
La Crosse, Wis., 1929 (Entire Plant); Stearns Motor Co., Muskegon, Mich., 1930 (Products);
Advance Rumely, La Porte, Ind., 1931 (Entire Plant); Condit Electric, Boston, Mass., 1931
(Entire Plant); Brown— Boveri, Camden, New Jersey, 1931 (Products); Birdsell Huller, South
Bend, Ind., 1931 (Products); Reyan Grader, Hegewisch, Ill., 1932 (Products); Avery South
America, Buenos Aires and Rosario, Argentina, 1932 (Distributors of Agricultural Equipment);
Brenneis, Oxnard, Calif., 1938 (Entire Plant).
22A-C Mfg. Co. Executive Committee, August 15, December 22, 31, 1913; April 23,
November 5, 1914. Arthur Van Vlissingen, “50,000,000 New Dollars a Year,” Forbes, June 1,
1938. Presidenfs Circular Letter, No. 173, December 29, 1925. Stewart H. Holbrook, Machines
of Plenty; Pioneering in American Agriculture (New York, 1955), p. 188.
^Walter F. Peterson, “Allis— Chaimers, Technology and the Farm,” Transactions of the
Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, LI, 1962, 245—252.
74
Walter F. Peterson
the process of his experimentation. But he solved the problem with a V-shaped
cord and rubber transmission belt which was economical and extremely
efficient. Through the use of multiple V-belts on one shaft, power could be
provided to drive the heaviest machinery. Demand was so great for the
V-belt that Allis— Chalmers issued licenses to other manufacturers for its pro¬
duction. This innovation became part of the power revolution that was talcing
place in American society. It also focused attention on Walter Geist who rose
with his invention iri Horatio Alger fashion to become President of Allis—
Chalmers during World War II.
Any company manufacturing 1,600 basic products is obviously of prime
importance in time of war. As a consequence, Allis-Chalmers was destined
to become a veritable “Arsenal of Democracy” during World War II. Its
turbines and electric motors helped provide the power necessary to forge the
weapons of victory. Bulldozers and tank-type attack vehicles poured from
its factories for use abroad, while on the home front the agricultural division
was helping to feed a hungry world at war. Men and supplies were carried
to all corners of the globe by boats propelled by Allis-Chalmers marine pro¬
pulsion turbines. In the air more than 16,000,000 horsepower of Milwaukee
manufactured turbo-supercharges made possible higher and faster flights. In
fact, Allis-Chalmers helped bring the war to a close and usher in the atomic
age through its contribution to the Manhattan Project, the greatest on the
basis of weight, in the production of the first atomic bomb.^
The close of the war and readjustment to a peace-time economy meant
a decline in sales from the war-time high of $379,000,000 in 1944. Resistance
by the company to an eleven month strike caused billings to plummet during
1946. The basic cause for a decade of continuous labor strife running from
1937 to 1947 became increasingly clear during the war. The root of the
problem lay in Communist domination and control of Local 248 UAW-CIO
representing the production and maintenance employees. While the company
could bargain in good faith in the hope that a sound labor relations program
might evolve, the union leadership employed tactics deliberately designed to
prevent the achievement of genuine accord. While other Wisconsin companies
faced serious labor problems during the post-war period, no other possessed
ideological overtones to the same extent. From April 29, 1946 to March 23,
1947, the West Allis Works was struck. Walter Reuther stated the official
position of the UAW-CIO in relation to the extended period of labor diffi¬
culties at West Allis in a speech in Milwaukee in December, 1947: “The
Allis-Chalmers situation . . . was not something of which the labor move¬
ment could be proud. It was a black spot on the whole CIO and Milwaukee
and Wisconsin labor in particular
With Communist control of the union broken and normal labor rela¬
tions restored, billings increased so that from 1955 on annual sales have al-
^*Fmm the Shodoof to the Dominant Drive, A— C Brochure, 1944, passim. Texrope Circular
Letters, passim.
2''See the Annual Reports and the Annual Reviews for the years 1940—1945. The phrase
“arsenal of democracy” is taken from a Message to Congress delivered by President Franklin
D. Roosevelt on January 6, 1941.
2®Louis Budenz, former Communist official and Editor of the Daily Worker, disclosed the
subservience of Local 248 officials to secret orders of the party Politburo in testimony before
the Congressional Committee on Education and Labor, March 13, 1947. Milwaukee Journal,
March 14, 1947, For the Beuther statement, see the Milwaukee Journal, December 9, 1947,
Allis-Chahners: A Representative Wisconsin Industry
75
ways exceeded a half billion dollars. W. A, (Bill) Roberts, who followed
Walter Geist, was charged with the responsibilities of directing the com¬
pany from 1951 until his death in 1955. The mantle of corporate authority
has since rested on the shoulders of Robert S. Stevenson. The basic managerial
philosophy of the Allis and Falk eras is still reflected in the mid sixties. The
best available talent is still being sought and the best possible product is
being produced. These are the only constant factors in an age of rapid change
when the role of research and development have assumed ever increasing
importance. The decade following the war can be seen as the beginning of
the atomic age and from the Manhattan Project to the present, Allis-Chalmers
has responded to this challenge and has pioneered in the development of
thermonuclear power
But a successful business in any age must do more than keep abreast of
the times. There is a constant acceleration of technology in our society. Be¬
fore the complexities and problems of the atomic age had been totally under¬
stood we entered the space age. What was only recently science fiction has
suddenly become reality. The United States is now committed to a lunar
project in which the National Aeronautic and Space Administration plans to
establish a base on the moon. In getting there NASA proposes to use the
Allis-Chalmers fuel cell as a source of self-generating power along with con¬
trols from a number of Wisconsin electronics manufacturers.^®
Wisconsin was another name for opportunity, in terms of regional re¬
sources and markets, prior to the Civil War. By the beginning of the twentieth
century, in products ranging from beer to steam engines, Wisconsin’s manu¬
facturers were serving the nation and much of the civilized world. In 1965
the frontiers of Wisconsin business enterprise have expanded to embrace the
universe.
^Business Week, September 13, 1952, pp. 102-110: April 9, 1960, pp. 75-87.
^Worbes, February 15, 1964, pp. 16-17. Electrical World, February 8, 1965, pp. 50-51,
156.
BUSINESS AND CULTURE IN
NINETEENTH-CENTURY WISCONSIN
Alice E. Smith
Events moved swiftly in nineteenth-century Wisconsin to transform the
wilderness into a region of farms and villages and cut-over timberland. The
opening of the century had found the unnamed region the domain of the red
man and the wild beast. Thirty-six years later, when separation from Michigan
made possible the establishment of Wisconsin Territory, the site of the future
capitol was still a lonely uninhabited rise of ground between two lakes.
Yet before the century had ended a historian in Madison had proclaimed
the disappearance of the American frontier. The year 1900 found Frederick
Jackson Turner’s native state approaching a predominantly urban status, with
four out of every ten inhabitants residing in villages and cities. Lines of
communication connected the settlements and united them with the outside
world. The railroad, non-existent in Wisconsin in 1850, had virtually reached
its maximum mileage by the century’s close; lake traffic had helped build
up Milwaukee to be the state’s biggest city, with Superior ranking second in
size. Industries, while not widely diversified, were well established. They
were largely home industries, many of them operated by the founders or the
sons of founders, some of whom had become wealthy almost overnight.
The population of over two million in 1900 was a big stride from the
some three hundred thousand of 1850, when Wisconsin’s first census as a
state had been recorded. Government had had a direct part in this remark¬
able growth. As early as 1852 through an energetic program of advertising,
the state had opened a campaign to attract immigrants. To that end it had
published newspaper items and pamphlets in German, Norwegian, Dutch, and
other foreign languages, as well as in English. These were distributed at home
and abroad. At times Wisconsin stationed agents in foreign ports and in the
East, to encourage and guide migration to the Badger State. The State
Board of Immigration which succeeded the plan of personal agents con¬
tinued its activities well into the twentieth century
Industry had likewise received enthusiastic support from the state. A
student of the business corporation in Wisconsin asserts that "'The agencies of
state government promoted, encouraged, subsidized, tax exempted, and ex¬
horted the business corporation towards bigger and better things.” Rising
from a position of relative obscurity, the business corporation moved into a
dominating position in the early years of statehood, taking on an importance
formerly undreamed of. In fact, the dominant role of the legislature from
about 1850 to 1870 was the promotion of the economic growth of the state.
During those years the legislatrure devoted at least two-thirds of its energies
and efforts to the promotion, growth, development and stimulation of in-
'^Theodore C. Blegeii, “The Competition of the Northwestern States for Immigrants,” Wis¬
consin Magazine of History, 3(1919), 4-7, 11, 27.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (FaH A) 1965
77
78
Alice E. Smith
dustiy, commerce, and agriculture. Governors in their annual messages urged
the encouragement of this or that industry. Alexander Randall, in 1861, trying
to narrow the unfavorable gap tetween exports and imports, went so far as
to propose a tax exemption for from five to ten years for all establishments
which would develop or work up in some new form the raw materials so
plentiful in Wisconsin.^
This favorable public attitude, coupled with the extension of transpor¬
tation facilities and the opening of markets in the rapidly expanding nation,
helped to loosen capital for the development of industry parallelling the pace
of population expansion. Each decennial enumeration testified to the substan¬
tial increase. In 1900 there were, in round numbers, 16,000 manufacturing
establishments in Wisconsin as compared with 10,000 in 1890 and 1,000 in
1850. The capital invested in manufacture in 1900 was 350 million dollars;
in 1890 it had been 246 million; and in 1850, only 3 million. The value of
manufactured products in 1900 was placed at 360 million dollars; in 1890,
248 million; in 1850, 9 million — a 4,000 per cent increase in half a century.®
The manufactures were extractive ones, transforming the products of
Wisconsin woods and waters, its soil and animal and plant life, into the
wherewith to clothe, nourish, house, and transport members of the human
race. Timber products led all other industries. But the supply was declining,
foreshadowing Wisconsin’s drop from first place among the states at the
century mark to eighth in rank in 1910. Flour and grist mill products, which
ranked second, likewise had declined since 1890. Third and fourth on the list
came foundry and machine-shop products and factory-produced butter, cheese,
and condensed milk, both industries rising rapidly in production. The other
leaders in rank of importance were leather, malt liquors, meat slaughter and
packing, paper and wood pulp, iron and steel, and furniture.^ Fortunes had
piled up within a generation in these industries, with timber the chief source
of sudden wealth. Of the thirty La Crosse men who in 1883 were worth over
$100,000, seventeen were lumbermen. That year Eau Claire, another lumber
center, had fourteen lumbering fortunes of $100,000 or more.®
The setting was scarcely one for the encouragement of instruments of
culture. The wonder is that literature, the visual arts, music, the theater,
or even education or religion received any attention whatever in the busy
workaday world of the nineteenth-century businessman. He might, with the
Chicagoan, have asserted that he hadn’t gotten around to culture yet, but when
he did, he would make it hum. The state offered no official encouragement
to the development of cultural activities, as it had in the promotion of im¬
migration and industry. No governor raised his voice to proclaim the ad¬
vantages that would follow the growth of arts and literature. In the struggle
to subdue the wilderness, things of the mind and the spirit were left to private
initiative, to be subsidized, hopefully, by men of wealth.
^George J. Kuehnl, 2'he Wisconsin Business Coi'poration (Madison, 1959), pp. 98, 104, 173.
®U. S. Census, Twelfth Census, Manufacturing. Part 2. States and Territories (Washington,
1902), 951.
*Ibid., 952-953; Thirteenth Census, Abstract with Supplement for Wisconsin (Washington,
1913), 667.
■■'Robert F. Fries, Empire in Pine: The Story of Lumbering in Wisconsin, 1830-1900
(Madison, 1951), p. 228.
Business and Culture in Nineteenth-Century Wisconsin ■ 79
It is evident that in the formative years the emphasis must necessarily be
on the economic, rather than the cultural, aspects of life. Until pressures of
daily living had ceased to be the main problem, there was not adequate sup¬
port for the music studio, the art gallery, the bookstore, the subscription li¬
brary. Even when pressures lessened, residents of the state who regarded
money not as an end in itself but as a means for the betterment of humanity
had difficulty making themselves heard through the din of industry. Especially
was this true in the 'pineries,” where settlements owed their existence and
residents their subsistence to the saw mill, and all homage was paid to the
gods of commerce. But everywhere in the state advocates of the good life
had reason to bemoan, with Nathaniel Hawthorne in New England, the cleav¬
age between the artist and a practical society and the obsession with utility
as opposed to beauty.^
Engrossed in business affairs, many men entrusted domestic and chari¬
table matters to the management of their wives, from whence developed
women's extensive influence on hiimanitarianian and cultural movements. Re¬
gardless of who held the purse strings in a family, the pattern of rise to wealth
and sophistication was so well marked that it could be documented in the
annals of any Wisconsin village. This was the era of huge pretentious man¬
sions, usually set in spacious grounds, with well-stocked carriage houses and
stables in the rear and sometimes a conservatory on the side. The impression
was one of bulk, space, and permanence.
A Wisconsin-born economist, Thorstein Veblen, advanced an explanation
for the architectural extravagence of the era and coined a phrase for it. The
busy businessman, he asserted, unable to demonstrate wealth by conspicuous
leisure, resorted increasingly to visible forms of conspicuous consumption:
big houses, wasteful food, drink and sport, and a classical education. Daugh¬
ters of the rich were sent East to preparatory schools, and the really socially
successful wife induced her husband to accompany her on a European trip.'^
A Wisconsin family that made an extravagant display of quickly won
wealth was that of Joseph G. Thorp, a founder of the Eaii Claire Lumber
Company. The Thorps had not one home, but two. The second was a “fabu¬
lously appointed house” in Madison, from which Mrs. Thorp directed the
Wisconsin women’s activities committee for the Philadelphia Centennial of
1876, and in which the marriage of the young Thorp daughter Sarah to the
world-renowned violinist, Ole Bull, was celebrated with all the pomp and
circumstance that money could buy.®
Admittedly performances of this nature were a dubious form of cultural
advancement; certainly they were directed towards individual glorification,
rather than the public interest. Nevertheless, the lives of the rich helped to
raise the level of existence in frontier villages and, let us hope, encouraged
some of their fellow citizens to explore the vast region beyond the surrounding
tall timbers. The elegant houses, some of them of good architectural quality,
improved the appearance of the communities and frequently inspired a pro-
®For the comments by Hawthorne, see Harry H. Clark, Transactions of the Wisconsin
Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, 50(1961), 251, 255-256.
“^Edward C. Kirkland, chapter on “The Big House,” in Dream and Thought in the Business
Community, 1860—1900 (Ithaca, 1956), especially pp. 33—34.
»Fries, Empire in Pine, 228-229; Albert O. Barton, “Ole Bull and His Wisconsin Con¬
tacts,” Wisconsin Magazine of History, 7(1924), 431—432.
80
Alice E. Smith
gram of village beautification. One happy result was the donation of tracts
for the public parks found in every Wisconsin village and city. Many of
them were mere village squares, but others were reservations of fine scenic
areas of woods and waters, such as Irvine Park in Chippewa Falls, presented
to the city by the lumberman, William Irvine.’’
The earliest as well as the most extensive public benefaction of the busi¬
ness man was in religion. Established through missionary efforts from out¬
side the territory, Wisconsin Catholic and Protestant congregations solicited
aid from non-resident and local sources for building and maintaining churches,
schools, and colleges. Whether it was because of the “practical” value of
churches and church schools in building a successful community, the feeling
of stewardship in the wise use of the rewards of his labors, a genuine anxiety
to improve the conditions of his fellow men, a desire to implant and perpetu¬
ate the traditions and practices of his homeland, or a hope of salvation through
good works, many a business man subscribed generously to religious enter¬
prises in the new state.
An example, which is undoubtedly an extreme in donations to every
cause he regarded as good, is that of Elisha D. Smith, founder of the Menasha
Wooden Ware Company. Smith kept a little ledger of 250 pages itemizing his
gifts from 1858 to his death in 1899. While his benefactions were not great,
ranging in size from five to one thousand dollars, they were numerous. He
made between thirty and forty contributions towards construction of churches
in his own and surrounding communities; forty-four to foreign missions, and
sixty-four to home missions of his church. Christian colleges and academies in
his own state got a total of $22,000 during his lifetime and bequests at his
death. In addition, he assisted numerous other collegiate institutions far and
wide, including Tuskegee Institute in the South, the schools established by
the revivalist Moody, and Robert College in Constantinople.^"
The denominational colleges and academies that sprang up in Wiscon¬
sin about the middle of the century testify to the union of business and edu¬
cation in raising money for buildings. Oftentimes the donations came a bit
reluctantly, almost always they were contingent on “matching funds” from
other sources, but surprisingly often they were earmarked for cultural, rather
than vocational, beginnings. As early as 1848-49 Milwaukee’s Bishop Henni
received an initial contribution for what became Marquette University with
the gift of some $16,000 from “a rich, self-made business man” of Antwerp,
Belgium, towards “a proposed academy of learning.” Thirty years later a
wealthy biscuit manufacturer, Robert A. Johnston of Milwaukee, assured the
construction of a liberal arts building for the heavily mortgaged institution
with a gift of $110,000. John Lawler of Prairie du Chien, railroad and river
boat company executive, was a founder and financier of St. Mary’s and
Campion colleges in his home town and a liberal contributor to the George¬
town and the Catholic universities in Washington, D. C.^
A final gift in the drive of little Wayland Academy of Beaver Dam for
funds in 1899 came from Judson H. Roundy, a Milwaukee wholesale grocer,
®For brief sketch of Irvine see Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography (Madison, 1960), p. 186.
A. Miner, Memorial of Elisha Dickinson Smith, 1827—1899 (Madison, 1903). pp. 45-47.
^^Raphael N. Hamilton, The Story of Marquette University (Milwaukee, 1953), pp. 4-5,
63-64; Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography, p. 224.
Business and Ciillurc in Ninclccnlh-Ccnlun/ Wisconsin
81
to be used “for the immediate construction of a Music and Arts Building.”
Beloit College, chartered in 1846 in a community with a strong New England
element, benefited from the generosity of many Mid-Westerners who wished
to preserve that early American heritage. Chief among them was Dr. D. K.
Pearsons of Vermont and Chicago, a shrewd investor in western city lots,
pine lands, and bank stocks, who in his closing years gave away his entire
fortune to religious educational institutions.^
The biggest single pledge of the Eau Claire lumberman, Orrin H. Ingram,
patron of Ripon College, was for $15,000 in 1900 for a Science Hall, but he
also helped raise the “matching” $30,000 needed. The college founded at
Appleton through an initial gift of $10,000 by the Boston merchant, Amos
A. Lawrence, had notable success in obtaining a share in the growing wealth
of the Fox River Valley and elsewhere. The Marinette lumberman, Isaac
Stephenson, anxious that his “family name be permanently connected with
the cause of education,” contributed $15,000 towards a Hall of Science at
Lawrence. Another millionaire lumberman (who, like Stephenson, became a
United States Senator) Philetus Sawyer, patron of several institutions in
Oshkosh and elsewhere, gave some $50,000 to Lawrence College. L. M.
Alexander of the Nekoosa— Edwards Company subscribed $16,000 for a gym¬
nasium in 1901 and later made other generous donations.^®
These were all church-affiliated schools, and undoubtedly the religious
connection was a strong talking point in soliciting subscriptions for their
establishment and support. There were questions in people’s minds as to the
role of the state in underwriting an educational institution above the secondary
level, and of the competence of such institutions. As sophisticated an observer
as the British James Bryce, noting the varied provisions in American state
constitutions, wrote, “Even universities are the object of popular zeal, although
a zeal not always according to knowledge.
President John Bascom of the University of Wisconsin vigorously coun¬
tered such questioning in his baccalaureate sermons, declaring that the state
must provide not merely on the level of primary and secondary instruction,
but also for those seeking the highest values of mind and spirit. The need for
state universities was even greater in the West than in the East, he declared,
for the new country had a less disciplined and less stable cultural tradition
such as was needed to temper the passion for money making.^^
It took time for Bascom’s pronouncements to gain acceptance, and it
was not until early in the twentieth century that private citizens began to
contribute to the support of their state university. An early contribution, one
that is still an outstanding model in its generosity and balanced understand¬
ing of the needs of higher education, was the Vilas bequest of 1908, in
Alton E. Wichman, The Wayland Story: Centennial History of Waylond Academy, 1855—
1955 (Beaver Dam, 1954), pp. 71-72; Edward D. Eaton, Historical Sketches of Beloit College
(New York, 1928), pp. 291-295.
^®Marguerite E. ScBumann, Creation of a Campus: A Chronicle of Lawrence College
Buildings and the Men Who Made Them (Appleton, 1957), pp. 30, 34, 38; Biehard N. Current,
Pine Logs and Politics: A Life of Philetus Sawyer (Madison, 1950), pp. 294—296; James H. Smith,
“The Stewardship of Orrin Henry Ingram,” a manuscript article in the possession of Mr. Smith.
“qames Bryce, The American Commonwealth (Philadelphia, 1906), p. 186.
^'Merle E, Curti and Vernon Carstensen, The University of Wisconsin: A History, 1848—1925
(2 vols., 1949), 1: 293-294.
82
Alice E. Smith
which the lawyer and statesman, William F. Vilas, placed the proceeds of
his business investments at the service of the University, with specific in¬
structions on the application of their use.“
Paralleling the rise of the small college came the library movement.
Often libraries started as subscription groups in which individuals collected
books for the use of members with money they had raised through such
means as winter lecture programs. Some libraries received substantial sup¬
port from large benefactions and eventually became public institutions. Again
Elisha D. Smith of Menasha and Isaac Stephenson of Marinette appear as
representative donors in their respective communities. Smith put over $30,000
into the Menasha library and furnished fifteen outlying circulating libraries
besides. In Green Bay Rufus B. Kellogg, an Amherst College graduate con¬
nected with several banks in the West, was chiefly responsible for creating
(1888) the Kellogg Library, to which he donated large sums of money and
numerous books. On the other side of the state C. C. Washburn, who made
his money in lumber, lands, and flour milling, endowed the library bearing
his name at La Crosse, one of a number of his benefactions.^^
Some libraries, like the Mabel Taintor Library at Menomonie, the gift
in 1890 of a lumberman, were memorial institutions. Another Menomonie
lumberman, James H. Stout, who expended over half a million dollars on a
manual training school and other educational agencies in his home community,
introduced the bill in the 1895 legislature for establishing the Wisconsin
Free Library Commission and gave vigorous support to the traveling library
system thereby created.^®
The public library movement received a powerful stimulus late in the
century through the example and the preaching of Andrew Carnegie. In
his “Gospel of Wealth,” published in 1889 the Scottish-born steel magnate
enunciated the doctrine that a millionaire’s unquestioned right to accumulate a
great fortune was balanced by his obligation to arrange for its disposition
in socially useful ways. Carnegie’s pronouncement on the duties of men of
wealth was widely distributed and discussed. In fact, it is believed that
“one may almost trace the history of modern philanthropy from this article.”
He went farther and named the “ladders upon which the aspiring can rise:
free libraries, parks, and means of recreation . . . works of art, certain to
give pleasure and improve the public taste; and public institutions of various
kinds, which will improve the general condition of the people.”^®
Some Wisconsinites found more imaginative ladders to cultural heights
than those suggested by the Pittsburgh steel magnate. Searching for sub¬
jects of interest and self-expression in the frontier environment, Wisconsin
business leaders here and there immersed themselves in a self-directed study
of their local regions, collecting artifacts, organizing associations, and writing
and publishing. William R. Smith of Mineral Point, scion of an old and dis-
^•■’Hoiacc S. Merrill, William Freeman Vilas: Doefrinaire Demoerat (Madison, 1954), pp. 252,
254.
'^Miller, Elisha D. Smith, pp. 30-32; Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography, pp. 201, 366.
i^Ann M. Keppel and James I. Clark, ‘‘James H. Stout and the Menomonie Schools,” Wis¬
consin Magazine of History, 42(1958-59), 200-210; Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography, pp. 340,
346.
i^'Richard N. Current and John A. Garraty, Words That Made American History (2 vols.,
Boston, 1962), 2: 101-102, 105-111.
Business and Culture in Nineteenth-Century Wisconsin
83
tinguished Pennsylvania family, began the publication of a history of Wis¬
consin in 1854. Henry P. Hamilton, a businessman of Two Rivers, made an
avocation of collecting archeological specimens from old Indian village sites,
mounds, and graves, and presented what had become a very valuable collec¬
tion to the Museum of the State Historical Society. Publius V. Lawson, a
successful manufacturer of Menasha with a law degree from the Univer¬
sity of Wisconsin, wrote extensively on the geology, history, and archeology
of his home region.^"
Men of learning and talent such as these were among the organizers
of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, the State Historical
Society, and the Wisconsin Archeological Society. The non-professional mem¬
bers of these associations have produced some valuable studies in state and lo¬
cal history, archeology, and science. In one respect at least they have been less
successful. We are told that the Wisconsin Academy ofyScience, Arts and
Letters had “no success with the fine arts” in its early period, and throughout
its ninety-five years of existence, science has far outshadowed letters, while
art remains virtually non-existent.^^
In the largest of the state’s urban centers civic leaders such as Rufus
King, editor of the Milwaukee Sentinel, and Increase A. Lapham, a self-
trained scientist with boundless interests, began early to build up institutions
which would widen the intellectual horizons. A Germanic flood pouring into
the city established its own cultural centers: music, drama, Turner societies,
education, customs, and the press. Yet despite an advanced appreciation of
music and letters in Milwaukee, for a long time the community at large
seemed to be “more concerned with markets than musicals, more impressed
with adequate fire houses than adequate school buildings.”^"
Eventually community efforts in creating associations for the enrich¬
ment of living began to bear fruit. Music was the mediator which bridged
many differences between native Americans and foreign-born. The opening
of the Academy of Music (1865), the Grand Opera House (1875), and
the Davidson Theatre (1890) were important landmarks in Milwaukee’s rise
to prominence in the performing arts. By the middle of the 1890’s the musical
taste and abilities of the city were so high as to raise hopes for a permanent
symphony orchestra. But with the small amount of industrial wealth that
could be commandeered, the dream failed to reach reality."®
Art, which had been regarded as the realm of women in the formative
days of Milwaukee, had become masculine and German by 1900. By that
time the number of cultural professional specialists had grown substantially.
In the city of 285,000 106 men reported themselves to the federal enumerator
as actors and showmen, 350 as architects, and 97 as artists. The same census
recorded 594 musicians and music teachers in the city, of whom 336, more
than half, were males. Although no women were recorded among the artists,
women had rendered valiant service in the struggle for the promotion of art
“^diaries E. Brown, “The Henry P. Hamilton Collection,” Wisconsin Magazine of History,
3(1919), 124-125; Dictionary of Wisconsin Biography, pp. 225, 333.
W. Schorger, Transactions of the Wiscorisin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters,
51 (1962), 255-265.
^^Bayrd Still, Milwaukee: The History of a City (Madisop, J948), pp. 115-124, 228,
23Still, Milwaukee, pp. 119-120, 401, 408,
84
Alice E. Smith
and art appreciation in the city, and their most effective means of securing
support had been to enlist the aid of industrialists. In the Industrial Exhibi¬
tions held annually, they literally united industry and art by arranging elabor¬
ate displays of paintings and, at the close, inducing men of means to purchase
selections for their private collections.^^
This commitment of Milwaukee industrial wealth to the support of the
arts is stressed by Porter Butts in his Art in Wisconsin:^ “It was the wealthy
manufacturer who bought the pictures from the Industrial Exposition exhibits,
the wealthy meat packer who donated the Layton Gallery and a collection of
paintings, the wealthy brewer who sponsored artists and financed the first
school, the sister of the wealthy brewer who finally bought Carl MarTs
‘Flagellants’, and the sons of affluent business men who could afford to go
to Germany for study.”
Instances of the support of cultural resources by the Wisconsin business
world such as have been presented herein are suggestive, rather than ex¬
haustive. The glimpses are too few, our knowledge of the situation is too
incomplete, to admit of a valid generalization on the extent of the under¬
writing. We cannot detail and summarize data on cultural progress as we
can on the number of bushels of rye and board feet of lumber. No overall
study of the problems and prospects of the performing arts — or any other
arts — -was conducted for nineteenth-century Wisconsin,
Churches, libraries, colleges, orchestras, theaters, art studios, were es¬
tablished and supported through private channels. It is apparent that large
donations, which were usually well publicized, paid only a small part of the
costs of construction and maintenance. We may reasonably conclude that in
the nineteenth century, as in our own time, although sizeable and sometimes
magnanimous gifts were made by wealthy businessmen, a large share of
Wisconsin’s contributions to welfare, education, religion, and the arts came
from individuals of small or moderate means.
Even less satisfactory is the attempt to gauge the breadth of the in¬
fluence of the cultural activities and agencies that had been initiated. Mil¬
waukee stood well among metropolitan centers in its support of painting, and
yet, to patrons, art was more an evidence of success and culture than a living
thing. The artists themselves looked to Europe for training and subjects for
inspiration.^®
Wisconsin was often unappreciative, if not downright inhospitable, to
the talent which it had nurtured. It showed little understanding of the Nor¬
wegian economist from Manitowoc Gounty, Thorstein Veblen, who hurled
diatribes against the “captains of fiinance,” the “conspicuous consumption
of wealth” by the rich, and their concentration on the profit motive, even,
he declared, in matters pertaining to culture. The architect, Frank Lloyd
Wright, “acclaimed, bemedaled, and honored probably more than any other
Wisconsin native,” retained his residence in the state, but few in his home
area commissioned his works. Not many Wisconsin writers forsook the world
of agrarian simplicity to deal with rising problems of class conflicts and social
Milwaukee, pp. 571, 578—579.
-®Porter Butts, Art in Wisconsin (Madison, 1936), p. 136.
-°Butt.s, Art in Wisconsin, pp. 136—138.
Business and Cidture in Nineteenth-Century Wisconsin
85
unrest, but for tliose adventurers who essayed the change, as did Hamlin
Garland, the result was most often inconclusive.''^
The word ''culture” means different things to different people. But every¬
one agrees that it connotes achievements which enrich the human heritage
and add to the meaning and beauty of life. In the nineteenth century some
instruments of culture had been established in Wisconsin. A tradition of
responsibility for the encouragement of the arts had begun. A feeling that
culture was a "good thing” had been spread. But that was about all. To para¬
phrase the Rockefeller Panelists of 1965, it was regretable in 1900, as it is
today, that the lag in artistic excellence and in the commitment of people to
its betterment was so great; that the gap between what there was and what
there should have been, was so wide.^®
To provide the instruments of culture is not enough. As has been often
pointed out, many will remain untouched by the opportunities around them,
many will reject them. The real test of the influence of a generation is not
the history of that short period, but the history of what resulted when the
succeeding generation appeared and made use of what had been provided.
It is here that we have the opportunity to estimate the results of the period
of beginnings. What headway had been made? Did the citizens read the
books provided, view the pictures displayed, attend theatrical performances,
seek higher educational status, find new values in life?"*^
The men and women of Wisconsin had done well. They had pushed
back the frontier line, built homes and cities, developed agriculture and in¬
dustry and commerce. Besides clearing the forests and effecting the miracle
of an industrial revolution within a few decades, they had channeled por¬
tions of industrial wealth into institutions of culture in the expanding state.
Beyond providing the agencies of culture lay the tasks of maintaining them
and meeting widening needs, of raising standards within the arts, of educating
the public and the donors to an appreciation of the native arts, and of provid¬
ing a congenial atmosphere for their development. To do these things was the
responsibility of twentieth-century Wisconsin.
2^For Veblen, see David Riesman, Thorstein VebJen: A Critical Interpretation (New York,
1953), pp. xii, 24, 80, and Veblen, The Theory of Business Enterprise (New York, 1935 reprint
of 1904 edition), p. 377; for Wright, see Herbert Jacobs, “A Light Look at Fmak Lloyd Wright,”
Wisconsin Magazine of History, 44(1961), 163; for Garland, Henry S. Commager, The American
Mind: An Interpretation of American Thought and Character Since the 1880^s (New Haven and
London, 1963 edition), pp. 60—61.
^'^Rockefeller Brothers Fund, The Performing Arts: Problems and Prospects . . . (New York,
1965), pp. 1-12.
-^Benjamin F. Wright, Jr., “Political Institutions and the Frontier,” in Dixon R. Fox, ed..
Sources of Culture in the Middle West: Background versus Frontier (New York and London,
1934), p. 17.
“HITCHING SCIENCE TO THE PLOW”: WISCONSIN
LABORATORIES AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTIVITY
Morton Rothstein
In the early 188()'s Dean Henry, the head and at that time virtually the
sole occupant of the University of Wiscoinsin’s Agriculture Department, made
one of many appearances before the State Agricultural Society. On this occa¬
sion he was using his extraordinary persuasive powers to muster support for
a state-financed research institution, the agricultural experiment station. Sev¬
eral Eastern states had supported such institutions since before the Civil War,
and some of Wisconsin’s neighbors had also launched them. Not until 1887,
with the Hatch Act of that year, did the federal government commit itself
to a program of financial contributions for these stations. The flurry of debate
within the Society that followed Henry’s proposal elicited what is now a
classic statement from one exasperated farmer, obviously already a convert.
The University needs a place for experiments. They should have
a model farm and eight to ten good professors. The beggarly tax we’d
pay would be repaid a hundred times. If someone had found a way to
head off the chinch bug it would have saved Wisconsin about 100 mil¬
lion dollars. We don’t want science floating in the skies. We want to
bring it down and hitch it to our plows
This famous outburst has often served to illustrate the remarkable faith in
science of many Wisconsin agrarians and to explain the basis of the happy
partnership in this state between the worker in the laboratory and the worker
on the land. And properly so. But even the best partnership has moments
of difficulty and the implications of those ringing phrases can stand further
exploration.
The University was more than thirty years old when Dean Henry began
pushing his idea, but Wisconsin agriculture was just finishing its pioneer stage.
Settlers still poured into the state, taking up land and expending painful toil
on the farm-making tasks. Over 30,000 new farms had appeared on the state’s
tax rolls from 1860 to 1870 and the record shows roughly the same increase
for the next decade. It was a growth unmatched in any other twenty year
period. The pace fell sharply after 1880 and the first signs of maturity in land-
holding patterns emerged when some southern counties reported a decline in
the number of farms in 1890.^ An outstanding feature of Wisconsin’s frontier
economy was the concentration on wheat production. Climate, tradition, and
the low labor and capital requirements made it the pre-eminent cash crop.
But the pioneering conditions which justified it soon gave way, the yields
declined, and rapidly expanding newer lands to the west were turning out
larger crops at lower cost. By the 1880’s the sharp pressures of the market-
^Transactions, Wisconsin State Agricultural Society, XXI (1881—1882), 297.
^“Wisconsin Agriculture in Mid-Century,” Wisconsin Croi) and Livestock Reporting Service,
Bulletin No. 325 (June, 1954), 1-3.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
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88
Morton Rotlistein
place were gradually forcing Wisconsin farmers to re-organize their operations,
though sometimes they did so reluctantly. In many parts of the state the
chinch bug that our farmer complained about gave wheat its coup de grace.
He apparently failed to realize that Wisconsin had lost its comparative advan¬
tage in wheat growing and had to establish new lines of production. In their
search for a solution, the more responsive farmers had explored several blind
alleys, as in the quest for a sugar crop from amber cane or in the hops mania.
In certain areas of the state they found partial answers in tobacco cultivation
or fruit orchards. The majority of agriculturists, however, found their main
solution in dairying, a conversion attributable in some degree to the persis¬
tent missionary work of such leaders as Hiram Smith and William D. Hoard.®
The quotation also reveals an extravagant expectation of immediate re¬
turns for dollars invested in scientific research, and there are other examples
of this attitude. The farmers who were interested in furthering research at
the University were generally more knowledgable, more influential, and cer¬
tainly more successful than the majority of their brethren. As good man¬
agers they tended to measure the benefits of science in practical, monetary
terms. The prodding and encouragement of such community figures no doubt
helped to sensitize research policy so that it was attuned to the economic
interests and needs of the state from the outset.^ Dean Henry’s institution
played a demonstrably key role in the shift to dairying and to its commercial
success. The researchers, too, benefited from this relationship, for their con¬
stituents subjected many findings to empirical testing, rejected others out
of hand (sometimes with good reason) and occasionally brought them prob¬
lems of intriguing scientific interest.® But the criterion of achievement held
by farmers concerned with an applied science that could prove of immediate
use was sometimes at variance with the standards of academicians who
were increasingly conscious of their professional status and anxious to devote
their energies to basic research. The work of men like Babcock and Woll
was to some degree socially determined. Still, it enjoyed greater latitude and
a firmer public commitment with the passage of time.
The chronicles of the state and of the College of Agriculture contain many
references to early frictions and misunderstandings. The story of the problems
are well known; the difficulties at first in finding a professor able and willing
to teach agricultural science were second only to those of finding students
willing to take this course of work. While it resulted in a kind of windfall
gain in time and facilities for research, it laid the college open to much
criticism. In the I880’s there were efforts to remove it from the effete sur¬
roundings of Madison so that it would be more responsive to the pressing
®The details of these changes are brilliantly presented in Eric E. Lampard, The Rise of
the Dairy Industry in Wisconsin: A Study in Agricultural Change, 1820—1920 (Madison, 1963).
‘^Transactions, Wisconsin State Agricultural Society, XXII (1883—1884), 210-211, 217—218.
"’Vernon Carstensen, ‘'The Genesis of an Agricultural Experiment Station,” Agricultural
History, Vol. 34 (June, 1960), 13-20; Charles E. Rosenberg, “The Adams Act: Politics and
the Cause of Scientific Research,” Agricultural History, Vol. 38 (Jan. 1964), 3-12.
^’For an interesting discussion of the relationship between social groups and need's and
the development of biological science see Charles E. Rosenberg, “On the Study of American
Biology and Medicine: Some Justifications,” Btdletin of the History of Medicine, XXXVIII
(July-Aug. 1964), 364-376.
‘HitcJiing Science to the Plow’
89
but ill-defined needs and concerns of the rural population/ Interested groups
rarely relaxed their close scrutiny of the College thereafter. As late as 1910
Professor McCollum had problems in obtaining rats for experimental pur¬
poses because it was feared that the feeding of farm pests would provoke
criticism among the rural constituents.®
On the other hand, impatient scientists and sulphurous editors often
castigated the farmers for their failure to accept and to act promptly upon
the findings of the laboratory. The first generation of researchers spent much
of their time and all of their good humor on occasion in their efforts to spread
their gospel among the scientifically heathenish plowmen who were leery
of any kind of “book farming” and who insisted on sticking to the “tried and
true.” Still, we should remember that American farmers had been — and in
some areas still are — the perrenial victims of hucksters selling pseudo-scientific
items. The history of nineteenth century agriculture is replete with promo¬
tions of specially improved seeds that grew nothing, of fertilizers that ag¬
gravated rather than relieved soil problems, and of implements like the hop-
perdozer — a horse-drawn machine for alleviating the grasshopper menace by
catching and grinding the insect.” Furthermore, the experiment station scien¬
tists were often reluctant to accept the sound innovations and proven ex¬
perience of the practitioner. Even the receptive Dean Henry was highly sus¬
picious of the silo, an innovation in fairly wide use for many years, although
he eventually became its strong champion. This was a major step forward in
dairying. Introduced in the early 1870’s, it had manifest advantages in pre¬
serving forage crops, particularly in northern climates. In 1883, Dean Henry
agreed to test its effects on cattle feed, but the experiment was a disaster and
he withheld endorsement for several years. Yet by the turn of the century
Wisconsin was leading the nation in the number of silos and has retained
that position to this day. Conversely, scientists made important advances when
they tried to identify the principles behind the silo’s effectiveness as a store¬
house for feed.^” In this respect, science learned from the farmer, as it had
derived knowledge about thermodynamics from studies of the steam engine.
Nevertheless, the distrust and antagonism which necessitated the vigorous
defense of science in the opening quotation was far less important than the
mutual faith and harmony evident at every stage of the relationship. The
scientists had been in close touch with farmers in the critical years and
each had benefited from that contact. The recognition by the station’s clien¬
tele that research needed more support and enlarged freedom is evident in
the way that they rallied behind Dean Henry to help secure the passage of
the Adams Act in 1906. The law provided additional federal funds for agri¬
cultural experiment stations and reserved the money for “pure research.” The
next step, to relieve the station scientists of the tasks of disseminating infor-
■•W. H. Glover, Farm and College: The College of Agriculture of the University of Wis¬
consin, A History ( Madison, 1952) pp. 49-65, 95—111.
^Conrad Elvehjem, “Basic and Applied Research at Wisconsin,” in The Growth of Agricul¬
tural Research in Wisconsin (Lectures commemorating the 75th Anniversary of the Wisconsin
Agricultural Experiment Station, 1883—1958 (Madison, 1958) pp. 27—28.
®Paul W. Gates, The Farmer's Age: Agriculture, 1815-1860 (New York, 1960) pp. 301-311;
Fred A. Shannon, The Farmer’s Last Frontier: Agriculture, 1860-1897 (New York, 1945)
pp. 152-153.
^^Lampard, op cit., pp. 155-162.
90
Morton Rothsteln
mation and performing routine tests came with the creation of the agricul¬
tural agent and his extension work/^ Here, again, Wisconsin was in the fore¬
front of the movement.
Such developments testify to the enduring enthusiasm of the farmers’
faith in science, and to their continuing assumption that by "‘hitching science
to the plow” they would increase their productivity. Yet there was little im¬
mediate evidence to support that contention. On surveying the record of
stunning achievements by Wisconsin researchers one is struck by the fact
that relatively little of the original scientific work here resulted in the kind of
direct and easily identified improvement in productivity anticipated by the
early sponsors until the 1930’s. This is not to say that there was no direct or
real “pay-off” on the taxpayers’ investment. The Babcock test was early evi¬
dence to the contrary. One wonders, however, if the way in which farm
leaders throughout the nation siezed upon this celebrated achievement did
not also demonstrate the need for self-justification by those whose commit¬
ment was too great to admit disappointment. The simple test showed the
result of applied science in an easily understood form and helped dealers
and farmers improve and standardize the quality of their output. But Babcock
himself regarded it as a “stunt” and was happy to turn from it to what he
considered to be far more important work. To pursue this example further,
the test provided no direct addition to productivity, but rather an objective
standard by which producers could guage the quality of their output. It served
as a guide, and indirectly as an incentive for achieving better returns. Farmers
were consequently better able to meet rapidly changing market conditions.
This was no mean feat, nor should these remarks be taken as a denigration
of one of the heroes in our Valhalla.
Other examples of research before the First World War do not seriously
change this point. The gains in milk output per cow that resulted from the
work on animal feeding and breeding were to some extent canceled by the
losses incurred in the fight against tuberculosis. The pasteurization of milk
and the cold-curing process for cheese making drew much of their effective¬
ness and applicability from the studies of Wisconsin experimenters. But like
the Babcock test and the tuberculin test they helped to improve the quality
and acceptability of products among increasingly sophisticated urban con¬
sumers rather than to increase the output of product per man-hour or the
yield per acre. A broad range of other efforts were designed to counteract
natural calamites, like flood and drought, or animal and plant diseases and
pests. Viewed in this context, science was the farmer’s shield against dis¬
aster, rather than his lance in a charge for greater output.
None of this should be startling to either scientists or agricultural his¬
torians. The first group certainly appreciates the observation that research
is a slow and cumulative process, with the dramatic breakthroughs coming
only after long preparation. At the opening of the century genetics and bio¬
chemistry were still in their infancy; their impact on agriculture lay in the
future. Nor does basic science always follow a path that society tries to lay
out. It is somewhat ironic that the marvelous advances in human nutrition
of which Wisconsin is justifiably proud — ^the vitamin discoveries, irradiation
^’'Rosenberg, “Adams Act,” op. cit.; Carstensen, op. cit.
'i2Lami3ard, op. cit., pp. 173-174, 197-203, 273-274.
‘Hitching Science to the Ploiv
91
and the rest — -grew out of research into animal nutrition. As in the case of
quality improvement and disease protection, the general public benefited
from agricultural research at least as much as did the farmer.
Recent findings by economic historians tend to confirm this observation
about the relatively slow growth of agricultural productivity in the opening
decades of this century. For American farmers as a whole the great advances
had taken place in the mechanization of field-cropping between 1840 and
1880; the substitution of animal power for manpower in cultivating and
harvesting small grains was probably the most notable item. After 1880, just
at the time when scientific research in agriculture was building its institutional
base in both Wisconsin and the nation, productivity increased at a significantly
slower rate.’^ It picked up again in the 1920’s, largely because of the tractor
and the spread of electricity to the countryside. For these two periods of
rapid advance much of the credit goes to the mechanic and the engineer. In
an agricultural economy marked from its colonial beginnings by relatively
large units of production and chronic labor shortages, the innovations repre¬
sented by machinery had visible and obvious advantages that farmers could
grasp immediately. The potentials of biological knowledge, in all its ramifica¬
tions, were less self-evident. Before accretions to that knowledge were to
prove useful to faimers, encrusted layers of folk wisdom and folk folly had
to break down. Even the admirable William D. Hoard, for instance, an un¬
usually vigorous exponent of scientific methods in dairying, persisted for
years in his conviction that increased butterfat in milk resulted mainly from
lavish expenditures of tender, loving care on the cow, rather than from dietary
changes.
If technology was the driving force behind the first two periods of pro¬
ductivity growth, science was accumulating a vast and pregnant fund of
knowledge from which farmers could draw. In the third period of rapid pro¬
duction increases, the one we ai’e in at present, the biological sciences have
come into their own. Yet all branches of what used to be called “agricul¬
tural science’" made steady and impressive progress. No other practical art
has enjoyed such an investment of research as agriculture until very recently.
At the beginning of the century the Department of Agriculture alone em¬
ployed more scientists than all of American private industry. The commit¬
ment to research and development may have been unusually strong in Wis¬
consin, but it also existed in all parts of the country. Moreover, our farmers
were as receptive as ever to innovation. They increasingly pressed our county
agents and demonstration workers for additional supplies of lime, fertilizer
and seed in the 1920’s and sometimes embarassed the soil testers by the
volume of samples they sent to the laboratories for analysis.^"’ Although most
Wayne D. Rasmussen, “The Impact of Technological Change on American Agriculture,
1862—1962,” The Journal of Economic History, XXII (Dec. 1962), 578-591.
^^Lampard, pp. 145-196; G. W. Rankin, William Dempster Hoard, (Ft. Atkinson; 1925)
pp. 142-181.
^^“Minutes of; the Meeting of the Agriculture Committee of the Regents,” Reports of the
Deane’s Office, College of Agriculture, (University Archives, No. 106, Oct. 11, 1927). This
report discusses the cooperation between the Farmers’ Institutes, the Ag. Exp. Sta., and
other agencies in the College, along with the follow-up program of the agricultural extension
workers introduced by Superintendent Luther. In 1927 alone “1234 farmers actually requested
assistance in soil improvement work, 530 farmers wanted direct aid on swine improvement, 32
soil associations were formed” and carload lots of lime, potash, phosphate were ordered at
meetings along with arrangements for the delivery of alfalfa seed and seedling trees. It was
almost too much for the available personnel to handle.
92
Morton Rothstein
Wisconsin producers went through several difficult adjustments in their farm
operations in the past, they were not only willing but anxious to continue
applying new ideas which would increase their profits. And here was the
rub. During periods of low prices, farmers were often more interested in cut¬
ting costs and maximizing returns than in growing two blades of grass where
one had grown before. Until the 1930’s the government’s response to economic
downturns in agriculture was mostly to emphasize greater and more diversified
production, while farmers grew discouraged and skeptical about this solution.
At the end of the prolonged farm depression in the 1890’s one leading journal
showed its momentary disgust with this traditional approach, and with the
efficacy of science in meeting the problem.
The farmer is not half so deeply interested in the classification of
the various kinds of lice that infest the exterior anatomy of the barn¬
yard fowl as he is in the discovery of new customers for his surplus
crop of wheat, pork, corn and dairy products.^"
Adverse economic circumstances for twentieth century farmers were also the
greatest single obstacle to the rapid application of new knowledge.
American agriculture went through an equally sharp and long period
of economic stress in the 1920’s. And then came the depression. The earlier
achievements and adjustments that the Wisconsin scientists aided and abetted
were crucial in protecting the state from some of the worst shocks of this long
agricultural crisis. Dairy and cattle farmers did relatively well compared with
producers of cash grain, cotton and hogs. Their operations were less mechan¬
ized and less subject to the economies of seale in land holdings. But there
was serious hardship in spite of these advantages, and economic woes were
intensified by disastrous drought in many parts of the state in the 1930’s.
Science, however, suffered no equivalent downturn in its acceleration curve,
no leveling off in its productivity, even if its practitioners did take salary cuts.
The drought stimulated new research and provided the occasion for pushing
the results of the old. Fcumers turned in greater numbers to the use of alfalfa,
which Ransom Moore had been urging on them for years. New varieties of
oats came out of the University laboratory with special characteristics suited
to the state’s soil and climate. Finally, the wonderful new forms of hybrid corn
made their appearance. Each of these old crops in new form — alfalfa, oats and
corn — represented a triumph in plant genetics research and brought great
increases in yields per acre to those who used them. Similar research with
animals in Wisconsin during the 1930’s, like that of Dr. Philips, helped
enormously to make artificial insemination a useful technique for farmers.
By the end of the decade breeders coops had appeared in the state.^®
Still, the depression sharply reduced the ability of farmers to invest in
new methods. When World War II came, there was an enormous amount
of research findings, including some that went back to the nineteenth cen¬
tury, backed up in the laboratories and readily available to farmers who could
afford to use them. Government price supports and the wartime boom pro-
’®77ie Prairie Farmer (Chicago), July 31, 1897, p. 2.
''■’’L. F. Graber, “A 'Half Century of Alfalfa in Wisconsin,” Agricultural Experiment Station
Bulletin 502, (May 1953); also see report by Dean Christiansen to President Dykstra, 1938 in
Reports of Deans’ Office, College of Agriculture, University Archives.
^Wisconsin Agricultip-al Experiment Strition Bulletin No. 500, Janviary, 1953,
‘Hitching Science to the Plow
93
vided the wherewithal for most Wisconsin farmers and here, as elsewhere,
the results since 1940 have amounted to a virtual explosion in productivity.
Investment in fertilizer skyrocketed, alfalfa acreage doubled and re-doubled,
the geographic limits of corn production were pushed to the northern bound¬
aries of the state. Achievements in forage crops were matched by those in
fruits and vegetables. Both production and processing relied on the Uni¬
versity’s scientific work to develop the best varieties for the region and to
improve their preservation.
The gains since 1940 have not come from a shifting pattern of output
in any major sense, as was the case in the late nineteenth century. We do
not have an agriculture extensively exploiting new natural resources or pro¬
duction opportunities. In fact, the "product mix” of Wisconsin agriculture
has been remarkably stable. Nor has there been the drastic reorganization
of farm units characteristic of changes elsewhere. The number of farms and
farmers in the state is shrinking and the size of farms is growing but it is
happening at a significantly lower degree of speed and intensity in Wisconsin
than among many of our neighbors. This is partly due to the continued
dominance of dairying, which is less subject to mechanization than most
forms of agricultural enterprise. “
In the last twenty years, Wisconsin has kept its national lead in pro¬
duction of milk cows and fluid milk, of cheese and of green peas, sweet corn
and beets used in processing. Thus our farmers have kept pace with the
accelerating national trends in specialization and productivity. Economists
have rather crude instruments for measuring this pace, but one rough esti¬
mate puts it at twice the rate of productivity growth in industry. They also
have come to appreciate as never before the importance of investment in
research and education. One calculation puts the return to agriculture on
research investment at thirty five per cent annually over the last generation.
Another investigation, restricted to the returns on hybrid corn, has come up
with similar conclusions. At least for those who are concerned with the
agricultural problems of the newly emerging nations, the Wisconsin idea of
close cooperation between farming and science, of investment in human re¬
sources to use the currently fashionable term, is more alive than ever. The
more specific achievements of the state’s research has also spread far beyond
our borders. A particularly striking example is the use of Wisconsin pedigreed
hybrid corn in western European agriculture, a leading factor in the rapid
changes there.
The farmer who blurted out his faith in science in the 1880’s has long
since gone to his reward. His conceptualization of the relationship between the
farmstead and the laboratory may seem naive in a day when the countryside
is no longer a source of bucolic delights but a location for outdoor biological
factories. In some ways the rewards of that faith in progress were a long time
coming and are only now fully upon us. But the new genei-ation of farm
managers will continue to look to the institutions their forefathers created to
aid them in meeting the challenges of a dynamic and changing society,
^®Peter Dorner, “Farming Changes in Wisconsin, 1940—1960,” Wiscansm Agricultural Ex¬
periment Station Bullethi No. 561, (Jan. 1963) pp. 3—4.
^''Noble Clark, “Agricultural Research in a Changing World,” in The Growth of Agricultural
Research in Wisconsin, pp. 59—60.
^^Wisconsip Agricult\tr(il Experiment Stqfion Bpllefip 4^8 (July 1952), pp.
SOME WISCONSIN BIOLOGISTS OF THE PAST AND
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THEIR WORK
Lowell E. Noland
It would be impossible in a short paper like this to evaluate properly
the contributions of more than a few of the many Wisconsin people that have
added substantially to biological knowledge. Brief histories of the zoology
and botany departments of the University of Wisconsin have been written
(Noland, 1950; Bryan, 1950), short summaries of the lives of several early
Wisconsin ornithologists have been published (Schorger, 1946), and a num¬
ber of articles and books have been devoted to individual biologists, such
as Sellery's “E. A. Birge” and the papers by Lawson and by Main on Thure
Kumlien; but the lives and accomplishments of most of our Wisconsin biolo¬
gists remain still to be treated by the historian.
In this paper I shall restrict my remarks mainly to two pioneer natural¬
ists I have admii'ed and six University of Wisconsin zoologists and botanists
that I knew and came to respect during my forty-five years on this campus.
Increase A. Lapham of Milwaukee was perhaps the most outstanding
pioneer in scientific work (including biology) in this state. Born in 1811 at
Palmyra, New York, the son of a canal contractor, he learned early the arts
of surveying and practical engineering, and became a self-made engineer in
construction of canals and public works, principally in Kentucky and Ohio.
It was this ability that led to his employment in 1836 by Byron Kilbourn,
Milwaukee real estate agent and promoter, to work on plans for a canal from
Milwaukee to the lead-mining region of Wisconsin. After his arrival in Wis¬
consin, and while waiting for the canal project to materialize — which it never
did — Lapham to earn a living did many sorts of work such as surveying,
map making, real estate development, notary public work and registry of
land claims; but he spent his spare time studying and collecting rocks, min¬
erals, plants and molluscan shells. He also kept systematic weather records
and notes on Lake Michigan tides. He wanted very much to get a college
education, but could neither borrow nor earn enough money to do it. Early
in 1838 he began keeping a kind of personal journal which he called a
"Gazetter of Wisconsin”. By 1844 this grew into a publication: “Wisconsin:
its Geography and Topography”, for which there was a great demand, es¬
pecially from immigrants looking for a place to settle. A revised edition in
1846, including maps of greater accuracy and detail, was even more popular
than the first.
About this time Lapham developed an extensive correspondence with
Eastern scientists relative to exchange of materials in geology, botany and
conchology. He sent many plants to Asa Gray and supplied Louis Agassiz with
many fish and reptiles from Wisconsin. He helped form a Lyceum for the city
of Milwaukee. He was one of the founders of Milwaukee Downer Gollege,
and was for several years president of its board of trustees. He assembled
a private collection of several thousand plants, most of which eventually be-
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
95
96
Lowell E. Noland
came a part of the herbarium of the University of Wisconsin. He was active
in the State Agricultural Society. His interest in Indian mounds led him to
make many trips between 1836 and 1849 to explore them. In response to
his application the American Antiquarian Society of Massachusetts gave him
in 1849 $500 to continue these explorations. This resulted in the publication
in 1852 of his ‘'Antiquities of Wisconsin”. He explored and described hun¬
dreds of the mounds, including the Aztalan site near Lake Mills.
Beginning in 1855 he made occasional studies on Wisconsin forests. This
led to his appointment in 1867 to the chairmanship of a legislative commis¬
sion to write a report on the forests of the state. In this report he urged
more careful cutting, shelter belts and tax exemptions for land planted to
forests, but his wise counsel fell on deaf ears in that period of ruthless
exploitation.
Among other things, Lapham advocated more widespread observation
and reporting of weather data and succeeded, through friends in Congress,
in getting the United States Weather Bureau established under the juris¬
diction of the Army Signal Corps, with headquarters in Chicago. From this
station the first weather forecasts were issued in 1870. Lapham served as
assistant to the Chief Signal Officer in this bureau for a time, but left it in
1872 because of the pressure of his business and scientific interests in
Milwaukee.
In 1873 the Wisconsin Legislature established the Geological Survey of
Wisconsin, and Lapham was named chief. Due to a change in politics
Lapham lost this position after about two yeai's. Disappointed and suffering
from heart trouble he retired to a farm he had purchased a few years be¬
fore on Oconomowoc Lake where he died on September 14, 1875 at the age
of 64. Few men have done so much for Wisconsin science in the course of
one brief lifetime.
Thiire Kumlien, pioneer Wisconsin ornithologist and naturalist, was born
in Sweden November 9, 1819, learned his elementary subjects from a private
tutor, and as a boy assembled and mounted, with almost no professional help,
a remarkable collection of birds. After four years of study at Upsala Uni¬
versity, and after the subsequent death of his father and mother, he emi¬
grated in 1843 to America on the same boat as his future bride, whom he
married on arrival at Milwaukee. He bought from the United States Govern¬
ment forty acres of land on Lake Koshkonong and he and his young bride
walked the whole distance from Milwaukee to their new home on foot. Later
they added to this another forty acres. Kumlien farmed just enough to make
a bare living, but spent all his spare time on ornithology, for which the Lake
Koshkonong area afforded a most favorable location. For three years he
served as a teacher of botany and zoology at Albion Academy, not far away
from his home, until financial difficulties in that institution forced discontinu¬
ance of his position.
He prepared collections in natural history and botany for the young
and growing University of Wisconsin at Madison, but these were unfortun¬
ately lost in the fire that destroyed Old Science Hall in 1884. He acquired
an international reputation for his knowledge about birds. He was a long¬
time friend of the famous early ornithologist, Thomas Brewer, for whom he
collected bird skins and eggs. Louis Agassiz once remarked, in connection
Some Wisconsin Biologists of the Past
97
with receipt of a shipment from his Wisconsin collector, that Kumlien was
the greatest authority in the world on birds’ nests.
Kumlien travelled little, except in the general region of southern Wis¬
consin, where he did most of his collecting. He was an early member of the
American Ornithological Union and the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts
and Letters, Dr. Edward A. Birge of the University of Wisconsin urged him
several times to publish his observations on bird life in the Transactions of
the Academy, but his innate modesty, retiring nature and constant occupa¬
tion with other matters prevented his doing much writing. We who have
come later are the losers, for much of his wealth of knowledge was buried
with him. In his later years he became taxidermist and conservator at the
Milwaukee Public Museum, which Increase Lapham had helped to establish.
His work there involved the handling of collections of birds that had been
treated with mercuric chloride preservative, and it is thought that the breath¬
ing of this poisonous dust was the cause of his death, which occurred on
August 5, 1888, a few months before he would have reached his seventieth
birthday. He lived a full and interesting life, though filled with hardships;
and he had a profound influence on American ornithology, though his publica¬
tions were few. For some twenty years there was an ornithological club at
the University of Wisconsin that bore his name.
Besides the two pioneers I have mentioned there were many others who
could well have been included had there been time, men such as Father
Mazzuchelli after whom the Edgewood College biological laboratory is named,
John Muir who contributed his love of nature to all America, George and
Elizabeth Peckham of Milwaukee, those incomparable observers of insect
behavior, or Dr. Philo Romayne Hoy of Racine, but the lives and work of
these and other pioneers must await more thorough treatment by future
historians.
In the remaining part of this paper I wish to mention six significant
representatives of Wisconsin biology who lived and worked in the more re¬
cent past. Let me say at the outset that I do not wish to imply that these
are necessarily the most outstanding men in this field. I have chosen them
only because I knew them well personally and developed a respect for their
accomplishments and their personalities. That they were all associated with
the University of Wisconsin merely reflects the fact that there is where I
knew them. Had I worked in another institution in the state my choice would
undoubtedly have been a different one.
William Stanley Marshall is the first of three zoologists I have chosen to
discuss. For forty-six years he was associated with the Department of Zool¬
ogy of the University of Wisconsin. He was born December 14, 1866, at
Milwaukee. His father, who had come from Pennsylvania, was one of the
founders of the Marshall and llsley Bank of Milwaukee. The son, after tak¬
ing his B. S. degree at Swarthmore in 1888, did a year of graduate work at
the University of Pennsylvania, and then went to Europe, where he studied
zoology under Schulze, Korschelt, Heider, Hertwig and Kny at Berlin, and
under Credner, Marshall, Pfeffer, Loos and Leuckart at Leipzig. He received
the Ph. D. degree from the University of Leipzig in 1892.
Returning to Wisconsin he joined the staff of the Department of Zoology
at the University in 1893, where he helped Dr. Birge with the elementary
98
Lowell E. Noland
biology course, and began developing his own fields of entomology and in¬
sect embryology. In those days there were no biological supply houses from
which laboratory dissecting material could be purchased, and I remember
Dr. Marshall telling me how much time it took to collect and preserve all
the frogs, clams, crayfishes and insects needed for the beginning class. Never¬
theless, he found occasion to apply the histological methods he had learned
in Germany to research on local insects; and the first two doctorates granted
by the Department of Zoology (to Charles Taylor Vorhies and Robert William
Hegner both in 1908) were worked out under his supervision. Somehow in
those early years he managed also to assemble a remarkably complete col¬
lection of Wisconsin beetles, now in the custody of our Entomology Depart¬
ment. It is a pity that he did not prepare a definitive monograph on Wis¬
consin beetles. He had both the knowledge and the reference collection to
have authored such a work^ — one that would have rivalled Blatchley’s Coleop-
tera of Indiana. Dr. Marshall died at this home in Madison on March 17,
1947, at the age of eighty.
Through the years Professor Marshall was very much interested in the
University Library and especially in one branch of it, the Biology Library,
now housed in Birge Hall. It was also largely through his efforts that the
great Wisconsin Academy Library was built up through arranging exchanges
with other academies and learned societies of the world. Even after his re¬
tirement he remained active in this library work. The numbers of students
he helped by personal gifts and advice were legion, and his generous sup¬
port of local charities in Madison was well known.
Since he was a man of independent means, and since his line of re¬
search was not of especial interest to either of the chairmen under whom he
served, he was never adequately recognized by his department in either salary
or rank; for instance, he was not made a full professor until 1933, four years
before his retirement. He was a tall, slender, handsome man, with a digni¬
fied though not formal manner, somewhat brusque in speech, but full of good
humor and most unselfish and helpful, as I had occasion to learn when after
his own retirement he volunteered and without remuneration took over my
teaching for a couple of months when I was incapacitated by an automobile
accident.
Chancey Juday, World renowned limnologist, is the second Wiscon¬
sin zoologist I have chosen to discuss. He was born May 5, 1871, at Millers-
burg, Indiana. He attended the University of Indiana (B. A. 1896, M. A.
1897) working especially under the fish specialist Eigenmann. Thereafter he
taught high school for two years, before accepting a position at Madison with
Dr. Birge, as biologist in the Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Sur¬
vey. In 1901, ill health (tuberculosis) necessitated his leaving for the drier,
sunnier climate of the West, but he returned to Wisconsin in 1905, where
(except for the year 1907-1908 spent visiting limnological stations in Europe)
he remained for the rest of his life, with only brief research excursions to
other places, for instance to Central America in February of 1910 and to
the Finger Lakes of New York in the summer of that same year. During
July and August of the years 1921 to 1924 he did limnological research on
Green Lake; and in the summers of 1925 to 1941 he carried out similar work
in the region of Trout Lake, Wisconsin. Under his leadership the Trout Lake
Some Wiscomin Biologists of the Past
99
Station became widely known as a center for summer research on limnology,
attracting such biologists as Woltereck from Germany, Kozminski from Po¬
land, Henrici from Minnesota, Potzger from Butler University, Minna Jewell
freshwater sponge specialist from Illinois, Frank C. Baker authority on mol¬
luscs from the University of Illinois, and Hairing and Myers, rofifer specialists
from Washington, D. C. In 1931 he was made Professor of Limnology in
the Department of Zoology of the University. In 1941 he retired from teach¬
ing but was retained as research associate by the University to round out his
lake researches. He died on March 29, 1944.
Best known among his publications, which number over a hundred,
are his books on the hydrography and morphometry of Wisconsin lakes, and
two extensive reports (jointly with E. A. Birge) on the dissolved gasses and
plankton productivity of Wisconsin lakes. He maintained fruitful working re¬
lationships with the Wisconsin Conservation Department and directed many
studies on the growth of freshwater fish. When the Limnological Society of
America was organized in 1935 he was elected its first president. He re¬
ceived the LL. D. degree from Indiana University in 1933, and the Leidy
medal from the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia in 1943.
He was a quiet, faithful man, never seeking public acclaim, even tem¬
pered, always willing to listen and give helpful advice. Unassuming and
modest, his eminence in his field was not always appreciated, even by some
who knew him well. With few words, guiding by example rather than by
precept, he led his students to proficiency in the field of his special interest.
He was for many years secretary-treasurer of the Wisconsin Academy
and editor of its Transactions, which became the repository of a large quantity
of the published research of the Birge— Juday team and their associates. In
this team Birge was the more aggressive member, the project-proposer, money-
getter, and public relations man; Juday was the day-by-day director of re¬
search, student adviser, follow-up man in contacts with other agencies, and
editor of the published results. Both were active researchers; their personalities
and strong points were complementary; they accomplished more as a team
than the two of them could have accomplished working separately. Although
Juday ’s name often took a secondary place in the published papers, only those
who were engaged in the work knew the major role that Juday played in
the actual working out of most of the projects. Early in my graduate years
I spent one summer working as an assistant in the limnological program at
Green Lake, and I shall never forget the breadth of knowledge, the quiet
steadiness, and the calm imperturbability that Professor Juday showed in his
work. He was always interested in developing his assistants as scientists as
well as in making the research program move ahead.
Michael Frederic Guyer is the third personality which I wish to con¬
sider in the development of Wisconsin biology. He was chairman of the
Department of Zoology of the University of Wisconsin for thirty-four years
— from 1911 to 1945. Born at Plattsburg, Missouri, on November 11, 1874,
he did his undergraduate work at the University of Ghicago, receiving the
B, S. degree there in 1894. He then studied at the University of Nebraska for
a year, taught high school for a year, returned to Nebraska to take his M. S.
degree in 1897, and then went to the University of Chicago for three years
of graduate work under C. O. Whitman. After receiving the Ph. D. degree
100
Lowell E. Noland
there in 1900 he served for the next eleven years as chairman of the Depart¬
ment of Biology at the University of Cincinnati, being on leave during the
year 1908-1909 for research at the Naples Biological Station in Italy. In 1911
he was brought to Wisconsin by President Van Hise to succeed Dr. Birge as
chairman of the Department of Zoology, since Dr. Birge, then Dean of the
College of Letters and Science, was too busy with his other duties to serve
effectively also as departmental chairman.
Cuyer's interests lay especially in the fields of cytology, serology and
eugenics, as well as in the general field of medical education. His publica¬
tions totalled more than a hundred. Of these his Animal Micrologtj was a
standard textbook in microtechnique for over fifty years, and his general zool¬
ogy text. Animal Biology, was a leader in the field for several decades. His
interest in human heredity led to the organization of his course in Heredity
and Eugenics and to the writing of a well-known associated text in this field.
Being Well Born. In his later years he gathered together some of his reflec¬
tions on human biology in a popular book entitled Speaking of Man.
With respect to his leadership in university matters, he was one of the
organizers of the Graduate Biological Division the main purpose of which
was to insure that Ph. D. candidates in biology at the University of Wisconsin
would have adequate backgrounds of course work in sciences basic to their
special fields. His influence in developing physiological and biochemical ap¬
proaches to research and teaching in zoology was one of his important con¬
tributions. His activities relating to medical education included membership
on national committees in this field and presidency for many years of the
Wisconsin Basic Science Board set up to examine physicians, who were apply¬
ing to practice medicine in the state, in the sciences fundamental to medicine.
He was recognized nationally by being made president of the American So¬
ciety of Zoologists in 1923; the American Microscopical Society 1916-1918;
and vice-president of Section F (Zoology) of AAAS in 1928.
Strong in his convictions, firm in his decisions, and vigorous in action.
Dr. Guyer was always a force to be reckoned with in the formulation of
policy in any group to which he belonged. His method of supervising his
graduate students was to provide them with facilities and allow them freedom
to work out their own ideas in their own way, with the door left open for
consultation with him when they wished. He furthered personal acquaintance
and friendly relations within his department by occasional informal gatherings
at his home or departmental picnics at his cottage on Lake Mendota. His
faculty colleagues who had the opportunity to go to his home for dinner
will remember his wit, his incisive comments and his graciousness as a host.
One of his incidental interests was in band music; he once won a prize in a
national contest for a march which he composed.
In the course of his long teaching career thousands of students listened
to his lectures and did laboratory work outlined in his manual that went
through many editions. Generations of teaching assistants and instructors
gained experience working in his course, each adding his bit to the whole.
As a lecturer in beginning biology Guyer was forceful and well organized,
but tended to cover in his lectures the same material presented in his texts
without adding a great deal of supplementary information. He seldom taught
laboratory or discussion sections himself, and he let the laboratory and dec-
Some Wisconsin Biologists of the Past
101
tiire work each go its own way, without much attempt at integration. He
was rather sensitive to criticisms regarding his courses, though occasionally
suggestions made by assistants or instructors were later offered as modifications
which he was making. In revisions of his elementary text he often hired assis¬
tants to help him in the preparation of plates and manuscript, but he never
accepted anyone as coauthor. Only now, years after his death, has his text
been revised by one of his former students.
He was respected — I might almost say feared — by his graduate students
and assistants, as well as by some of his younger staff members. He held the
reins of departmental administration tightly in his own hands, though he
occasionally conferred with certain of his colleagues on matters of more than
usual importance. He did not enjoy bookkeeping, and left the routine handl¬
ing of fiscal matters largely to Professor Wagner, a faithful member of the
Zoology staff, whom I wish I had time to mention in greater detail. Dr.
Guyer died on April 1, 1959, fourteen years after retiring. For some years
he had lived mainly in Texas to avoid the Wisconsin winters and conserve his
failing health. He left a bequest to his Department that will eventually pro¬
vide a fellowship or instructorship in his memory. It is cause for reflection to
note how soon such a dominating figure as Professor Guyer can fade from
the consciousness of the general zoological community in which he moved.
Today, twenty years after his retirement and six years after his passing, his
name is hardly known to undergraduates, assistants and younger members
of the department he did so much to develop.
In the forty-five years I have spent at the University of Wisconsin it
has been my privilege to know a number of the members of the Department
of Botany reasonably well, and I should like now to present brief vignettes
of three of these men that especially impressed me.
Charles Elmer Allen was one of Wisconsin’s outstanding botanists. He
was born at Horicon, Wisconsin, on October 4, 1872. He received his B. S.
degree in 1899 and his Ph. D. degree in 1904, both from the University of
Wisconsin, and taught in this institution for forty-three years. As an under¬
graduate he had some course work in botany under Gharles Reid Barnes, who
had taken his doctorate under Asa Gray at Harvard; but during Allen’s stay
at the University, Barnes left to go to the University of Ghicago, and was
repleced by Robert Aimer Harper, who had taken his doctorate in Germany
under the famous botanist Strasburger. Through these two outstanding men
Allen was heir to the best in the American and German botanical traditions.
Also after receiving his doctorate Allen spent a year at Bonn working under
Strasburger. Returning to the University of Wisconsin he rose rapidly through
the ranks and became a full professor in 1909. When Harper left for Golumbia
in 1911, Allen became his distinguished successor.
Allen joined the Wisconsin Academy in 1902, served as its secretary
from 1907 to 1908, was its vice-president (1918-1921), and president (1931-
1933), and was elected to life membership in 1946. In 1915 he helped or¬
ganize the Graduate Biological Division of the University and served as its
first chaiiTTian,
Even as an undergraduate he had shown capacities for leadership, hav¬
ing been editor of the Daily Cardinal student newspaper, and of a humor
magazine, the Sphinx, as well as chairman of the editorial board of the Badger.
102
Lowell E. Noland
He was a member of Delta Upsilon fraternity and of the Hesperia Debating
Society. He was also on the University debating team. Later he edited the
Wisconsin Alumni Magazine for its first three years. Perhaps it was because
of the understanding thus gained of student activities that he was appointed
and served for twenty years on the University’s Student Life and Interests
Committee.
Nationally also his ability was repeatedly recognized. He was for many
years a member of the National Research Council, and served in 1929 and
1930 as chairman of its Division of Biology and Agriculture. He was presi¬
dent of the Botanical Society of America in 1921, of the American Naturalists
in 1936, and of the American Microscopical Society in 1944. He was editor
of the American Journal of Botany from 1918 to 1926, was elected to the
National Academy of Science in 1931, and was vice-president of Section G
(Botanical Sciences) of the American Association for the Advancement of
Science in 1928. The University of Chicago conferred upon him the honorary
degree Doctor of Science in 1941. He served as secretary of the Genetical
Section of the International Congress of Plant Science in 1926.
He was especially known for his work on plant cytology and cyto¬
genetics. He was the first to demonstrate sex chromosomes and sex linkage
in plants (specifically in the liverwort Sphaerocarpus) and did important
work on life histories and polyploidy in plants. He was an expert in the use
of Flemming’s triple stain. With Dr. E. M. Gilbert and others he shared the
authorship of the popular, so-called '‘Wisconsin Botany” textbook. His pub¬
lished papers totalled about forty.
Allen was at his best, however, as a teacher of advanced courses in
botany and as adviser to graduate students. His lectures were truly unusual
in their clarity, succinctness, up-to-date-ness and accuracy. Especially re¬
markable was his thorough familiarity with the botanical literature, both
past and present, in his own and related fields. He was meticulous, methodical
and systematic in all his work. Personally he was a man of formal dignity and
calm, soft spoken and judicious, with a never failing interest in his students.
He was searching in criticism, yet constructive in suggestions. His own
scientific papers were models of writing and illustration. He was imagina¬
tive and original with a quiet but infectious enthusiasm that made him a
leader in his field.
I remember him well from many years of personal contact. I was minor
professor to some of his students, and I was secretary of the Wisconsin
Academy at the time he was president. On several occasions I was invited to
ride with him and Mrs. Allen to out-of-town meetings. I enjoyed very much
the conversations with him on these trips, and incidentally also the chance
to speak French with Mrs. Allen, who, by the way, is still living in Madison.
I sat with Dr. Allen on many graduate examining committees, and I used
to watch with admiration his capacity for finding out what graduate students
knew, pointing out ways in which they could improve their knowledge, all
without any suggestion of humiliating them or parading his own knowledge.
Dr. Allen died on June 25, 1954. Truly his department may look back on
him with the greatest pride.
Edward Martinim Gilbert was born at Blair, Wisconsin, September 20,
1875, of immigrant Norwegian parents. Introduced to biological study during
Some Wisconsin Biologists of the Past
103
his high school days by a local physician he attended Stevens Point State
Normal School, and then, beginning in 1901, taught and served as principal
at Hayward High School in northern Wisconsin. Following this he came to
the University of Wisconsin, where he received the Ph. B. degree in 1907
and then taught for three years at Superior State Normal School. Returning
to the University in 1910 he began his graduate work under the supervision
of R. A. Harper, and completed the requirements for the doctorate under C. E.
Allen in 1914. After a year’s postdoctoral study at Harvard under Farlow
and Thaxter, he returned to the University of Wisconsin and began offering
courses in mycology, which contributed much to the training of generations
of graduate students in this institution. In 1922 he was made Professor of
Botany and Plant Pathology, a rank that he held until he retired in 1946.
His research was in the field of fungal cytology and on various fungi
pathogenic to plants and insects. His eminence in his field was recognized in
1924 by his election to the chairmanship of the Mycological Section of the
Botanical Society of America. Locally he was chairman of the Department
of Botany for nearly twenty years. He played an important part in the or¬
ganization of the Wisconsin chapter of the Phi Sigma National Honorary
Biological Society, in 1915, and of the Wisconsin Junior Academy of Science
in 1946. He helped in the establishment of the University of Wisconsin Ar¬
boretum, His most significant accomplishment was the training of outstand¬
ing students in the field of mycology. He was one of the principal authors
of the “Wisconsin Botany” textbook. He loved students and never delegated
the laboratory work in his advanced courses wholly to graduate assistants.
He was always there himself, pointing out the structures and explaining the
processes which he knew so well.
His students will never forget his distinctive high-pitched voice, his
quick reactions to their questions, and his willingness to help anyone who
was really trying to learn. He never forgot a student he had had in his ad¬
vanced courses. He had an emotional temperament, easily aroused to anger at
injustice, easily touched to the point of tears by the sufferings or strong emo¬
tions of others. He was a strong fighter for the rights of his own department.
He died on April 23, 1956, at San Marcos, Texas, his winter home, at
the age of eighty-one, after a brief illness that culminated several years of
heart trouble.
Benjamin Minge Duggar, discoverer of aureomycin, was perhaps the
best known of Wisconsin botanists to the general public. He was born at
Gallion, Alabama, September 1, 1872, the son of a physician who had served
as Confederate army surgeon. He attended the University of Alabama for
two years and then completed his undergraduate work at Mississippi Agri¬
cultural and Mechanical College with a B. S. degree in 1891. A year later
he received the M. S. degree from Alabama Polytechnic Institute. Following
two years of work on forage grasses at the Canebreak Station in Uniontown,
Alabama, he went for further study to Harvard where he worked under Far-
low and received the M. A. degree in 1895. Then came a year at the State
Laboratory of the Illinois Natural History Survey, followed by five years at
Cornell, during which time he completed the requirements for the Ph, D.
degree, which he received in 1898, While at Cornell he published papers on
104
Lowell E. Noland
diseases of fruit trees and sugar beets. He spent several months in 1895-96
in Europe, including a period with Julius Kuhn, who had described Rhizoc-
tonia solani, a fungus on which Duggar himself had previously done some
work. He returned in 1896 to Cornell for one year, but in 1901 accepted a
position as physiologist with the Bureau of Plant Industry of the U. S. D. A.
In 1902 Dr. Duggar was appointed professor of botany at the University
of Missouri, and remained there for five years, after which he was called
back to Cornell as professor of plant physiology. During his second period
at Cornell he published his book on Fungus Diseases of Plants (1909). In
1912 he moved again to Missouri, this time as professor of plant physiology
at Washington University and the Missouri Botanical Garden in St. Louis.
While there his well known book on Mushroom Growing was published
(1915). He supplemented his studies on physiology of fungi by researches
on tobacco mosaic, and incidentally, during World War I, served as acting
professor of biochemistry while a colleague was on leave for military duties.
In 1927 Dr. Duggar was called to the University of Wisconsin for teach¬
ing and research in plant physiology and plant pathology. His broad inter¬
ests, encyclopedic knowledge and helpful attitude made him a much sought
colleague and graduate student adviser. When he retired in 1943 after six¬
teen years of service to Wisconsin he accepted an appointment as consultant
in mycology at the Cyanamid Company's laboratory in Pearl River, New
York. There he directed the investigations that led to the discovery of aureo-
mycin, for which he is so well known.
Dr. Duggar was active in many organizations and programs of national
significance. He helped organize the American Phytopathological Society and
the American Society of Agronomy and held office in both. He was elected
to the National Academy of Science and the American Philosophical Society.
He served as president of the Botanical Society of America and the American
Society of Plant Physiologists. He was also for one year vice-president of
Section G (Botanical Sciences) of the American Association for the Advance¬
ment of Science. In 1925-26 he was chairman of the Division of Biology and
Agriculture of the National Research Council. He was a trustee of the Marine
Biological Laboratory at Woods Hole and of the Bermuda Biological Station.
For seven years he was editor in plant physiology for Biological Abstracts,
He also edited the Proceedings of the International Congress of Plant Sciences
for 1926, as well as a two-volume work on the biological effects of radiation
in 1936. He received honorary degrees from the University of Missouri, Wash¬
ington University and the University of Wisconsin. He was elected a fellow
of the International College of Surgeons in 1952, and received a medal of
honor from the Venezuelan government for contiibutions to public education.
He loved fishing, bowling and gardening, and he even liked to cook
and make preserves from his own garden produce. He was a man of slightly
less than average height, hthe and wiry, and possessed of indefatigable energy.
In spite of the tremendous load of work he carried, he was always friendly
and approachable. He was major or minor professor to over a hundred gradu¬
ate students during his period of service at Wisconsin. His contributions to
the biological effects of radiaton, plant physiology, photosynthesis and anti¬
biotics are contained in over fifty papers and five books. How he could ac-
Some Wisconsin Biologists of the Past
105
complish so much in one lifetime it is difficult for us ordinary mortals to
understand.
He died on September 10, 1956, after nearly seventy years of active
service in the field of biology. Although only sixteen of those years were
spent at Wisconsin, they were inordinately fruitful ones, and the Univer¬
sity can be deservedly proud and grateful for them.
Let me emphasize again that this is a very fragmentary account of the
contributions that Wisconsin has made to biological science. Many prominent
figures have been left out. For instance no mention has been made of men
like Dr. J. J. Davis and Norman C. Fassett who did so much to build up the
Herbarium of the Botany Department. Nor has there been time to discuss
Professor J. B. Overton who contributed much to the development of plant
physiology and mycology at the University. Such men as William Trelease,
Charles Reid Barnes, and Robert Aimer Harper who were pioneers in devel¬
opment of botany at the University have not been adequately treated. Omitted
also is John T. Curtis, outstanding plant ecologist, recently deceased. Out¬
standing teachers like R. H. Denniston and George Bryan have not been con¬
sidered. In zoology, Dr. E. A. Birge has not been discussed in any detail,
partly because his life and work have been thoroughly treated elsewhere by
others. The contributions of Geroge Wagner, Bennett Allen, Samuel J. Holmes
and Arthur Sperry Pearse have not been described. Biologists outside the
departments of botany and zoology, such as Leon J. Cole in genetics, L. R.
Jones in plant pathology, H. F. Wilson in entomology have not been men¬
tioned. Biologists in other colleges of the state, such as Marsh at Ripon,
Mullenix at Lawrence have not been brought into the picture. A comprehen¬
sive treatment is obviously beyond the possibilities of this brief account.
Enough has been said, however, to show that our state has had its own
Wisconsin-born sons that greatly furthered the development of biology such
as Allen, Gilbert and Marshall. In addition it has received the best from
European scholarship through such men as Marshall, Allen, Harper and Birge.
It has been strong enough to attract and keep for a time outstanding biolo¬
gists from other institutions such as Duggar, Guyer and Jnday. Through men
like these, Wisconsin has made outstanding biological contributions of signifii-
cance to the entire world. In conclusion I would like to thank Dr. Herbert
M. Clarke, of the Botany Department of the University of Wisconsin, for
his help in supplying data and references regarding the botanists mentioned
in this paper.
References
Backus, M. P., and H. C. Greene, 1957. Edward M. Gilbert. Mycologia 49 :
151-155.
Bryan, George S., 1950. A brief history of the development of botany and of the
Department of Botany at the University of Wisconsin to 1900. Trans. Wis.
Acad. Sci. Arts and Lett. 40 : 1—27.
Clark, James I., 1957. Increase A. Lapham, scientist and scholar. State Hist. Soc.
of Wis., pamphlet issued 1957.
Cleland, Ralph E., 1954. Charles Elmer Allen (1872-1954). Yearhk. Amer.
Philos. Soc. 1954 ; pp. 382-393.
Lawson, Publius V., 1922. Thiire Kiimlien. Trans. Wise. Acad. Sci. Arts and Lett.
20 : 663-686.
106
Lowell E. Noland
Main, Angie K., 1943-44. Thure Kumlien. Koshkonong naturalist. Wis. Mag. Hist.
27 (4) : 17-39 (1943); 28 (1) : 194-220 (1944), 1 photo; 28 ( 2) : 321-343
( 1944), 2 photos.
Noland, Lowell E., 1945. Chancey Juday. Limnological Soc. of Amer., Special
Publication No. 16, pp. 1-3.
Noland, Lowell E., 1950. History of the Department of Zoology, University of
Wisconsin. Bios 21 (2) : 82-109, 10 figs.
ScHORGER, A. W., 1944-^6. Some Wisconsin naturalists. Reprinted from Passenger
Pigeon 6 (2) to 8 (3); vignettes with portraits. Publ. by Wis. Soc. Omithol.
Sellery, George C., 1956. E. A. Birge, Univ. of Wis. Press. 221 pp., 20 figs.;
including “E. A. Birge, an explorer of lakes” by C. H. Mortimer (pp. 163-206).
Smith, Gilbert M., 1956. Charles Elmer Allen (1872-1954). Biogr. Mem. Nat.
Acad. Sci., vol 29, 15 pp.
University of Wisconsin, Faculty Minutes for meeting of Nov. 6, 1944 (memorial
to Chancey Juday).
University of Wisconsin, Memorial Resolutions of the Faculty. Documents: No.
804 (May 4, 1949) on William Stanley Marshall; No. 1140 (Oct. 4, 1954) on
Charles Elmer Allen; No. 1227 (June 4, 1956) on Edward Martinius Gilbert.
Walker, J. C., 1957. Benjamin Minge Duggar, 1872-1956. Phytopathol. 47 (7) :
379-380.
SOME CONTRIBUTIONS OF WISCONSIN’S GEOLOGISTS
AND SOIL SCIENTISTS
Robert F. Black
It was with considerable hesitation that I accepted the invitation to
speak today on the contribution of Wisconsin’s geologists and soil scientists
to the “good life” in Wisconsin. Quickly rationalizing, however, I thought
it would do me good to delve more deeply than I had into the early geologic
writings on Wisconsin. Frankly, I was amazed at how much I didn’t know
about the early writings, but more than that I was actually enthralled with
the spirit of the times those papers represented. Above all it is truly fan¬
tastic how much has been learned of the geology of this State considering
the times and in spite of the less than favorable political environment that
existed in the early years. Most geologists are historians, but of earthly events
other than those of man’s doing in historical time. In this intriguing task I had
both.
How can I pass something of both the spirit and the content to you?
In so short a time one cannot even recite the names of all geologists and
soil scientists who have contributed to the knowledge of Wisconsin, let alone
say something of the nature of that contribution. What criteria do we use to
distinguish the most important contributions? From my vantage point as a
geologist, it is inevitable that any furthering of basic knowledge of the earth
leads ultimately to some practical gain whether directly or indirectly. Hence,
it follows that any geologic surveys of the state or any part of it that add
new data contribute to the “good life” sooner or later. In 1857 Edward
Daniels, in writing on state geologic surveys, stated the case succinctly: “The
utility of such surveys is not at this day to be questioned, after being so
abundantly proved by the experience of every important State in the Union,
and the united concurrence of the most intelligent nations of Europe”
(Daniels, 1858, p. 62). Although a man ill with dysentery, fighting inclement
weather and savages in a strange wilderness, months of travel by canoe from
anything even remotely called civilization, might disagree, still those first bits
of knowledge hastily garnered come easier than those bits of new truth that
must be gained after laborious evaluation of large stores of knowledge. In
many ways, then, the first writers made the most important contributions, be¬
cause they started with nothing. Others later who reevaluate and add to
that knowledge can make equally important contributions, but often only
time will prove their value. Consequently I shall dwell mostly on the early
contributions. It will be only a haphazard sampling, but I hope it will show
something of the amazing amount of information that was garnered with
relatively little support. I shall not be particular whether a man can be con¬
sidered a native son or not-— after all, who was in the beginning? — nor whether
This study was supported iu part by National Science Foundation Grant GP— 2820 and in
part by the Research Committee of the Graduate School from funds supplied by the Wisconsin
Alumni Research Foundation.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
107
108
Robert F. Black
a man’s studies were financed by the state or not. If through a man’s work,
the direct mining of ore deposits was helped in any way, fine. Conversely, if
tourist dollars increased because a geologist was able to unravel the history
of a natural phenomenon like the Wisconsin Dells to later help “sell” it to
the public, fine also. They contribute to the “good life” just as much as does
the addition of certain chemicals to the soil to increase crop yields. To me
at least, knowledge for knowledge’s sake in just understanding the geologic
history of the earth around us is a worthy contribution. No better documen¬
tary can be had than the millions of people who each year flock to our Na¬
tional and State Parks to see and learn of the history of the land-forms and
rocks of which they are made.
The recording of basic knowledge of geology and soils of Wisconsin be¬
gins with the earliest recorded history of exploration of the State — in 1634
when Samuel Champlain’s agent, Jean Nicolet, first set foot in the State
apparently at Death’s Door Bluff on Door Peninsula. In those days the dream
of vast mineral wealth was second only in importance to the fur trade as an
incentive for exploration. Such anticipation was obviously heightened by
chunks of native copper passed in 1610 and thereabouts to Champlain and
other officials of New France by Indians from what we now know was Ke¬
weenaw Peninsula in Upper Michigan. Twenty years followed Nicolet’s visit
before Europeans again returned to Wisconsin to record their adventures and
the environment. The bush merchants, Radisson and Groseilliers, in 1654 to
1660, ascended the Fox River and apparently reached the Mississippi River.
They possibly heard about the lead deposits near Dubuque, Iowa (Thwaites,
1908, p. 155), and the subsequent journals of Marquette, Hennepin, and
Lahontan allude to the mineral wealth of the area. Hennepin’s map (1687)
even showed the location of a lead mine at Calena, Illinois. Many others
contributed to the knowledge of the State, but generally only the Jesuit efforts
were recorded faithfully. It is history’s tragic story that Nicolet’s papers and
crew were lost in 1674 in rapids above Montreal, so much of his actual find¬
ings comes only through the writings of Jacques Marquette who died in 1675
on the east side of Lake Michigan. His maps and naratives published in the
Jesuit “Relation”, in 1673-74 particularly, led to the opening of Wisconsin
to commerce, missionary enterprise, and settlement. French exploitation
followed.
In 1697 Le Sueur obtained permission from the ministry to work “lead
mines and colored earths” on the Mississippi River, and copper deposits near
Lake Superior. He was delayed several times by “politics” and other reasons
and did not reach the lead mines near Galena, Illinois, until 1700. In 1701-
1702, not being a geologist, he laboriously sent back to France by canoe and
ship more than 3,000 pounds of worthless greensand (Cambrian-age quartz
sandstone of the Franconia formation with abundant green glauconite — a
complex hydrous silicate of potassium, iron, and other elements) which he
mistook for copper ore. Although he died discredited, the deposits of the
zinc-lead district he first explored have been worked with only slight inter¬
ruption ever since. (Bain, 1906, p. 2, credits Nicholas Perrot with the actual
discovery in 1690 of the lead deposits.) Incidentally in Wisconsin alone those
deposits have yielded conservatively at least $435,000,000 of zinc and lead,
using an average price of 15 cents per pound. Without question those de-
Some Contributions of Wisconsins Geologists
109
posits have dictated policy at all levels from the individuals directly involved
to the remote Federal Government. They led to the first permanent settle¬
ment by United States citizens in Wisconsin beginning in 1819. Hazel Green
and New Diggings were settled in 1824, and 10,000 people flooded into the
Upper Mississippi Valley from 1825 to 1828. Lead production jumped
commensurately.
Gertainly those deposits, or more specifically the wealth they represented,'
were involved in the abortive attempts to establish the Wisconsin-Fox River
route for steamships between the Mississippi River and Lake Michigan. They
were paramount in the planning of the Milwaukee— Rock River canal which
never got started, in the Lake Michigan— Illinois River canal which was com¬
pleted, and later, in 1858, the railroad linking Milwaukee and Prairie du
Ghien. One can only reflect on the special 20-ton hand-propelled river boats
that carried lead to Louisiana or the hundreds of ox-drawn wagons that hauled
lead to Milwaukee via Madison or Janesville. However, a not so rosy picture
can be painted of the Black Hawk war which broke out in 1832 between the
miners and local Indians.
In the 1700’s fur was king, but lead took over by 1830 and reached its
peak in the decade 1840-1820. Zinc mining dominated by 1900 and still
leads today. Farming, because of excellent soils and good distribution of
moisture through the growing season, surpassed mining even though lumbering
had its fling in 1890 to 1905. Iron and copper prospecting in the north dom¬
inated the I880’s. Our major mineral production for the past several decades
now comes from stone and ordinary sand and gravel. Few may realize that
in 1964 mineral production in Wisconsin was almost $70,000,000, of which
$25,000,000 was sand and gravel and $19,000,000 was stone. Zinc accounted
for $7,000,000, double that of 1963 and I believe an all-time high; lead only
$450,000; iron small but not disclosed to avoid violation of individual com¬
pany confidential data. Only one mine, the Gary mine, produced ore and it is
now closed. Thus, about 85 percent of mineral wealth produced today in
Wisconsin is nonmetallic. Time has brought many changes since the early
settlement of the state just over a century ago.
To get back to my theme — in the 18th century, geologic exploration in
the lead district was done largely by individual Frenchmen, and little or no
record was kept except of actual mining operations. As the states of Illinois,
Michigan, and Minnesota were established, parts of the territory that was to
have become Wisconsin were whittled away, losing for the State abundant
mineral wealth and valuable farm land. A general land survey was not made
until 1834 when townships, ranges, and sections were established in the lead
district. The first geologic study of consequence was that under the direction
of David Dale Owen, M.D., who with 140 men mapped 11,000 square miles
from September to November, 1839, in the mineral lands of Iowa, Wiscon¬
sin, and northern Illinois (Owen, 1840). This was the first of several United
States geological surveys of the lead region and perhaps the first important
geological survey in the country by the Federal Government. The preliminary
report on that first survey was followed by a more complete report (Owen,
1844). Owen with others later expanded the geologic work in Wisconsin,
Iowa, and Minnesota in an area of 200,000 square miles, publishing a series
of preliminary and annual reports (e.g., Owen, 1848), which were sum¬
marized in a final report (Owen, 1852). One needs to look at only a few of
110
Robert F. Black
the wood cuts of natural features in those various reports to appreciate true
artistry. Little escaped the keen eyes of the observers, and all was faithfully
recorded. Without question those works provide the base upon which all
future surveys depended. Most observations are still pertinent, and many
conclusions are still valid. Considering the times, Owen had every right to
compare closely the lead region of the Mississippi Valley with that in the
north of England and in Scotland. In his letter of transmittal Owen (1840,
pp. 6-7) stated “that the district surveyed is one of the richest mineral re¬
gions, compared to its extent, yet known in the world. The chapter on ‘soils’
also shows that, unlike most other mineral regions, it is fertile, and capable
of yielding to the farmer a liberal reward for his labor”. Some items from the
table of contents of that first report (Owen, 1840, p. 10) provide insight to
the wealth of information contained;
Country exlored, situation and extent of
Its geological character
Cliff limestone, the lead-bearing rock of Iowa and Wisconsin . . .
Lead-mines
Copper ore
Zinc ore
Iron ore
Coal
Salines
Building rock
Millstones
Other Minerals
Soils
Altitudes of table-lands, hills, mounds, and mountains . . .
Terrestrial magnetism
Earthwork antiquities of Wisconsin
Climate and meteorology . . .
Report on the timber, soil, and productiveness of the mineral district
Owen (1840) recognized most major stratigraphic units in the Paleozoic
sequence of Wisconsin, and one term, the Lower Magnesian Limestone, still
lingers on in spite of its current official designation as the Prairie du Chien.
He presented, I believe, the first chemical analyses of virgin soils in the
State (Owen, 1840, p. 49). He continued the use of the Lower Magnesian
Limestone in his final report (Owen, 1852) and introduced the term St.
Peter’s sandstone which has merely been shortened today to St. Peter sand¬
stone. Inclusion in “Giants of Geology” (Fenton and Fenton, 1952) is rec¬
ognition of his renown as a geologist.
In Owen (1840), earthwork antiquities refer to effigy mounds on which
precise measurements were made by John Locke, M. D. (Owen, 1840, pp.
136-141). It was astonishing to Locke, having accidentally stumbled on
some, to have supposedly well-informed people still pretend to dispute their
man-made or “artificial” origin. “The same ambition to exercise an indepen¬
dent judgment might lead the same individuals to dispute that the ruins of
Herculaneum are artificial; the same argument might be used — ‘that they
Some Contributions of Wisconsins Geologists
111
just come so in tlie earth’ Regretfully many such effigies have been de¬
stroyed; only a few localities remain in the public trust.
The final report with its greater detail on topics and districts also in¬
cluded systematic catalogs of plants, birds, and fossils. Certain conclusions
reached, some contrary .to the then current wishes of promoters and public
at large, have stood the test of time. For example. Col. Charles Whittlesey
in his report (Owen, 1852, pp, 424-473) stated flatly (p. 438), “Within the
District on which I am now reporting, I find no lands that I deem worthy
of reservation as mineral lands, under the terms of the act of 1847,” This
statement was specifically with reference to copper showings in northern
Wisconsin on which many claims had been filed and much trading was going
on. The copper rush of the 1880’s showed again the gullibility of the public,
for people believed that every surface showing of copper led axiomatically to
a rich ore body. Such opinion as Col. Whittlesey’s was not welcomed.
Col. Whittlesey also recorded (Owen, 1852, p. 463) that “At Appleton,
on the Fox River, in a well, pieces or splinters of well-preserved wood were
found at the depth of thirty feet.” Down through the years many more such
finds have been recorded, and some wood has been dated by the carbon
14 method. It is now agreed that most such wood in the area correlates with
the world famous Two Creeks horizon on the shore of Lake Michigan at
the boundary of Kewaunee and Manitowoc counties and averages about
11,850 years old. The ancient spruce forest and soil of that horizon were
overrun by the last glacier to enter the state — the Valders — and incorporated
in the drift derived from that glacier. Although many papers have appeared
on it (e.g., Thwaites and Bertrand, 1957) much still needs to be done to
unravel the complex history portrayed by the site. When another area of
the state is set aside as a scientific preserve, this privately owned area should
be the first. Otherwise the limited exposure will be lost to science and
posterity.
While Owen’s parties were conducting the federally supported geologi¬
cal surveys in the mineral districts, Increase A. Lapham at Milwaukee was
compiling his most useful volumes on Wisconsin (e.g., Lapham, 1846). In
the title nothing was left to the imagination— -for it reads in its entirety —
“Wisconsin; its geography and topography, history, geology and mineralogy:
together with brief sketches of its antiquities, natural history, soil, productions,
population, and government”. As stated in the preface, “The work was origin¬
ally given to the public with the hope, not only of furnishing the thousands
of newcomers, who are annually flocking to our Territory, and to others, in
a cheap and convenient form, a large amount of useful information, which
it would be difficult for them to obtain from any other source; but also to
preserve for the future historian many interesting facts which might otherwise
soon be forgotten and lost.” This work must surely have been equally im¬
portant as the Bible to many newcomers.
Lapham (1846, p. 52) refers to the hasty travels, mostly in small canoes
along principal rivers and lakes, of several geologists whose works had been
published. They include Schoolcraft, Keating, Featherstonhaugh, James Hall,
I. H. Nicollet, H. King, and J. P. Hodge. (See Martin, 1932, for a partial
resume.) Lapham (1846, pp. 52-62) divides the territory into four geological
districts, differing materially from each other in physical character, dependent
112
Robert F. Black
upon the rocks prevailing in each. These were called 1. primitive, 2. sand¬
stone, 3. mineral, and 4. limestone. Their distribution would be clear to any¬
one cognizant of the prevalance of the ancient Precambrian crystalline rocks
of northern Wisconsin and the arcuate border of Paleozoic sandstone and
limestone to the south. The mineral district of those days, of course, was only
in southwest Wisconsin. Moreover, Lapham (1846, pp. 63—70) listed all min¬
erals known to occur in the Territory, with comments on their occurrence,
distribution, and value. No bones or teeth of the extinct mammoth or mas¬
todon had yet been discovered in the Territory (Lapham, 1846, p. 70), but
numerous specimens showed up in the following decades. One skeleton of
mastodon was found in 1897 near Boaz, Richland County; it was mounted
and still resides in the wasting (to my regret) museum of the Geology De¬
partment of this University. Although the museum is literally “drawn and
quartered’', we have so far survived numerous pressures to dispose of the
ancient beast. Many people think new students with only 17 to 20 years of
experience in this world are more important or at least have more rights to
space in our buildings than a beast that roamed Wisconsin up to perhaps
8,000-10,000 years ago. There seems to be no respect for the elders. When
I see the eager looks and hear the breathless query of the youngsters who
constantly visit Science Hall and ask for the “dinosaur”, I remain convinced
that this specimen and others have a rightful place in our educational system.
In excavating the canal in Milwaukee, in a gravel bank some ten or twelve
feet below the surface of the ground, three pieces of native copper were
found, one of which Lapham (1846, p. 69) mentions is safely deposited in
the Cabinet of Yale College, New Haven. He points out rightly that “These
fragments of copper have evidently been transported from their native beds,
probably at Lake Superior, with the boulders of primitive and trappean rocks,
and by the same cause, they are, therefore, not to be regarded as indicating
the existence of copper mines where they may happen to be found.” Remem¬
ber, the concept of glaciation in Wisconsin had not yet been born. However,
he refers to a mass of copper west of Lac Vieux Deserte “which is said to
exceed in magnitude” the celebrated copper rock from the Ontonagon. It
was such rumors that Whittlesey attempted to squelch with but little suc¬
cess for several decades.
Lapham (1946, pp. 130—134) demonstrates his breadth of knowledge
and forward thinking during his discussion of the periodic rise and fall of
the surface of Lake Michigan and its relationship to precipitation and runoff
in the Great Lakes System, and to the effects of wind. He points out, too,
that “the mouths of every considerable stream evinces (sic) that they once
were lower, wearing their beds some fifteen or twenty feet below the present
surface of the water. The subsequent elevation of the lake has caused the
water to set back on these rivers, in some cases two or three miles, causing
deep pools of ‘back water’, and affording convenient basins for the accom¬
modation of shipping. In what other way could these river beds have been
excavated to so great a depth?” Of course today those basins are filled with
the fertile soils washed from the de-timbered slopes and from the farms ad¬
joining those streams. He also proposed an hypothesis for the former dis¬
charge of great volumes of water down the Illinois River from the combined
Same Contributions of Wisconsins Geologists
113
Lakes Superior, Huron, and Erie by slight changes in the elevation of the
land. Such we now know took place during the Ice Ages.
In 1848 Wisconsin became a state, but it was five years later before
action was taken by the legislature to further geologic exploration. This was
done with an appropriation of $2,500 per annum for four years and the ap¬
pointment of Professor Edward Daniels, who was directed to make a geologi¬
cal survey of the state, first surveying that portion known as the “lead
mines”, because of their great intrinsic value and the general misapprehen¬
sion which then existed about them. The misapprehension referred to the
knotty yet critical problem of whether the lead veins continued at depth into
the Lower Magnesian Limestone or whether they terminated in the St. Peter
sandstone. Daniels (1854) presented his first annual report the same year
as his appointment after spending six months in the field in southwest Wis¬
consin. Perhaps some words of the State Committee on Mining and Smelting
that year (Earnest, 1854) would be better than my own;
This report, although he had but about eight months previous to
submitting it in which to discharge his duties, shows that he has per¬
formed a large amount of labor, and developed facts which are deeply
interesting to the man of science, and of incalculable benefit to the
practical miner. No one in the least degree acquainted with the science
of geology can rise from a candid perusal of his report, without being
forced to acknowledge that Professor Daniels is a man of talent and
of extensive information in every department of his profession.
The perculiar (sic) friends and advocates of a geological survey of
the state predicted for it results, the value of which would be beyond all
calculation. These predictions have been fully realized . . .
The only recommendation of the committee, in reference to the
Geological Survey is purely negative; that it be let alone, and that Prof.
Daniels be allowed to work out, without the interference of either the
Legislature or Executive branches of Government the results he has so
hapily commenced.
Any further comment I might make would seem redundant, yet I must
mention that Daniels predicted that the lead veins would extend at depth
into the Lower Magnesian Limestone and that the zinc ores could and should
be worked as Owen before him had urged. He issued a circular April 20,
1853, soliciting specimens and information of the geology of the State from
all citizens, and truly showed his great interest in the State. Also I refer you
to his description (Daniels, 1854, pp. 10-12) of the surface clay in the lead
district. In it Daniels found what he called fresh water shells (Limnea galbana)
in great abundance about twenty feet below the surface, and bones and teeth
of the elephant and mastodon were found at Fairplay, Potosi, and Sextonville.
He postulated a great lake over all southwest Wisconsin and thus contributed
to the later controversy over the origin of what we now call loess.
If you felt I was leading up to something with my quotation from the State
Gommittee on Mining and Smelting, you were right. A new governor. William
A. Barstow, peremptorily removed Daniels and appointed James G. Percival
State Geologist on August 12, 1854, again to study the lead district first.
His first annual report (Percival, 1855) follows in large measure those of
114
Robert F. Black
Ills predecessors and has been reviewed by Blake (1893) in the Transactiom
of this Academy along with PercivaFs second but posthumous report (Percival,
1856) in which visits to thhty-eight of the northern counties are described.
The State Survey was suspended in 1856 on PercivaFs death and for
lack of funds (Daniels, 1858, p. 61). It was revived in 1857 when James
Hall, Ezra S. Carr, and Edward Daniels were appointed Commissioners to
make a geological, mineralogical, and agricultural survey of the State. The
politidal situation obviously was still poor for Daniels had not permanent
assistant and even paid personally for much assistance he could not do with¬
out. The total expenses of his department for the year were $1,997.91, 'F . . .
including outfit, team, transportation of specimens, fitting up rooms, assistance,
together with the cost of analyzing the iron ores, which was necessary to
determine their value, before the publication of my report.” That he was
an unhappy man is shown by his remarks (p. 62), “It is but just to allow the
Geologist time to mature his results, before finding fault that he has not done
more. In this State we have thus far had constant interruptions and no one
has been allowed to carry out to completion any branch of the survey . . . .”
The division of responsibility under the three commissioners was far
from satisfactory (Bean, 1937, pp. 206“210), and in 1860 Hall was appointed
principal to the commission. Subsequent annual reports of progress were
brought together in a large volume (Hall and Whitney, 1862) embracing a
chapter descriptive of the general geology of the State, but emphasizing 'again
the lead district. Whitney differed strongly from his predecessors’ conclusion
that lead could be mined profitably in the Lower Magnesian Limestone. Time
has shown both somewhat conect although only few commercial deposits have
been found in the Lower Magnesian Limestone (Prairie du Chien) (Heyl, et
al, 1959).
In 1862 the legislature repealed the act authorizing the geological sur¬
vey. Carr and Daniels left, no doubt in some disgust, but Hall fought on
contending that his contract could not be broken. Although he completed his
original commitments, he was never reimbursed, and published his paleonto¬
logical works outside the state.
The legislature cautiously in 1870 acted to provide a survey of the lead
district again (Murrish, 1871), and in 1873 went “hog-wild” in appropriating
$13,000 per annum for four ye'ai'S for a complete geological survey of the
State, with Increase A. Lapham as State Geologist. He and his assistants,
R. D. Irving and T. C. Chamberlin, need little comment from me on their
numerous contributions to the State. However, the situation was far from
serene in spite of the eminent personnel involved in the survey. Part was due
to Irving’s entirely correct but perfectly candid, unreserved, and unpopular
report on the geology of the Penokee iron range, but mostly it was “politics”
again. Governor Taylor in 1875 appointed O, W. Wight in place of Dr.
Lapham. Chamberlin took over in 1876 and finally man'aged to bring the
State Survey into proper perspective, culminating in a four-volume report
(1877“1883) that stands today as the only “complete” work on the state
(Bean, 1937, pp. 213-216). A perusal of its contents shows its scope is far
broader than just geology and soils. Certainly Chamberlin’s contribution to
the State and to science in general, cannot be over emphasized. As a world
leader in glacial geology, 'a “giant of geology” (Fenton and Fenton, 1952),
Some Contrihiifions of Wiscomins Geologists
115
and a former great President of this University, it is fitting that it is done in
part by the placqiie on the glacially transported rock on Observatory Hill
on this campus.
It was 1893 before sufficient people in the right places realized that the
State could not afford to be without a continuing geological survey to provide
everyday services. That group came from the members of this Academy. The
committee report (1894), the vote of the Academy, and the influential efforts
of the committee chairman. Dr. Charles R. Van Hise (later Chairman of the
Department of Geology and another truly outstanding geologist and great
President of this University), finally led in 1897 to the establishment of the
State of Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey with an appropria¬
tion of $5,000 per year. The President of the University of Wisconsin was
regularly president of the governing commission, which included the president
of the Academy, until 1931 when the Survey was placed under the Regents
of the University. In 1909 a third division, Soils, was added to the Survey.
For decades the plans of E. A. Birge and Van Hise largely determined the
policies of the Survey, but still today the goal of its founders has not been
reached. Part is due to changing needs and part to the fact that other state
agencies have taken over certain functions envisioned for the Survey. I can¬
not list here the accomplishments of the men associated with the Department
of Geology (Hone, 1962) and with the Survey, many of whom worked only
for the love of it and received only reimbursement for actual field expenses.
The latter can be found in the commissioners’ reports, in the four series of
publications — Economic, Scientific, Educational, and Soils— -and in the Infor¬
mation Circulars and miscellaneous publications outlined in the free list to
be had from the State Geologist. One finds many famous names such as:
Samuel Weidman, Rollin D. Salisbury, Wallace W. Atwood, Ulysses Sherman
Grant, Ernest R. Buckley, N. M. Fenneman, W. O. Hotchkiss, Edward Steidt-
mann, J. W, Goldthwait, H. Foster Bain, Edward A. Birge, Chancey Juday,
C. K. Leith, Fredrick T, Thwaites, A. H. Winchell, W. H. Twenhofel, R. H.
Whitbeck, A. R. Whitson, Lawrence Martin, and E. F. Bean. Would that I
could name all. Those I did are now gone, and new ones are taking their
places.
At present the Soils Division of the Survey is most active, with several
employees working jointly for it and the Soils Department. Interest in the
zinc-lead district continues, with recent studies being done by personnel of
the U. S. Geological Survey in cooperation with the State Survey. A small
inadequate cooperative program also maintains interest in the Precambrian
(Primitive) rocks and ore deposits in the north. Finally after all these decades
the State -and Federal Surveys have completed base maps of at least one
inch to the mile of all the State; many are still planimetric or out-dated
topographic, but continued progress can be foreseen in part because of the
interest and activity of the Committee on Acceleration of Topographic Map¬
ping of this Academy. Now interest of necessity is gaining in projects on the
water resources of the State, and this Academy also has 'a committee in this
field. Most research is done in cooperation, on a fifty-fifty cost-sharing basis,
with the U. S. Geological Survey. Unquestionably the water resources will
demand increasing emphasis for some time to come. Unfortunately, the gla¬
cial, engineering and other aspects of geology and natural history of the
116
Robert F. Black
State are being neglected. For example, when one realizes the rapid rate
of depletion of suitable construction aggregates in the vicinity of many cities
and the rise in costs of bringing such aggregates from greater and greater
distances, the need for study and appraisal of our resources of sand and
gravel and of non-dimensional stone become uppermost. Requirements on
quality become evermore strict, yet those nonrenewable resources aie being
exhausted in many places. Without dwelling on the justifications, would it not
be appropriate for this Academy to appoint a committee, as it did in 1893,
to look into the means of expansion of activities of our present Geological
and Natural History Survey? Efforts to expand each biennium have met with
only limited success. The University of Wisconsin has a huge reservoir of
talent in its Geology Department which now for lack of funds the State Sur¬
vey cannot utilize. For the good of the State this situation must be rectified.
In conclusion let me say unequivocably that the State of Wisconsin has
received to date far greater return on her investment in geological surveys
than she really has a right to expect. When we look at the Surveys of our
neighbors, we can appreciate how much more she should be doing for her
own good. In spite of at times an unfavorable environment, Wisconsin’s her¬
itage in earth science is long and distinguished. I hope and trust that the
future will be even brighter.
References Gited
Bean, E. F., 1937, State geological surveys of Wisconsin: Trans., Wis. Acad. Sci.,
Arts, and Letters, vol. 30, p. 203-220.
Blake, William P., 1893, The progress of geological surveys in the State of Wis¬
consin — A review and bibliography: Trans., Wis. Acad. Sci., Arts, and Letters,
vol. 9, 225-231.
Daniels, Edward, 1854, First annual report on the geological survey of the State
of Wisconsin: 84 pp., David Atwood, printer, Madison.
Daniel, Edwards, 1858, Annual report of the geological survey of the State of
Wisconsin, for the year ending December 31, 1857: 62 pp., David Atwood,
printer, Madison.
Earnest, J. H., 1854, Report of committee on mining and smelting: 8 pp.,
Beriah Brown, printer, Madison.
]^"enton, Carroll Lane and Mildred Adams Fenton, 1952, Giant of ^feology
Doubleday and Co., 333 pp.
Hall, James, and J. D. Whitney, 1862, Report of the geological survey of the
State of Wisconsin: vol. 1, 455 pp., Albany, N. Y.
Heyl, Allen V., Jr., Allen F. Agnew, Erwin J. Lyons, and Charles H. Behre,
Jr., 1959, The geology of the upper Mississippi Valley zinc-lead district: U. S.
Ceol. Suiwey Prof. Paper 209, 310 pp.
Hone, Vivien, 1962, Wisconsin has produced a long line of distinguished geologists:
Wisconsin Alumnus, vol. 63, No. 14, 17-19.
Lapham, I. A., 1846, Wisconsin: Its geography and topography, history, geology,
and mineralogy: Second Ed., 202 pp., T. A. Hopkins, Milwaukee.
Mahi’in, Lawrence, 1932, The physical geography of Wisconsin: Wis. Ceol. and
Nat. Hist. Survey Bull. 34, 608.
Murrish, John, 1871, Rex>ort on the geological survey of the lead region: 65 pp.,
Wisconsin.
Owen, David Dale, 1840, Report of a geological exploration of part of Iowa,
Wisconsin, and Illinois ... in 1839: Mineral lands of the Upited States, U. S,
26th Cong. 1st ses,s., PT. Ex. Doc, 239, 161 pp,
Some Contrihutions of Wisconsin s Geologists
117
Owen, David Dale, 1844, Report of a geological exploration of part of Iowa,
Wisconsin, and Illinois ... in 1839: U. S. 28th Cong. 1st sess., S. Ex. Doc.
407, 191 pp.
Owen, David Dale, 1848, Report of a geological reconnaissance of the Chippewa
land district of Wisconsin: U. S. 30th Cong. 1st sess., S. Ex. Doc. 57, 134 pp.
Owen, David Dale, 1852, Report of a geological survey of Wisconsin, Iowa, and
Minnesota: Lippincott, Crambo & Co., Philadelphia, 638 pp.
Percival, Iames G., 1855, Annual report on the geological survey of the State of
Wisconsin: 101 pp., Beriah Brown, printer, Madison.
Percival, Iames G., 1856, Annual report of the geological survey of the State of
Wisconsin: 111 pp., Madison.
Thwaites, F. T. and Kenneth Bertrand, 1957, Pleistocene Geology of the Door
Peninsula, Wisconsin: Geol. Soc. Amer. Bull. vol. 68, pp. 831-880.
Thwaites, Reuben Gold, 1908, Wisconsin — The Americanization of a French Settle¬
ment Houghton Mifflin Co., The Univ. Press, Cambridge, 466.
CHARLES FARRAR AND THE LADIES’ ART AND
SCIENCE CLASS OF MILWAUKEE
Katherine G, Nelson
“Continiiiiig Education for Women” is not so new. Back in the 1870’s,
while the men of some Wisconsin families were finding an outlet for their
intellectual interests in the young Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and
Letters; while sons and a few daughters were being educated at private
colleges and the University of Wisconsin; the ladies of the family did not
necessarily confine interest to the home. At least one group of married
ladies was pursuing higher education at Milwaukee College.
Charles Farrar, who just one hundred years ago (in 1865) became the
first chaimian of the science departments at Vassar College, resigned his
position there in 1874 to accept appointment as Principal of Milwaukee Fe¬
male College. He had been 'Tried out” by the Trustees that spring, when
he was brought to Milwaukee for a series of lectures, and even in early April
it was rumored that he would be offered the presidency.^ He accepted in
June, and arrived in Milwaukee in time to attend Commencement exercises
on June 26.
One of Professor Farrar’s first innovations was the introduction, in the
winter of 1874—75, of a course of lectures on chemistry for the women pa¬
trons of the college.^ This met with such enthusiastic response that the fifty-
three ladies who enrolled the first year organized a class which became an im¬
portant auxiliary of the college, with several hundred women paying $5.00
each to attend a series of ten lectures every winter.
In order to understand how a chemistry course could meet with such
overwhelming success, and lead to the establishment of one of the finest col¬
lections of art books in the Middle West, it is necessary to know a little more
about Professor Farrar,
Charles Samuel Farrar was born in 1826 at Pepperell, Massachusetts.
He was educated at Lawrence Academy, Amherst College, and . Dartmouth
College, where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, and was graduated in 1850.
The Milwaukee City Directory of 1875-76 puts an A.M. after his name. The
first two years after his graduation, he read and practiced law in Gilmanton,
New Hampshire, but his greater interest in the sciences and humanities led
him to give up his practice to become the principal of the local academy.
In 1854 he moved to Elmira, New York to teach natural science and ’mathe¬
matics at Miss Thurston’s Seminary. At this time, Elmira Female College had
already been chartered, and it opened in 1855. A year later, Farrar was made
Professor of Natural Sciences at the College, a position he held for eight years.
Thus began his lifelong work in higher education for women, at three differ-
‘^Mllwaukee Sentinel, April 6, 1874. (Microfilm, Milwaukee Public Library),
^Kieckhefer, Grace Norton, The History of Milwaukee— Downer College, Milwaukee, 1851,
p. 33.
Wis. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
119
120
Katherine G. Nelson
ent colleges, and in three different communities where, although his name
is rarely heard today, results of his work and influence are still prominent.
He believed in active participation by students, and in the use of visual
materials. He started the custom of college field trips at Elmira. In 1857,
he had a ten foot globe built and suspended from the cupola of Elmira’s
central hall.'^ The continents and mountains of the earth were represented to
scale, and raised relief was used. Two years later, he built and equipped El¬
mira’s observatory, the first ever used exclusively by women students.^ He
personally selected the site and raised the funds to purchase it, to build the
observatory, and to buy an eight inch telescope.
Probably it was his experience in planning this observatory, as well as
his reputation and esteem as a teacher and a scientist that drew Professor
Farrar to the attention of Dr. Milo Jewett. At that time. Dr. Jewett was presi¬
dent of Vassal' Female College, which had been founded in 1861 with nearly
half a million dollars provided by Matthew Vassal* *. Jewett’s presidency con¬
sisted of planning, supervision of building, and assembling of instructional
materials and a faculty, for he resigned before the first classes opened in
1865. One of his accomplishments was to induce Professor Farrar to join him
in Poughkeepsie, New York in 1863, to oversee the construction of Vassar’s
science departments and observatory. No doubt the salary of $2500, com¬
pared with $900 at Elmira,'^ had some influence on this move, along with
the challenge of helping to build the new institution.
With Charles Farrar as the architect, Vassar’s observatory was its first
building to be completed. Surprisingly, in spite of his great interest in Astron¬
omy, it was not he, but Miss Maria Mitchell who was appointed to the Chair
of Astronomy when the college opened in 1865. (There was only one other
woman among the nine department heads, and she was the college physician.)
Professor Farrar was head of the Mathematics and Physics Department. In
addition to the nine professors, there were twenty-one women teachers.®
In the spring of 1866, Professor Farrar had his trigonometry class make
a survey of the college property, and the resulting map was printed in all
the early accounts of the college. Further projects that he assigned are de¬
scribed in a letter by one of his students: “(I have) chemistry in lectures from
Professor Farrar, and work in the laboratory twice a week, that is, I, with
my own hands, have made paint and inks, and dabbled with C0.3 and CO-
and almost everything else.’”^ Small wonder that the ladies of Milwaukee, eight
years later, were fascinated by this able teacher’s lectures and demonstrations
on ''The Application of Chemistry to the Art of Living”, which covered such
topics as the use of chemistry in cooking, in the manufacture of pottery and
porcelain, and in the dyeing and printing of textiles.®
In 1870, President Eliot of Harvard visited classes at Vassar, and he
told Professor Farrar that “the boys at Harvard could not recite nearly as
•■^Barber, W. Charles, Elmira College — The First Hundred Years, New York, 1955, p. 94.
Ubid., p. 103.
■’’Ibid., p. 93 and Plum, Dorthy and Dowell, George, The Magnificent Enterprise — A Chronicle
of Vasmr College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y., 1961, p. 8.
®Plum and Dowell, op. cit., p. 8.
Ubid., p. 14.
*The Milwaukee Journal: Tuesday, March 16, 1965, p. 8., (Article by Pafa'icia Roberts on
the Milwaukee— Downer College Endowment Association).
Charles Farrar and The Ladies Art and Science Class of Milwaukee
121
well in German, French or Latin, or even in mathematics as the girls did
here,” And a year later, one of Farrar’s major students began graduate work
in chemistry at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the first woman to be
accepted there."
It would seem that Professor Farrar should have been content to remain
at Vassar for many years, with security, equipment, and able and enthusias¬
tic students assured. But perhaps, as one of the author’s professors once said,
“the monotony of an ideal existence became unbearable.” At any rate, he was
ready to accept a new challenge when it came in the offer of the Principal-
ship of Milwaukee Female College.
Miss Mary Mortimer, who had headed the college in Milwaukee from
1852 to 1857 and from 1866 to 1874, had spent one of her interim years as
substitute headmistress of the Seminary in Elmira, while Miss Thurston was
on leave, and there she had come to know and admire the ability of Charles
Farrar. It was she who invited him to lecture at the College in the spring of
1874, and “to become acquainted with the Trustees and the College.”^" Vice-
President of the Board of Trustees of Milwaukee Female College at that time
was Dr. Milo Jewett, who had moved to Milwaukee sometime after resigning
the presidency of Vassar Female College, and certainly he must have been
influential in persuading Farrar, for the second time, to move from one college
to another. This move was to a college established in 1851 — earlier than
either Elmira or Vassar, so that it was a going concern, but there was no such
assured salary as the professor had been receiving at Vassar. His sole revenue
would come from the tuition and fees of students, and from this he was to
pay for all repairs, taxes, insurance, assessments, teacher’s salaries, and other
small items. In turn, the contract provided that he could lease the buildings
rent-free, and it gave him nearly complete authority in the hiring and firing
of teachers, in establishing entrance requirements and curriculum, and in de¬
termining rates of board and tuition. He was astute enough to sign this con¬
tract only after being assured that he would have a clean start, with no debts,
and with the plant in good physical condition, and well-equipped.^^
It is not surprising, then, that Professor Farrar should have introduced
a series of lectures to bring in some additional revenue. Perhaps far more im¬
portant, though, than the lecture fees was the good-will that he brought to
the college as he entered the cultural life of Milwaukee. He had much in com¬
mon with its influential citizens, and their support continued long after he
left the college in 1889.
Farrar believed in equal education and opportunity for women. In line
with the idea that there should be no difference in the quality of education
for women from that of men, he followed the move that Vassar had made
some years earlier of deleting the word Female from the college name.
Several men who at one time or another were members of the Mil¬
waukee College’s Board of Trustees were among the founding Wiscon¬
sin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters in 1870 — Increase A. Lapham,
®Plum and Dowell, op. cit., p. 20: Ellen Swallow, Vassar College ’70 was the first woman
accepted by M. I. T.
^"Kieckhefer, op. cit., p. 29.
^Ubid., p. 31.
122
Katherine G. Nelson
Edward D. Holton, Alexander Mitchell, and Samuel S. Sherman^' — and as
time went on, others of the long line of trustees became Academy members.
So it is not surprising that the Second Semi-Annual (Summer) Meeting of
the Academy was held at Milwaukee College in July 1878. Among the men
elected to Academy membership at that meeting were Professor Charles S. Far¬
rar, “Dr.” Thomas A. Greene, Mr. William P. Merrill and Mr. William P. Mc¬
Laren, all of them important contributors to the advancement of Milwaukee
College. What’s more, Mrs. Charles Farrar also became a member that day, as
did twenty-seven other women, in comparison to twelve men. Academy Presi¬
dent P. R, Hoy prefaced the ballot with the remark “science knows no distinc¬
tion of race, color or sex.”^® Surely Professor Farrar must have had some influ¬
ence on this sudden rise in female membership. The first three women mem¬
bers, all from Madison, had joined a year earlier.
At Milwaukee College, as earlier at Elmira and Vassar, Professor Farrar’s
interest in Astronomy led to the building of an observatory. It was the afore¬
mentioned Academy member William P. McLaren who had given the funds
to build it, to house a telescope presented to the college by Mr. Hiram Bar¬
ber in 1875.^^
Professor Farrar, himself, was the donor of much equipment, and as the
success of his lectures added to interest in the college, not only did gifts
come from others, but his revenues increased, so that he could invest money
in expansion of the college. It was his own revenues that paid for an addition
to the college buildings in 1879, and the following year for the modernization
of the heating plant. After a fire in 1883, the Ladies’ Art and Science Class
replaced furnishings and art objects, and later that year they asked for lai'ger
quarters than the reading room that had been set aside for them. They offered
$650, to which Farrar himself added $1800 more, and another addition was
built. The Class provided furnishings, and continued to add art objects and
reference books for many years.
While the early lectures had been on science- — chemistry, optics, astron¬
omy, natural history — Farrar’s interests were extremely varied, and he soon
digressed into the field of art. This appealed especially to the ladies. He had
brought with him to Milwaukee a large number of lantern slides on all sub¬
jects, and a large, steam-operated machine with which he projected a series
of pictures on quick succession on a twenty-two foot screen, to illustrate his
lectures. He was an early user of the stereoptican lantern.^® As the interest of
the ladies’ class turned more and more to art, and as the library of rare and
beautiful books on art was added to by them, the professor traveled to Europe
and brought back a great number of new slides of the works of art in museums
there.
Even after he retired, in 1889, and moved to Chicago, he continued to
direct the Art and Science Class. Eventually, because of a duplication of
membership, the Class became absorbed into the Milwaukee College Endow-
^Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, Bull. No. 1, Madison, April, 1870, p. 2.
^^Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters: Trans., V. 4, 1877, Madison, 277—278.
^^Kieckhefer, op. cit., p. 33.
i-'Ibid., p. 36.
I'The Milwaukee Sentinel, Nov. 28, 1877.
Charles Farrar and The Ladies Art and Science Class of Milwaukee 123
merit Association, which this year (1965) celebrated its 75th Anniversary, and
which continues to sponsor a series of weekly lectures in Milwaukee each
winter, for its members. Among the professorships which it endowed at
Milwaukee-Downer College was the Charles Farrar Chair of Art. And just
recently, Dudley Crafts Watson, first Director of the old Milwaukee Art In¬
stitute, predecessor of the Milwaukee Art Center, credited the Ladies’ Art and
Science Class with an odd role in its establishment when he said "It all started
with an overheated samovar” which the class was using to serve tea at the
opening of an art exhibit in 1892. The resulting fire led eventually, a few
years later, to another exhibit by the same artist, and a sale, the proceeds
of which helped to found the Art Institute.’^
References Cited
1. Archives of Milwaukee-Downer College. State Historical Society, Chapman
Hall, University of Wisconsin-Milwaiikee.
2. Barber, W. Charles. Elmira College — The First Hundred Years. New York,
1955.
3. Kieckhefer, Grace Norton. The History of Milwaukee-Downer College.
Milwaukee, 1951.
4. Milwaukee City Directory, 1875-1889.
5. The Milwaukee Journal: Tuesday, March 16, 1965 and Sunday, May 2, 1965.
6. The Milwaukee Sentinel, Microfilm: 1874, 1875.
7. Plum, Dorothy and Dowell, George. The Magnificent Enterprise — A Chroni¬
cle of Vassar College. Poughkeepsie, N. Y., 1961.
8. Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters: Bull. No. 1, April, 1870.
9. Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters: Trans., v. 1-8, 1870-1891,
especially v. 4, 5, 1876-1878. Madison.
■^^The Milwaukee Journal, Sunday, May 2, 1965, Part 5, p. 6 — article by Donald Key. The
artist whose paintings were hurried was F. Hopkinson Smith.
•1/
i
HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL REVIEW OF THE DOMESTIC
TRAFFIC OF THE PORT OF MILWAUKEE
Eric Schenker
Like other Great Lakes cities, Milwaukee's shipping traffic antedates its
existence. In the eighteenth century, the confluence of the Milwaukee, Me¬
nominee and Kinnickinnic Rivers made the site a good location for visiting fur
traders, most of them French; in 1795 the Northwest Fur Company estab¬
lished a trading post there, which flourished for some years and developed into
a small village, but declined after 1810. John Jacob Astor's American Fur
Company established a post in 1818. The fur trade, however, could only pros¬
per in a relatively unpopulated, backwoods area, and it declined after 1820.^
The development of the lead-mining industry in southwestern Wisconsin
during the 1830's provided a greater stimulus to Milwaukee’s shipping, particu¬
larly after 1836 when capitalists from Buffalo, New York, bought a shot tower
at Helena, and began to develop an eastern market for lead and shot. These
commodities were hauled overland to lake ports; Racine is known to have re¬
ceived a two-ton shipment in the same year, and by 1838 in Milwaukee, “it
was a common thing to see oxen hauling wagons laden with lead from Grant
and Lafayette Counties appear at the wharves after a journey of eight or ten
days.” By 1842 and 1843 Milwaukee was shipping over 1,000 tons annually to
Buffalo, but the production of lead declined after 1844.^ Grain also began to
be shipped from Milwaukee in 1841, and grew steadily in importance; Mil¬
waukee was the leading wheat center by 1862, shipping over fifteen million
bushels. It reached a peak of twenty-five million by 1873, then declined, largely
due to competition from St. Paul and Minneapolis. Meanwhile, however, ship¬
ment of other grains grew in volume, and Milwaukee surpassed its 1875
record for all grains in 1892, growing steadily to seventy-six million bushels in
1914."
Other commodities also began to play a part in Milwaukee’s traffic. Coal
receipts soon came to dominate the port’s tonnage, first exceeding 1,000,000
tons in 1888 and never going below that figure after 1891. At first most of
the receipts were anthracite, but by 1897 bituminous coal had become more
important, and in the 1911—1920 decade bituminous receipts accounted for
over 3,500,000 tons of the annual average of 4,700,000.^ At that time coal
^William George Bruce, History of Milwaukee City and County (Chicago: S. J. Clarke
Publishing Co., 1922), Vol. 1, Chapters VI— XI, contains a great deal of material on the history
of the early fur trade in Milwaukee. Bruce was chairman of the city’s original Harbor Com¬
mission from 1911 to 1920, and President of the Board of Harbor Commissioners from 1920
to 1949.
Some historians contend that the fur trade declined because of the decline of fur bearing
animals and the shift of European hat styles and not overpopulation of Milwaukee and environs
in 1820.
Hbid., Chapter VH.
mid.. Chapter XX.
^Edward F. Hamming, The Port of Milwaukee (Rock Island, Illinois, Augustana College
Library, 1953), pp. 88-89.
Win. Acad. TRANS. Vol 54 (Tart A) 1965
125
126
Eric Schenker
accounted for 78 per cent of all receipts and 63 per cent of all traffic, which
averaged about 6,100,000 and 7,500,000 tons respectively.
The record of Milwaukee’s Great Lakes traffic between 1890 and 1940
can be traced in the accompanying table (Table 1). The figures include both
domestic and Canadian tonnage, which until 1933 comprised all of the port’s
shipping.® In this period the peak was reached in 1913, with 8,647,230 short
tons. This was the record for both Great Lakes and total tonnage until 1950,
when the port handled 8,926,964 tons, of which 28,409 was overseas. Most
of the traffic was in bulk commodities, such as those already discussed, but
Milwaukee also was one of the leading “package freight” or general cargo
ports on the Great Lakes. Over 1,700,000 tons of the 1913 traffic were pack¬
age freight. This service was disrupted and eventually killed by the “Panama
Canal Act” of 1912, which forbade railroads to own domestic water carriers as
of July, 1914; they had owned and operated the service between Chicago and
Milwaukee on one hand and the Lake Erie ports (including Detroit) on the
other. The railroads now became competitors for the package freight business,
which in 1916-1920 dropped below half the 1911-1915 average. Later, com¬
petition from trucks hastened the decline of the business, and the federal
government delivered the coup cle grace in World War II by requisitioning
the remaining freighters.®
Statistics- on Milwaukee’s domestic commerce are compiled by the Army
Corps of Engineers. The Engineers distinguish between “vessel” and “car
ferry” traffic, a distinction which will be useful in the rest of this analysis. The
car ferries are a unique feature of eertain Lake Michigan ports, in effect pro¬
viding direct rail service between the eastern and western shores of the lake.
Railroad ears can be loaded directly onto the car ferries on either shore and
shipped to the other without break of bulk, avoiding the necessity of
switching through the Chicago terminal district, which raises the risk of dam¬
age and may involve delays as well. The car ferries also eliminate the cost of
stevedoring at both ports, which has been one of the major obstaeles to a re¬
vival of the package freight trade."^
There are five ports on the western shore of the lake participating in the
car ferry traffic, but Milwaukee has by far the largest shai-e. The city is
served by two ferries: the Chesapeake and Ohio Railway connects it with
Ludington, Michigan, and a subsidiary of the Grand Truck Western Railway
operates a ferry service to Muskegon. The C & O ferry carries a greater
volume of traffic. In 1963, it brought 797,000 short tons to Milwaukee, as
compared with 278,000 handled by the Grand Trunk Western; eastbound
traffic amounted to 820,000 tons to Ludington and 463,000 to Muskegon. In
that year, Milwaukee received about 53 per cent of all westbound traffic and
originated approximately 42 per cent of the eastbound traffic.®
•’Milwaukee’s trade with Canada since World War II is treated as foreign commerce, in
accordance with Census Bureau foreign trade data. There is no point in differentiating between
Canadian and domestic Great Lakes traffic for the earlier period, however, since the two were
similar in nature and the Canadian usually amounted to less than two per cent of the whole.
'I'here was n.o overseas traffic until 1933 and less than 25,000 tons ])er year from 1933 to 1941.
“Hamming, op. cii., pp. 113-116.
-’IhUL, p. 117.
^Army Corps of Engineers, Waterborne Cionwierce of the United States, Calendar Year 1963.
The C & O also operates ferries from Ludington to Manitowoc and Kewaunee. The Ann Arbor
Railroad ferry connects Frankfort, Michigan, with Manitowoc, Kewaunee, and Menominee and
Manjstique in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan,
Domestic Traffi.c of the Port of Milwaukee
127
Table L Cheat Lakes Commerce, Pokt of Milwaukee, 1890' to 1940 Inclusive
(In Short Tons)
Sources; U. S. Army Engineers, Annual Reports; William George Bruce, History of Milwaukee City
and County.
The car ferries are loiig-established participants in Milwaukee’s shipping.
The Grand Trunk Western ferry has operated since 1906 (until 1933 it con¬
nected Milwaukee with Grand Haven, Michigan), and the Chesapeake and
Ohio since 1897.*^ Generally, the ferry traffic has amounted to between 25 and
35 per cent of all Great Lakes tonnage, averaging the annual figures for each
^The car ferries were originally a subsidiary of the Flint and Pere Marquette Railroad. In
1901 this road merged with the 'Chicago and Western Michigan Railroad to form the Pere Mar¬
quette Railway. The Pere Marquette merged with the Chesapeake and Ohio in 1947. Pere Mar¬
quette Railway, Annual Report, 1901.
128
Eric Schenker
of the last four decades. (See Table 11). The average has increased in recent
years because of the decline of the tanker and coal trade.
The presence of the car ferries is the reason why Milwaukee has one
of the most diversified trades on the Great Lakes. The contrast between the
composition of vessel and car ferry traffic is exemplified in Table III, listing
the most recent year for which figures are available. While vessel traffic con¬
sists almost entirely of bulk commodities or goods which can be easily loaded
or unloaded, such as motor vehicles, the car ferry traffic includes a large quan¬
tity of general cargo,” or what would be classified as general cargo were it
shipped in any other way. Using the definition of general cargo as the Census
Bureau,"” and also excluding newsprint, it appears that general cargo com¬
modities accounted for about 73 per cent of all car ferry receipts and 76
per cent of all shipments. The Army Corps of Engineers has not kept statis¬
tics on the value of domestic shipments since 1940, but it is certain that the
general cargo commodities would be a still higher percentage of the value.
For the years 1928-1938, the car ferry traffic was valued at $100.86 per
ton, about four times the value of vessel traffic."" An extremely rough guess at
current value can be made by using the ratio of Commerce Department price
deflators for 1957 and 1929—38 on the basis of which the current value would
be something over $222.01 per ton of car ferry traffic."^ A better estimation
of current value may be achieved by using I.C.C. wholesale value per ton at
destination figures for 1959. For example, the value for total manufactures
and miscellaneous products is $281 per ton, products of agriculture $101, and
animals and products $601."®
No individual commodities account for an especially large share of the
car ferry traffic. The largest single item among receipts is “non-metallic min¬
erals and manufactures, not elsewhere classified,” with 142,519 short tons.
However, in the Corps of Engineers statistics this classification includes salt,
in order to avoid inadvertent disclosure of the output of individual salt com-
'^The Census figures exclude grains, soybeans, flaxseed, and oil seeds, unmanufactured cotton,
coal, coke, bulk petroleum products, limestone, sand, gravel, sulphur, mineral ores and concen¬
trates and all Department of Defense, special category of low value shipments.
'^^Hamming, op. cit., p. 77.
S. Department of Commerce, Office of Business Economics, U. S. Income and Output,
Table VII-2, pp. 220-221.
^Interstate Commerce Commission, Freight Revenue and Wholesale Value at Destination
of Commodities Transported by Class 1 Line Haul Railroads, 1959, Washington, D. C. October
1961. Other wholesale value per ton at destination are as follows: products of forests, $58 and
products of mines, $11.
Table II. Milwaukee’s Car Ferry and Total Great Lakes Tonnage, 1921-1960
Source: U. S. Army Corps of Engineers, Waterborne Commerce of the United States, Annual Reports
(1953-1960); Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers, (before 1952).
Domestic Traffic of the Fort of Milwaukee 129
Table III. Pout of Milwaukee — Domeshc Freight 1’raffig, 1963 — Short Tons
130
Eric Schenker
Table III. Port of Milwaukee — Domestic Freight Traffic, 1963 —
Short Tons — Continued
Source: U. S, Army Corps of Engineers, Waterborne Commerce of the United States, Annual Report.
1%3.
panics. Salt probably does, in fact, account for nearly all of the reported ton¬
nage. The Chesapeake and Ohio ferry had most of this traffic, with 121,410
tons, and salt is produced near its lines in Michigan. The C & O also car¬
ried most of the second and fourth ranking commodities, iron and steel semi¬
finished products and bituminous coal respectively, with 94,322 out of 100,652
short tons of semi-finished iron and steel and 79,645 out of 89,879 short tons
of bituminous coal. These figures, however, are dwarfed by comparison to the
1,628,296 tons of coal brought to Milwaukee by regular vessel. Newsprint,
the third ranking commodity, accounted for the largest share of the Grand
Trunk Western’s westbound traffic, with 69,164 short tons, though Milwaukee
also received 29,780 short tons via the C & O.
Domestic I'rafflc of tiie Port of Milwaukee
131
Grains were the leading commodities in the port’s car ferry shipments,
with 464,536 short tons. About two-thirds (363,132 tons) went to Ludington.
On the other hand, about two-thirds of the lumber shipments were to Mus¬
kegon (53,847 tons).
The car ferries are of particular importance to Milwaukee in several
ways. They operate all year around, in contrast to the shortened vessel sea¬
son of eight to nine months. Secondly, they bring Milwaukee closer to Michi¬
gan and Eastern cities in terms of both time and distance. For example, it is
368 miles from Milwaukee to Detroit by way of Chicago; by Chesapeake and
Ohio car ferry the distance is 358 miles, including the 97-mile car ferry route
to Ludington, and by Grand Trunk Western ferry it is only 273 miles, eighty
of them across the lake to Muskegon. The ferries take from six to six and one-
half hours to make the journey, at an average speed of sixteen to eighteen miles
per hour.'^'^
What is perhaps the most important general benefit of the car ferries is
a corollary of the fact that they bring Milwaukee closer to the Eastern sea¬
board. By means of the car ferries, Milwaukee is no farther from many east
coast cities than is Chicago, in terms of rail miles. Since distance is the basis
for many rail rates, in particular “class rates,” this means that Milwaukee and
Chicago have the same rates to many places on the Seaboard. Further, the
rates apply whether the traffic is routed via the car ferries or through Chi¬
cago, even though in the latter case the actual mileage to Milwaukee is
greater. The car ferry service has caused Milwaukee and the other western
shore ports with the service to be placed in the Official or Eastern freight
rate territory, with a different and lower rate structure to the east than to the
west. For goods moving at the class rates the rate is lower from Milwaukee
to an Eastern city than it would be for, e.g., goods moving from Madison or
Minneapolis an equal distance into the Eastern territory, because part of the
rate for the latter movement would be based on the higher rates of the West¬
ern Trunk-Line territory. It would be next to impossible to calculate the
benefits to Milwaukee industries and the community at large from the rate
equalization with Chicago and the lower rates to the east, but the transport
cost savings over the years have surely been very large. Similar savings may
accrue on every commodity which may move to Milwaukee, both overland
and by water, but the car femes present the most striking and most concrete
example.
It is possible that the favorable rail rates induced by the car ferries has
exerted some influence on the location of industry. In the words of the Board
of Harbor Commissioners, “an industry can have all the advantages of loca¬
tion in Milwaukee; but ratewise, it is in the fortunate position of having the
same rate structure as though it had been established in the more central loca¬
tion of Chicago.”^®
Milwaukee’s regular vessel traffic may be described more briefly. It is
presented in Table III for 1963. The most significant aspect of Milwaukee’s
vessel lakewise traffic is the remarkable imbalance. Receipts by general cargo
^^Hamming, op. cit.. Chapter V.
'^•’'Board of Harbor Commissioners, City of Milwaukee, Impact of - the Milwaukee Public
Port Development on the Community Economy, A Report to Hon. Henry W. Maier, Mayor
(Milwaukee, 1962), p. 12. Hereafter cited as Impact of the Milwaukee Port.
vessels are about 100 times its shipments and this underlines the lack of
132
Eric Schenker
material resources in the Milwaukee area. Furthermore, only sixteen commodi¬
ties were received in domestic vessels, and only nine were shipped, but it should
be stressed that these few commodities amounted to 3,598,555 short tons, well
over half of the port’s entire 1983 traffic of 6,626,442 short tons. Receipts
of bituminous coal and gasoline in turn make up about 60 per cent of the
vessel traific, with 2,106,072 tons. Other petroleum products, crushed lime¬
stone, building cement, and “non-metallic minerals” (probably salt), account
for most of the rest. About the only commodities which might be considered
as “general cargo” are gypsum, semi-finished iron and steel products, kitchen
and hospital utensils, and rolled and finished steel mill products, which to¬
gether totalled only 34,470 tons. Motor vehicles are a somewhat special case;
the Wisconsin and Michigan Steamship Company operates an automobile car¬
rier, the “Highway 16,” between Muskegon and Milwaukee, and also uses
the “Milwaukee Clipper,” the last remaining excursion boat on the Great
Lakes, for automobile transit. Cement, sand and gravel, and stone are shipped
in special self-unloading vessels.
Although it retains its leading position in Milwaukee’s shipping, the
coal traffic has shown a sharp decline in recent years. According to the 1964
progress report of the Chairman of the Board of Harbor Commissioners, lake-
wise coal receipts have continuously drifted downward since World War II,
reflecting the continual shift away from coal toward natural gas and petroleum.
A brief improvement in 1933 coal traffic marked the first reversal of this down¬
ward trend since 1948, but the downward drift in lakeborne coal again was
manifest in 1964, with coal receipts dropping to the lowest volume in a
half-century.^®
A similar but much sharper drop in petroleum receipts has manifested
itself since 1962, the first year of operation for the West Shore Pipe Line.
According to the 1964 progress report of the Chairman of the Board of
Harbor Commissioners, the city government consented to the construction of
the West Shore Pipe Line in 1961 and permitted its interconnection to the
outer harbor petroleum terminals, on the premise that expanded petroleum
terminals and distribution facilities would be constructed in the City of
Milwaukee. As expected, the first three years of petroleum pipeline operation
have had a drastic effect on the waterborne commerce in petroleum at Mil¬
waukee. Prior to the pipeline, waterborne petroleum had been developed to
the range of 2.5 million tons or more per year. More than 600 tanker vessels
per year regularly called at this port, and petroleum became a major
commodity.
Waterborne petroleum dropped from the previous level of approximately
2.5 million tons to a little more than 1 million tons in 1962, the first year
of pipeline operation. A further sharp decline occurred in 1963, petroleum
cargoes dropping to approximately 800,000 tons; and to little more than
600,000 tons in 1964.
To summarize, the impact of the pipeline has been such that marine
petroleum deliveries at Milwaukee have dropped from 2.5 million tons, to
about 600,000 tons, in the third year of pipeline operation. Whereas nine ma¬
rine terminals in Milwaukee relied on tanker delivery in 1961, by 1964 only
•^^’Porb Progresa in 1964, Annual Keport by the Chairman of the Board of Harbor Com¬
missioners, City of Milwaukee, p. 5.
Domestic T'raffic of the Port of Milwaukee
133
three terminals were receiving tanker deliveries, and several of those only
spasmodically. The 600 tanker deliveries of previous years dropped to approx¬
imately 150 in 1964.
The eight petroleum terminals in the public port area continue in opera¬
tion as distribution terminals, now served by rail, water, highway and pipe¬
line. The city receives the equivalent of warfage charges for the product de¬
livered by pipeline. Thus, despite the shift from waterborne to pipeline de¬
livery, the financial return from the outer harbor oil terminals continues com¬
parable to the revenue levels of earlier years
In the light of the continued decline in coal and petroleum it is not sur¬
prising that lakewise traffic has reached the lowest level since World War 11.
In its efforts to meet the challenge, the port is trying to develop its foreign
traffic through the St. Lawrence Seaway.
Conclusion
Until the opening of the Seaway, Milwaukee’s port traflfic was primarily
domestic bulk commodity receipts, notably coal and petroleum and cross-lake
car ferry traffic with Muskegon and Ludington in Michigan. The presence
of the car ferries has placed Milwaukee on a parity with Chicago in respect
to rail rates to the Eastern eities, whether or not the goods are actually shipped
via the ferries; their service thus goes far toward overcoming a handicap that
Milwaukee has had for over a century: it is not located on the major land
transportation routes of the country.
The Port of Milwaukee’s domestic commerce has received several set¬
backs more or less simultaneously; the problem which appears to require the
most urgent attention is the continued development of overseas cargo. In the
long run, the port’s growth prospects seem to depend on its ability to utilize
the St. Lawrence Seaway.
^Ubid, p. 7.
A NEW METHOD FOR PREDICTING THE BLOOMING
DATE OF SPRING FLOWERS
Katharina LettmC
The special problem of predicting flowering dates for pink lady’s slippers
( Cypripediiim acaule) was recently brought to the attention of the Wiscon¬
sin Phenological Society, Flowering dates for a stand of lady’s slippers grow¬
ing on the south shore of Lake Shishebogama near Minocqua in northern
Wisconsin have been observed for six years by Mr. Alonzo Pond, owner of
‘‘Wisconsin Gardens”, a wildflower preserve. He wanted to know if there
were a way of predicting the time when the flowers would be in full bloom.
The influence of temperature on plant phenology has long been recog¬
nized. Plants need a certain amount of heat over a period of time to produce
flowers. The usual method for determining this special amount of heat is to
accumulate daily averages of air temperature from a starting day to a flower¬
ing day. To apply this method to predict the flowering date of a particular
plant, three factors must be known; (1) the date at which to begin the sum¬
mation, (2) a constant reference value of air temperature, characteristic for
the plant species considered, and (3) the amount of heat, or number of
degree days, which this plant needs for flowering." ,
Several possibilities for determining these three characteristics are de¬
scribed and discussed in the comprehensive book on plant phenology by Fritz
Schnelle. The purpose of this present study is to show that the conven¬
tional reliance on air temperature alone is not satisfactory with regard to lady’s
slippers. Therefore, a detailed description of the conventional method will
be omitted and only the results of its application quoted in order to establish
a basis for comparison with the improved method described later.
Flowering dates were observed at “Wisconsin Gardens” from 1959 to
1964, inclusive. But the dates for only five years, 1960 to 1964, were used
to determine the characteristics for the lady’s slippers. From these dates and
available temperature recordings degree days and their deviations were cal¬
culated. These are based on (1) a starting date of April 1; (2) a reference
temperature of 41® F; and (3) a sum of 291 degree days at that particular
location. Based on this system the data for 1959 did not seem to agree with
the other years. Table 1 shows the results of the temperature accumulation
for individual years, including 1959.
In 1960, 1961 and 1963 the temperature sums are close to the average
value of 291 which means that the actual flowering date coincided with, the
expected. In 1962, flowering occurred two days early , (the daily average
temperature was low at that time) ; and in 1964, one day late (it happened
during a hot spell). Assuming that the average value of 291 degree days,
as derived from the 1960 to 1964 observations, is applicable to the 1959 ob-
*This research was supported by the National Science Foundation Grant GP— 444.
Wi?. Acad. TRANS. Vol. 54 (Part A) 1965
135
136
Katharina Lettaii
Table 1. Phenological Data for Pink Lady’s Slippers at Minocc^ua, Wis.
Using the Conventional Method
servation, it would mean that the flowering in 1959 was seven days late for
some unknown reason.
The shortcomings of this method seem to have two major causes: (1)
employment of a uniform starting date each year, and (2) use of daily aver¬
ages of air temperature for the summation. As an example of the first cause
let us consider the year 1959 and 1960 when the flowers opened on May
25. With the uniform starting date of April 1, the degree days represent the
sum of fifty-five days in each year. However, during this period, air tempera¬
tures were considerably higher in 1959 than in 1960, as indicated by the
degree days in Table 1. An increase (or decrease) of the reference tempera¬
ture of 41° would not improve the discrepancy since the same constant would
be added, or subtracted, in both years. To overcome the second cause of
shortcomings, the summation based on daily averages of air temperature, other
authors have suggested the use of “degree hours” instead of degree days.
This method would necessitate either continuous temperature recordings, or
the development of a scheme for finding the number of hours effective on
plant growth during each day. Such a method is described by A. Lindsey and
J. Newman.
It seems logical to assume that the initial growing phase of spring flowers
is more influenced by soil temperature than by air temperature. If this as¬
sumption is accurate then the accumulation of daily mean soil temperature
should begin in late winter. while the plant is still dormant, but add only
values above the freezing point since thawing of the ground is a natural
prerequisite for growth. Thus a naturally variable starting date replaces the
fixed date because frost leaves the ground on different dates from year to
year. After the soil degree days achieve a certain value the change to air
temperature measurements should be made since the final flowering date
will surely depend on air temperature.
Soil temperatures were not observed at “Wisconsin Gardens”. Fortunately,
about ten miles west of Minocqua, at Rainbow Reservoir, measurements are
made at several depths. Temperature data for one inch and six inch depths
are published by the US Weather Bureau. The thermometers are read only
once a day, at 4 p.m. The temperature at six inches was selected for the
accumulation because, due to phase retardation and amplitude reduction in
the process of heat conduction from layer to layer, the temperature at six
inches at 4 p.m. corresponds approximately to the daily average at this level.
Predicting the Blooming Date of Spring Flowers
137
Two natural events, the thawing of the ground and the flowering of the
plant, are used for any individual year to determine empirically the neces¬
sary accumulation of heat in both, soil and air. The main problem is to find
at what intermediate point the change from soil to air temperature should be
made. The solution of the problem consisted essentially in computing for
each year the soil degree days above 32 °F. (B32) forward from late winter,
and the air degree days above 41 °F. (A41) backward from the observed
flowering date, using in a first approximation the same reference air tempera¬
ture as in Table 1. As an example. Fig. 1 illustrates the two curves A41 and
Baa both plotted as a function of time for the year 1964. The point of inter¬
section has no direct significance. It only means that at this point A41 is equal
to Baa which is a rather arbitrary partition of the desired total of A-kB. From
such graphs, individually drawn for the six years available, it was suggested
that the “switching” should take place somewhere between 200 and 400 soil
degree days. However, a more precise determination is necessary and can
readily be obtained with the following scheme.
Let the soil temperature at the “switching” point be denoted by B*,
and let A*^ be the air temperature sum between the flowering date and the
point when B reaches B*^. To determine the values of A* and B* another
type of graph was prepared in which one single curve for each year shows
the interdependence of A41 and B32. Fig. 2 illustrates such curves for the six
years of observations at Minocqua.
DEGREE
DAYS
400
300-
200-
100-
0
^ APRIL
30
Fig. 1. — Soil temperatures accumulated above 32® F (B32) from thawing date
forward, and air temperatures above 41® F (A41) from flowering date
backward, spring 1964.
Katharina Lettau
138
A
41
350
300
CUMULATIVE
AIR
TEMPERATURE
250
200
150
100
Fig. 2.— Relationship between soil and air degree days for the six yeais 1959 to 1964.
The time element is now eliminated. The lines show the relationship
between air and soil degree days based on a certain reference temperature
and two dates of natural events. The purpose of this graph is to find the
particular point in this diagram at which the curves come closest together
for all the years of observations. Obviously, this point must have the coor¬
dinates A* and B*. The knowledge of these two values permits one to pre¬
dict the blooming time, namely when the B* value is reached in any indi¬
vidual year further temperature accumulation should be switched from soil
to air, and flowering will occur when forward computation of A approaches A*.
The A data in Fig. 2 are plotted with a reference temperature of 41 ®F
as a first approximation. Closer inspection later showed that the curves come
somewhat closer together if 43° instead of 41° is used as a reference tempera¬
ture. It is interesting to note that M. Jackson found similar threshold
values for spring flowers, e.g. 42° for hepatica, and 44° for trillium from
long records of observations in Indiana.
It can be concluded from the graph that B*=350 degree days, and
A'*=244 degree days. If the reference temperature is raised from 41° to
43°, A* decreases from 244 to 209 degree days. The results of the combined
soil-air degree days with 43 ° as the reference temperature, are presented in
Table 2. When compared with Table I the improvement is obvious. Most
striking is the fact that the data for 1959 now agree well with those from the
other years. The maximum deviation in calendar days is reduced from seven
to less than one day.
200 250 300 360 400 450 500 550
CUMULATIVE SOIL TEMPERATURE
Predicting the Blooming Date of Spring Flowers
139
Table 2. Phenological Data for Pink Lady’s Slippers at Minocqua, Wis.
Using THE New Method
In Fig, 3 the soil-air degree days are plotted versus time only for four
years. The years 1960 and 1962 are omitted to reduce overlapping thus mak¬
ing the chart easier to read. The lines end with the flowering date. Especially
interesting is the year 1963. Although frost was very early out of the ground,
on March 28, the lady’s slippers flowered late, on May 31, due to two pro-
600 DEGREE
DAYS
Fig. 3. Combination soil-air degree days from thawing date of the ground to
flowering date of the lady’s slippers. Switch from soil to air temperatures
after 350 soil degree days were accumulated.
140
Katharina Lcltau
longed cold spells in May. Each year shows a different pattern of advance
from winter into summer, but when this particular combination of soil-air
temperature degree days reaches the value of about 559, the lady’s slippers
at the Minocqua site began to flower.
As mentioned at the beginning, the purpose of this study was to explore
possibilities for predicting the time when the lady’s slippers will be in bloom
in a particular spring. Basically, the described method should be applicable
to other spring flowers. With this in mind it may be practicable to utilize
the phenological characteristics of another species which flowers at the same
site earlier than the lady’s slippers and refer to it as an “indicator plant”.
Once the difference in soil-air degree days between indicator plant and lady’s
slippers is established, one could use the observed flowering date of the first
to predict the blooming day of the second. If the interval between the two
dates is normally one week, the five day weather prognosis for the area
could be used to estimate the number of calendar days which will be equiv¬
alent to the needed degree day difference.
As an example, the new method was applied to swamp laurel (Kalmia
polifolia) growing at the same location as the lady’s slippers and observed for
the four years 1961 to 1964. A graph, correspondent to Fig. 2 was con¬
structed for A43 and B32. It was found that the individual curves came closest
together for B*=:290 degree days. The phenological data for swamp laurel
and lady’s slippers are summai'ized for comparison in Table 3.
Tentatively, it can be concluded from only four years of observation that
swamp laurel needs an average of 429 degree days in order to produce flowers;
that is 128 degree days less than the lady’s slippers. During 1961, 1962 and
1964, the 128 degree days were accumulated within six calendar days, but
ten days were needed in 1963. The phenological data for 1963 indicate that
the swamp laurel flowered approximately at the expected time. The lady’s
Table 3. Comparison of Phenological Data for Lady’s Slippers (B*=350)
AND Swamp Laurel (B*=290), at Minocqua, Wisconsin, Using a
Reference Air Temperature of 43 °F
r reclictUig the Blooming Date of Spring Flowers
141
slippers blooming time was retarded by a cold period which lasted for six
days. Fig. 3 shows this very well. The temperature accumulation above 43°
was halted completely for several days. On May 25, it became warm again,
and after six days the lady’s slippers bloomed.
The results of this scheme look promising. But caution is necessary in
view of the limited number of years used in this study. The conditions of
the current year 1965 are likely to produce a severe test of the method
because of the exceptionally late spring in northern Wisconsin.
Postscript
In essence, the above discussion was presented as a scientific report at
the Annual Meeting of the Wisconsin Phenological Society on May 7, 1965,
at Madison; that is prior to the flowering season of the lady’s slippers. As al¬
ready noted, spring came unusually late to northern Wisconsin this year. At
Rainbow Reservoir, frost finally left the six-inch level of the ground on 24
April. After this date the temperature rose rapidly from day to day. On May
6, that is within twenty-three days (the shortest time span of all seven years
of observations reported here), B32 reached 358 which is the total of degree
days previously obtained as the threshold for making the switch from soil
temperature accumulation to air temperature accumulation. The lady’s slip¬
pers at '‘Wisconsin Gardens” came into bloom on June 3, 1965. Between this
date and the switching date of May 16, the air temperature accumulation
produced an A43 value of 150. Thus, the previously described soil-air tem¬
perature combination method yielded a total of 358 + 150=508, as compared
with the average of 557 degree days for the six preceding years; see Table
3. This discrepancy of 49 degree days would correspond to three or four
calendar days.
The result may appear somewhat disappointing. There are, however,
several circumstances in the light of which the result must be considered.
First, the conventional method (i.e. exclusive use of air temperature and ac¬
cumulation in excess of 41° with April 1 as a stai'ting date) would have given
only the low sum of 208 degree days on June 3, due to the unusually cold
April. In comparison with the previous average of 316 degree days (see Table
1), this would have to be called a failure. This deviation of 108 degree days
corresponds to at least seven to nine calendar days, i.e. more than twice the
error of the new method.
Second, in 1965, the swamp laurel also came into bloom at less than the
average degree days, namely at 381 instead of 429 as formerly derived and
summarized in Table 3. It is noteworthy that the difference in degree days
between the flowering of this indicator plant and the lady’s slippers agrees
perfectly with the average value of the preceding years; that is 127 in 1965
as compared to 128 shown in Table 3. It means that even under severe con¬
ditions the swamp laurel served very successfully as a predictor for the
flowering date of the lady’s slippers. With the information on the swamp
laurel’s flowering date the author traveled from Madison to "Wisconsin Gar¬
dens” on June 4 and had the satisfaction of observing the pink lady’s slippers
which had come into bloom just the previous day.
Third, it can be suspected from the 1965 results that the use of sub¬
surface temperatures measured at a station ten miles away from the flowering
142
Katharina Lettau
plant in a different kind of soil, can hardly be expected to be representative
for the conditions at “Wisconsin Gardens”. There, the lady’s slippers are
growing in a wet, spongy, soil undsr tamarack and other trees. Inspection
of the site at Rainbow Reservoir during the above mentioned trip showed
that the climatological observation site is fully exposed to the sun and open
to the winds, and the soil thermometers are in sandy loam mixed gravel,
under mowed clover and timothy sod. It can very well be that in an excep¬
tional spring — and 1965 certainly was one — the difference in exposure could
produce the observed departures. After all, the choice of the six-inch level of
soil temperature data at Rainbow Reservoir was dictated only by availability
and convenience. The derived criteria in the terms of A43 and B32 can have
only relative meaning, and not absolute significance. It must be concluded
that the new method can be truly tested only if actual soil temperature
measurements at a variety of levels and at the site of the stand are made.
Future plans include such soil temperature measurements.
References
Fritz Schnelle: Pflanzen-Phanology.
Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Geest und Portig, Leipzig, 1955,.
Alton A. Lindsey and James E. Newman: Use of Official Weather Data in Spring-
Time Temperature Analysis of an Indiana Phonological Record. Ecology, Vol.
37, 812-823, 1956.
Marion T. Jackson: Quoted from the manuscript: “Phenological Studies on Plants
in Indiana'". Presented at the Fifth Annual Meeting of the Wisconsin Phenologi-
cal Society, May 1965, at Madison.
WATER POLICY EVOLUTION IN WISCONSIN:
PROTECTION OF THE PUBLIC TRUST*
Walter E. Scott
Many Wisconsin citizens do not realize or appreciate the valuable her¬
itage they share in our public surface waters. Next to Alaska and Michigan,
we have the greatest acreage of fresh water, covering about 18% of the state’s
land area — over two acres per person. Michigan may be known as the “Water
Wonderland,” but she has less than half the inland water area or potential
hydro power capacity in Wisconsin’s lakes and streams. Wisconsin waterways
include about 9,000 miles of trout habitat and 3,500 miles of bass waters
which thousands of fishermen use and enjoy. Generally, our almost 9,000
lakes and 1,500 streams are easily accessible and heavily used for outdoor
recreation.^ The “blessing from heaven” which keeps these lakes and streams
in usable condition is an average annual precipitation of thirty inches.^
Including the Great Lakes, each of us owns a share of the more than
seven and one-half million acres of navigable waters in Wisconsin.® In addi¬
tion, the state owns or controls hundreds of miles of shoreline on these lakes
and streams as part of the public trust. Riparian lands owned by the people,
including county and federal acreage, assure us of a direct property interest in
almost every watershed.
Applied to navigable waters, the “trust doctrine” asserts that the State
of Wisconsin holds the beds underlying such waters in trust for all of its
citizens, subject to the fact that a riparian owner on a navibable stream has
a qualified title to the center. The state’s ownership of land covered by this
water therefore gives it authority to control all developments or encroach¬
ments on the bed of public waters or anything that would affect the natural
character of the water itself
Water policies evolve differently in each state, which holds true even
in those created out of the Old Northwest Territory. The Ordinance of 1787
stated that “the navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Law¬
rence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways
and forever free.” This wording, including the idea of “concurrent jurisdic¬
tion” over boundary waters with adjacent states, later found its way into
the enabling act to form our state, the State Constitution and the Statutes of
1853. In this legislative act, Wisconsin expressed conformity with the so-
called “common law” of water use based on the Riparian Doctrine earlier
perfected by the English courts. Actually, the Constitution retained “such
parts of the common law as are now in force in the Territory, not inconsis¬
tent with this constitution , . . until altered or suspended by the legislature.”^
One of the most cherished books in my library, published in 1746, is
titled “An Essay to Prove that the Jurisdiction and Conservancy of the River
condensed version of the above study was presented by the author as his Presidential
Address at the Ninety-Fifth Annual Meeting of the Academy, Madison, Wisconsin, May 8, 1965.
Mr. Scott is Assistant to the Director, Wisconsin Conservation Department.
Wk. Acad. TRANS. Vnl. 54 (Part A) 1965
143
144
Walter E. Scott
Thames is Committed to the Lord Mayor and City of London Both in Point
of Right and Usage.” Written by the Water Bailiff, the words “conservator”
and “conservancy” are used frequently, and the navigation and fishery of
this river are recognized as “a great trust” which their ancestors have de¬
fended on numerous occasions. In fact, they were “so well persuaded of their
Rights herein, and the common Benefits resulting to the Publick thereby,
that they contended for, and defended the same, not only against the En¬
croachments of private Persons, but with Archbishops, Lord High-Admirals,
and even with Kings themselves .
It is heartening to know that other people hundreds of years ago faced
up to the difficult problem of protecting the public trust in navigable waters
successfully. That their situation over 400 years ago was not unlike what we
experience today is shown by a partial quotation from a law they enacted in
1535:
For the Reformation thereof, be it enacted . . . that if any person, or per¬
sons, hereafter do, or procure any Thing to be done, in the Annoying of
the Stream of the said River of Thames, making of Shelf s by any Manner
of Means, by Mining, Digging, Casting of Dung or Rubbish, or other
Thing, in the same River .... or dig, or undei*mine any Banks or Walls,
on the Waterside . . . then the same Person, or Persons, and every one
of them, shall forfeit and pay . .
Wisconsin today stands in a position of leadership among all the states
in its preservation and protection of rights of the public in navigable waters.®
To some extent, this may have been good fortune or just plain luck, but a
careful analysis undoubtedly will show it was a combination of circumstances
related to conditions at the time — and always influenced by the state’s excep¬
tional natural beauty and opportunities for high quality outdoor recreation —
— especially fishing and hunting. Some other important factors were the early
fur trade, lumbering industry, cranberry culture and water power develop¬
ment based on reservoir systems. Although we started with the same founda¬
tion as other states carved out of the Old Northwest, none of them have re¬
tained as great a percentage of their original water area in the public trust —
not even Michigan or Minnesota.® However, Wisconsin’s position would have
been even stronger had she kept title to the bed of all streams and rivers.
Actually, Wisconsin has gained water use rights for the public in many thou¬
sands of acres of reservoirs and flowages created or extended by dams.
Just as each lake and stream is an individual biological and ecological
entity which must be considered separately as an integral part of its water¬
shed, water policies evolve differently, depending on many local conditions.
Differences in basic constitution, legislative enactments, judicial decisions and
administrative action all influence policy growth — whether related to surface
or ground waters. In Wisconsin, public rights in ground waters have been
declared and protected only to a small degree even though they usually are
directly related to surface waters It is in the so-called “navigable waters”
that the public rights are most clearly recognized — and it has been said that
in Wisconsin they include any waters in which a trout can swim on its side.
Of course, much of the controversy centers around the legal definition of
“navigable waters” and the group of public rights which are a part of this
Water Policy Evolulion hi Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 145
concept by legislative enactment and judicial decree — boating, swimming,
fishing, hunting, wading, skating, and the enjoyment of scenic beauty.
In the last two decades a new type of humid area agricultural irrigation
has expanded in Wisconsin. Different from the ditch system used for years
in the arid West, it calls for watering by aerial sprinklers. Such use of water
is highly consumptive and little is returned to the water course from which
it was removed. Many conflicts arose with other riparian water users on
the streams from which water was taken for this purpose, and also with the
state which attempted to preserve the public rights. The dispute led to ex¬
tensive studies of water rights law, supported primarily by agricultural
interests.
Numerous articles, theses and study reports recently have been published
to show how Wisconsin’s “Riparian Doctrine,” based on the English common
law, has been “watered down” through franchise grants or other legislative
action, interpretations by the courts and Attorney General, and even by pre¬
scription. The Doctrine of Prior Appropriation has been reviewed to deter¬
mine any such elements in Wisconsin law. Some model laws were prepared
which did not even recognize such a thing as public rights in navigable
waters.^ At the same time, there were a few studies aimed at more con¬
structive goals such as the development of controls over water pollution and
authority for development of access to public waters.^® It would be appropriate
to state that the everlasting “War of the Waters” continues on a fluid battle¬
field with individual engagements and skirmishes being won or lost each day.
A survey of continuing efforts to preserve our heritage from dangers
such as obstruction, diversion, pollution, encroachment, drainage and, in some
cases, complete annihilation, shows that much already has been lost. Acts
of the legislature favoring mill dams, lead and zinc mining, cranberry marsh
improvement, drainage schemes, hydro-power development (such as the in¬
famous “County Board” law),^* and more recently the taconite mining and
agricultural irrigation concessions are examples of private use of public water
resources which often produce negative results. Lower riparians on the water¬
course may experience a reduction in their theoretical “rights” to have rea¬
sonable use of the water “unimpaired in quality and undiminished in quan¬
tity.” Even more important, the people’s rights often suffer due to radical
ecological reactions affecting the quality of fish and other wildlife — another
natural legacy.’® Perhaps such developments do offer recreational opportuni¬
ties to larger numbers of people — though seldom, if ever, do they retain equal
quality.
Frequently, there is a strong public reaction to private uses of the public
domain and each time the door is closed a little tighter on their remaining
more precious heritage. The pendulum swings from private economic de¬
velopment toward preservation of the public trust — and back again. Some of
these more significant floods of public reaction and the “high water marks”
which they left will be discussed here in chronological order and integrated
on the broad base of conservation concepts. Together, over the years,
strengthening actions helped to form the state’s present policy of surface
water conservation, development and use. Many citizens and their civic or¬
ganizations — and especially educators, biologists, attorneys, judges and public
administrators — have played important roles in the effort to save for future
146
Walter E. Scott
generations the great public trust of navigable waters as nearly unspoiled
as possible. The key question in this continuing struggle is the definition de¬
termining the scope and meaning of “navigable waters” which carry with
them the complete bundle of public rights in such waters. It must be remem¬
bered that this term gains greater meaning and scope with passing years.
Time and space limitations dictate that only highlights of this evolution¬
ary process can be mentioned, and much of importance is omitted. Early his¬
torical backgrounds for the first fifty years of statehood are cited only briefly
so that more recent significant anecdotes can be related in greater detail. This
does not mean that sound foundations were not established before the turn
of the century. Arguments between private riparian water users did result in
vital decisions recognizing public rights. Also in the early years, some first
faltering steps were taken toward research, education and recognition of poten¬
tial future value in this public heritage. The record starts before 1848 with a
territorial rule that all rivers meandered and returned as navigable by the U.S.
Surveyor were declared navigable and no dams could be built on them without
consent of the legislature.^® All dams, except the so-called “Milldams,” were
required to have fishways even in the decade prior to statehood.
Title to the navigable streams and lakes and soils under them was held
by the original states for common use of the people and the enabling act gave
Wisconsin equal footing in this respect when it became a state. In fact, it
has been held by the Wisconsin Supreme Court that the United States never
had title to lands under lakes, ponds and navigable rivers except in trust for
public purposes.^® The public’s rights in navigable waters under riparian law
were the same as in the English tidal (or salt) waters at common law and
it is this decision by United States courts which preserved the extensive fresh
water resources in America for the public. In Wisconsin, this was incorporated
into the Statutes in 1853.^® Unfortunately, the Wisconsin courts have given
a qualified title to the beds of navigable watercourses to the riparian owners,
thereby slightly reducing the public rights in such waters as compared to
navigable lakes.^
I. Highlights of Wisconsin’s First Fifty Years
Wisconsin’s water policy evolution during the first fifty years of state¬
hood will be summarized by citing highlights in each decade. Possibly none
of the early developments equal the “high water marks” of later years but
these were vitally important formative years, when outside influences played
a significant role and almost any kind of private enterprise was given full
freedom for growth. Usually it was only the conflicts between riparian water
users which brought recognition of public rights by the courts during the
state’s lumbering era.
At the beginning of the first decade, the new state was vested with
title to all lands under navigable waters. The next year a legislative act was
passed aimed at artificial obstructions — but actually the first pollution control
regulation — which named a forfeiture of $5.00 for each conviction for ob¬
structing navigation by felling trees into rivers or “putting into any river or
stream declared a public highway, any refuse, lumber, slabs, or other waste
materials. In 1850 the federal government’s “Swamp Land Grant” gave
Wisconsin several hundred thousand acres of property which often contained
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 147
shoreline on navigable waters/^ but within two years the legislature had
passed the first of a series of acts to encourage drainage. Most everyone
agreed that swamp lands were unhealthful and the 1853 Transactions of the
Wisconsin Agricultural Society published an article encouraging drainage with
almost poetic language:
To change a marsh from its foetid, cold and vaporous atmosphere, into
a fruitful, smiling plain; to render a bog or swamp, where no sure foot¬
ing can be found, into solid and substantial earth; to make aquatic plants
give place to rich and feeding herbs . .
This same year the legislature enacted Chapter 72 declaring the common
law of England (including decisions of the courts and customs and usages of
the People), insofar as it was applicable under Wisconsin conditions, to be
our law in determining “the boundaries of lands adjoining waters, and the
several and respective rights of individuals, the state and its citizens, in respect
to all of such lands and waters.”® Both in England and Wisconsin navigable
waters are public waters.
The first statement of the Wisconsin Supreme Court regarding the right
of navigation was handed down in 1853 and included this sentence: “If the
stream is navigable in fact, the public have the right to use it for the purpose
of navigation, and the right of the owner of the streambed is subject to the
public easement.”® This is an important change from the English idea of
“navigability in law” to the American riparian doctrine concept of “navigability
in fact.” Before the first decade closed, our Supreme Court had handled their
first case on dams as nuisances in navigable waters and ruled that no pre¬
scriptive rights in water use could be gotten against the state.'^ Considering
the fact that so-called “Milldams” could be built — even from the first terri¬
torial days — on any non-navigable stream without consent of anyone or any
controls whatever, the urgent need for a better definition of what constituted
navigable waters is evident.
The second decade began with re-enactment of legislation to prevent
obstructions in watercourses, such as fallen trees and waste materials.® No
reference will be made of such cases in the future unless the law was clearly
strengthened. Also, the State Supreme Court (which will in the future be
called the Court) held that Wisconsin had adopted the English common law
of riparian rights with the only difference being deletion of the “tide water”
limitation.® Pollution control gained a bit by legislation to prevent slaughter¬
houses from dumping wastes into streams where they flowed through cities
or villages,® and charter for dams on the Root and Big Plat Rivers called
for fishways.^^
At the end of this decade there were two very significant developments.
One was the report of the state’s first Forestry Commission by Increase A.
Lapham, a founder of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters,
as its Chairman. He clearly pointed out the importance of forest management
on the headwaters of streams to the maintenance of continuous adequate
water supply. He also embodied his basic argument into the title — as if
wanting to be sure that legislators and lumber barons would read it: “Report
on the Disastrous Effects of the Destruction of Forest Trees Now Going on
so Rapidly in the State of Wisconsin.”®^ The second development was pass-
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Walter E. Scott
age ol the so-ealled '‘Cranberry Aet” to encourage the state’s iledgling eian-
berry industry which needed water rights for flooding of their beds, to pro¬
vide irrigation or protection from frost.®^ Although this legislation gave cran¬
berry growers such special privileges that the law often has been considered
unconstitutional, the Court at that time and since has avoided such
determination.
The Cranberry Act often is cited as an example of weakening of both
public and private riparian rights, or in legal terms, the common law rule was
''enlarged.” There is evidence of lakes half drained away and of substantial
portions of rivers diverted many miles from their natural watercourses.®^ The
law permitted a cranberry grower to dig a ditch to water over another man’s
land and take the water to his own bog — before he had acquired permission
from anyone. All he had to do was pay the damages — and be sure his opera¬
tion did not injure any dam or ditch another cranberry grower had developed.
It is not surprising that a number of court cases have arisen from such legis¬
lation. However, this type of agricultural water use later led to enactment of
Wisconsin’s agricultural irrigation permit system®^ and the cranberry growers
were the first to pay lower riparian hydro power companies for water they
diverted from a watercourse.®® These subsequent decisions were vital elements
in the evolution of Wisconsin’s water policy.
By the time the third decade began in 1868, the legislature had de¬
clared nineteen streams navigable — usually for floating logs — including a
number of little creeks such as Scarboro Creek in Brown and Kewaunee
Counties. Another thirteen were added in this ten-year period, with fishways
specified for several. It must be remembered that Milldams could be built
on "non-navigable” streams and such structures interfered with floating of
logs. Also, this still was the steamboating age and a law was enacted prohibit¬
ing any dams below the "first impassable barrier” to steamboat navigation
existing above the river’s mouth. In 1870, propagation of brook trout was en¬
couraged by legislation permitting private individuals to build dams for this
purpose on any lands owned by them so long as they didn’t "obstruct naviga¬
tion of navigable water.”®^
At this early date a "watercourse” was not clearly defined nor were the
conditions under which it should be considered navigable for public purposes.
One court decision said "there must be a stream iimally flowing in a particu¬
lar direction, though it need not flow continually. It may sometimes be
dry . . .”®®
A number of definitive cases settled by the Wisconsin Court in this
decade are noteworthy. It was ruled that: watercourses were navigable if they
could float a sawlog only part of the year;®® the state had a right to prevent
unauthorized obstructions in rivers;^® a stream as small as Levis Creek in
Jackson County was navigable for floating logs even if possible only part of
the year and natural obstructions and barriers had to be cleared away;^^ the
public right included the taking of water by municipalities for domestic use;^
pollution by a distillery on the Kinnickinnick River in Milwaukee County
could be abated;^ and, in a case involving Lake Michigan, Chief Justice Ryan
explained that in Wisconsin, "Waters are . . . held navigable when capable
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 149
of iiiivigatiou in fact, without other condition/’" Little Levis (’reek has a
watershed of only twenty square miles, but the court said:
It is the settled law of this state, that streams of sufficient capacity to
float logs to market are navigable ... it is sufficient that the stream
have periods of navigability ordinarily recurring from year to year, and
continuing long enough to make it useful as a highway.^
In this decade, the Board of Railroad Commissioners (1874; later Public
Service Commission), the Commissioners of Fisheries (1874), and the State
Board of Health (1876) were created. The latter two lost no time in getting
to work and in 1877 both made efforts to call water pollution problems to the
public’s attention. Also, the state trout hatchery at Madison was established
to restock small trout streams, thereby indicating public concern for them.
While the Commissioners complained of the effect on rivers of ‘The offal of
sewers, the filth of oil refineries, the workings of breweries, of stills, of gas
works . . . and of accumulation of sawdust,” the Board of Health started
testing both ground waters and rivers such as the Black, Chippewa, Fox,
Wolf and Yellow. Their report the next year called water in lakes and streams
“common property” and claimed no one had the right to destroy or injure its
potable quality. Earl Finbar Murphy’s recent excellent and exhaustive book
on the subject of “Water Purity” refers to this Wisconsin experience with
the comment: “It found also that the public had acquired a taste for any
discolored, odorous and nauseous-flavored water under the belief that it had
medicinal qualities. Further, it was in 1875, now ninety years ago, when
Increase Lapham made the first hydro-graphic maps of the Oconomowoc
Lakes and related his finding to their capacity to produce fish.^^
Publication of the Revised Statutes of 1878 marks the beginning of the
fourth decade. This book carried a list of twelve rivers “declared to be navi¬
gable” at least in the part described, and ten additional watercourses which
were “navigable for driving logs.” The fact that this distinction still existed
indicates a continuing conflict between the lumbering industry and other pri¬
vate riparian water users.^ Besides repetition of existing laws, a new one
made it illegal to remove rock or stone from the natural bed of navigable
waters of the state by non-riparians- — unless they first secured approval of the
local authorities This also was the year when over 50,000 acres of state
virgin timber lands in lake-studded Iron and Vilas Counties were set aside as
a “state park” forest reserve. Unfortunately, most of this watershed vital to
the headwaters of Wisconsin’s two largest river systems was sold nineteen years
later at an average price of $8.14 per acre to feed the lumber mills in need
of more quality timber.®® Another indication of water policy in a state with
expanding agriculture was the fact that over one-half million acres in the
state’s “Swamp and Overflowed Land Account” were dedicated to a “Drain¬
age Fund” to assist activities of local drainage districts,®^ The overselling of
this vast drainage program later reacted strongly for the damming of drain¬
age ditches to raise the water levels in many places.
Several court decisions enhanced the concept of public rights in navi¬
gable waters during this period, but again they resulted from conflicts be¬
tween private users or developers and indicated more interest in hydro power.
One stated that the “private right of the riparian ... is subordinate to the
150
Walter E. Scott
public use of a navigable right” and that “the public right must always pre¬
vail over the private exercise of the private right.”®^ Another said the “riparian’s
right . . . rests . . . upon a passive or implied license to the public, and is
subordinate to the public use and may be regulated or prohibited by law.”“^
A third quoted from Lord Selbourne in an earlier English case (1876) that
“the title to the soil constituting the bed of a river does not carry with it
any exclusive rights of property in the running water of the stream . . . The
word, ‘riparian’ is related to the bank, and not to the bed of the stream . .
The ten-year period closed with a new state law prohibiting dumping of
refuse in the Rock River in Rock County.^
With the start of the fifth decade of statehood, the Board of Health pub¬
lished its twelfth report, featuring an article by University of Wisconsin Pro¬
fessor W. W. Daniels on “The Sanitary Examination of Water.” He warned
that “A pleasant taste, sparkling brightness and crystal clearness may accom¬
pany a degree of contamination unpleasant to contemplate.” This report also
carried notes on problem cases such as butchers dumping their wastes in the
Hustisford pond and a slaughterhouse above Wonewoc using the stream flow¬
ing into the village for their refuse,®® Also, the first fish and game warden was
appointed during this period; a report recommending six reservoirs on the
Wolf River headwaters failed to get sufficient financial backing;®^ the Com¬
missioners of Fisheries opposed three more lumber dams on the Brule River
and hired E. A. Birge to study fishery values of lakes and adjacent marshes;®®
F. H. King of the University of Wisconsin Agricultural Experiment Station
carried on a series of experiments in agricultural irrigation at Madison;®® T. C.
Chamberlain started the first state soil erosion surveys®” and Birge published
the first of his pioneering studies of plankton in Lake Mendota in the Trans¬
actions of the Wisconsin Academy.®^ Probably most important was this or¬
ganization’s successful sponsorship of legislation which established the State
Geological and Natural History Survey and its prompt publication of hydro-
graphic studies by Birge and Chancey Juday. Charles Van Hise headed up
this committee, supported by most of these men which included, counting
himself, four presidents of the Wisconsin Academy during that time.®^
The public trust in navigable waters was further strengthened by new
laws and court decisions. In the two years before 1890 our Court held that
streams “navigable in fact” also are “navigable in law.”®® The next year a
federal opinion by Mr. Justice Field, in the argument between Illinois Central
Railroad and that state, decided that “the trust devolving upon the .state for
the public . . . can not be relinquished by a tiansfer of the property . . . except
... in promoting the interests of the public therein . . .”®^ The following year
a Minnesota Supreme Court decision held that boating and sailing for pleasure
on public (or navigable) waters “should ... be considered navigation, as
well as boating for mere pecuniary profit.”®®
The stage was being set for greater things to come, and before the end
of this decade, the Wisconsin Court went on record favoring the Trust Doctrine
for all citizens, holding the beds underlying navigable waters for them subject
only to the qualifications that the riparian owner had a “qualified title” in the
stream bed.®® Other court cases found that a cranberry marsh developer could
not use the “Cranberry Act” to destroy the paramount public rights;®^ that
a dammed up stream creating a pond became public waters and that riparian
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 15J.
owners on such impounded waters could restrain the owner from tearing down
the dam.®® A victory also was recorded against water pollution when the Court
affirmed a judgment against the Waupaca Starch and Potato Company and
ordered them to stop dumping their wastes in the Waupaca River.®®
The legislature was active during this time before the turn of the cen¬
tury. Their enactment to the eflFect that “all fish in the public waters of the
State of Wisconsin are hereby declared to be the property of the State . . .”
was used effectively by the Court in a “public rights” case a few years later.™
They also decided all meandered lakes were public waters and stated that
if such lakes had not been returned as navigable by the United States Sur¬
veyors, the test for this determination would be whether they were “navigable
in fact” and they added that on these waters “all persons shall have the right
and privilege to pass to and fro . . . and to have and enjoy all other rights
and privileges thereon . . Three other enactments of interest declared Rice
Creek in Barron County navigable for steamboats,™ required all dams on the
Brule River in Douglas County to have fishways maintained in good shape,™
and declared the dumping of garbage in Lake Michigan a public nuisance.
II. New Hope in the New Century
In the sixty-eight years since 1897 there have been many battles for con¬
trol of the right to use waters in lakes and streams for various kinds of devel¬
opment in industry, agriculture and outdoor recreation. It may be best to con¬
tinue discussing these by decades and special attention will be paid to those
actions which strengthened Wisconsin’s policy on public waters. The period
starts at a time when the harvest of quality timber put Wisconsin in a leader¬
ship position throughout the country. In addition, two other slumbering giants
were stirring in the north — agriculture and recreation. As the big sawlogs
disappeared, the paper industry increased its use of pulp and many timber
companies pushed the sale of their cutover lands for farms. They also sold
water frontage for summer resorts, camps, and cottages. In 1899 Congress
passed an act asserting all its authority over navigable waters within its juris¬
diction, and this expanded continually since then through the definition of
“navigable waters of the United States.”™
The report of the State Fish and Game Warden at this time refers to
clubs which “have endeavored to gain a monopoly of some of the best hunting
and fishing grounds,” and cites the decision in favor of the public handed
down by the Court in the Willow River Club case.™ A man named Wade de¬
liberately fished in St. Croix County’s Willow River at a point where the Club
owned both banks to set up a test case of public vs private rights. He entered
the stream from a public road, not touching the banks, and therefore he was
not trespassing—rexcept in what the Club claimed were private waters. After
he caught ten trout they had him arrested and brought an action to recover
$20.00 for the fish he took while “trespassing.” The Court held in favor of
the fisherman, saying that although state policy had given title to the bed
of streams to riparian owners, “Such ownership is of a qualified character as
not in any way to interfere with the character of the stream as public waters
. . . public in the common-law test of navigability.”
Mr. Justice Marshall, in a concurring opinion, explained that he did not
think it made any difference whether or not the fisherman was in a boat at the
152
Walter E. Scott
time, but he could have been “traveling upon the bed in the shallows, or
anywhere in any manner, between the lines of ordinary high water mark.” He
also stated that “for all the purposes of the trust for which the lands under
navigable waters were vested in the state, the title thereto is still subject; and
that only for such private purposes as do not interfere with such public pur¬
poses, has the title been surrendered to the riparian proprietors.” This settled
the question of whether riparian owners could stop fishermen from fishing
in navigable waters if they could get on them without trespassing.’'^
A number of other Court decisions are worthy of note and some must be
cited. In the Mendota Club case it said that even on waters raised artificially
by a dam, “the riparian proprietor takes only to the water’s edge.”’* The Por¬
tage levee case stopped the state from entering on works of internal improve¬
ment;’® the Pewaukee case said that private riparian use was subject to such
rights as are incident to public waters at common law;*® the Lathrop case at
Racine declared the artificial channel for a waterway as navigable;®^ the Dancy
Drainage District case refused them power to drain Little Rice Lake on the
Little Eau Pleine River;*^ and in the Rossmiller case the rights of the people in
navigable waters were considered beyond the power of the state to interfere
with except by police regulations.®*
Even more important for preservation of public rights were three other
cases. In one a riparian owner stopped the Wisconsin State Land Improve¬
ment Company from following through on a scheme to drain a navigable lake
after securing approval from the legislature. The Court said:
The Legislature has no more authority to emancipate itself from the
obligation resting upon it which was assumed at the commencement of
statehood, to preserve for the benefit of all the people forever the en¬
joyment of the navigable waters within its boundaries, than it has to
donate the school fund or the state capitol to a private purpose.®^
A second declared:
The United States never had title, in the Northwest Territory out of
which this state was carved, to the beds of lakes, ponds, and navigable
rivers, except in trust for public purposes; and its trust in that regard
was transferred to the state, and must there continue forever, so far as
necessary to the enjoyment thereof by the people of this commonwealth.
Whatever concession the state may make without violating the essentials
of the trust, it has been held, can properly be made to riparian
proprietors.®®
In the third case a family living below the City of Waukesha on the Fox
(Illinois) River secured an injunction to abate the nuisance caused by the
city’s sewer system which drained 550 closets into the river, making conditions
“oflFensive” for a period of years and the water unfit for bathing or the water¬
ing of stock. This was a victory for both private and public rights in stream
purity, as well as aesthetic attractiveness and public health.®*
The “Wisconsin Idea” was now budding and beginning to flower. The
newly created Geological and Natural History Survey cooperated with the
recently appointed State Forestry Commission to secure Forester Filbert Roth
of the United States Department of Agriculture for a study of the “Forestry
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 153
Conditions of Northern Wisconsin.” His publication was the first of the Sur¬
vey’s economic series and his observations on the relationship of ‘'forest,
climate and waterflow” were a valuable contribution to an understanding of
these matters.®^ The Survey conducted biological and hydrographic studies of
Wisconsin’s waters and published books on “The Lakes of Southeastern Wis¬
consin”®® and “The Plankton of Lake Winnebago and Greeen Lake.”®® Also
of significance was a dissertation by Alfred R. Schultz on “The Underground
and Surface Water Supplies of Wisconsin,”®® and a report by William A.
Kirchoffer on “The Sources of Water Supply in Wisconsin,” all of which he
said “were contaminated to some extent with sewage.”®^ The U. S. Geological
Survey started stream gauging work in Wisconsin about this time.
In 1905 two state agencies which were destined to play vital roles in
water resource regulation, the Railroad Commission (later Public Service
Commission) and the State Board of Forestry (subsequently part of the Con¬
servation Commission) were created. Other legislation cancelled all charter
franchises for construction of dams unless used within four years;®^ set aside
as a nucleus of a forest reserve all the state lands in northern counties;®®
required the State Commissioners of Fisheries to inspect all dams in the
state as to needed fishways®* (soon changed to permit them to require fish¬
ways wherever needed); and created a forest reserve on the Brule River with
the restriction: “It is hereby declared to be the purpose and policy of the
state to forever prohibit the building or maintaining of any dam or dams
upon the Brule River or any of its tributaries in Douglas County. ”®® There
were strong feelings among local summer cottage owners that dams warmed
the water, restricted movement by fish, and spoiled the trout fishing.®®
Another statute, in 1907, authorized the Wisconsin Valley Improvement
Company to construct, operate and maintain water-storage reservoirs for
stream regulation and power production with a generous franchise which
resulted in strong political and social reactions expressed in the newspapers,
the legislature and the courts. By this act, the State Board of Forestry was
empowered to hire a hydraulic engineer to help them set levels on the reser¬
voirs, and required to approve or disapprove all new reservoir dams after
public hearings.®^
Several related activties may help explain the court decisions and legis¬
lative acts. The Commissioners of Fisheries were headed by President Edwin
E. Bryant, who also was Dean of the University of Wisconsin Law School.
He advised them on the power of the legislature to prevent pollution that
killed fish in streams and to declare pollution a public nuisance. He also argued
that “the benefit of state stocking (of fish) should not be monopolized by
riparian owners” and that where public fishing was not allowed, stocking
should be withheld.®® These Commissioners expressed concern over the in¬
creasing number of power dams and questioned the justification of stocking
large numbers of fish “for such obstructed waters.”®®
Meanwhile, the State Board of Forestry, under Chairman Charles R. Van
Hise, President of the University, also was concerning itself with water re¬
source matters. This should have been only natural, for the Board also in¬
cluded Edward Birge, William Henry of the Agricultural College and State
Forester Edward M. Griffith. Their Board minutes include discussions of state
water powers, a legal suit by the Brule River Winneboujou Club against pro-
154
Walter E. Scott
prietors of the so-called ‘‘Muck Dam,” the Nebagamon Lumber Company gift
of about 4,000 acres of land in the Brule River basin; legislation to give them
responsibility to establish levels on proposed Wisconsin River reservoirs and
contacts by Van Hise and Birge with Senator Robert La Follette in Washing¬
ton, D. C. regarding the sale of federal lands in Wisconsin to the statel'^
Many beautiful waterfalls in Wisconsin have been destroyed in the proc¬
ess of building hydro power dams but there was surprisingly little public
complaint over this loss in the early days. R was not until a franchise granted
by the legislature in 1901 for a dam at Kilbourn (now Wisconsin Dells
was purchased by the Southern Wisconsin Power Company and building be¬
gan in 1905 that aesthetic values were public concern. The new seventeen
foot head of water was to cover many of the unusual formations in this
sandstone gorge which pioneer photographer H. H. Bennett of that city had
immortalized with his exceptional photographs. Bennett and others fought a
losing battle to try to preserve this rare bit of scenic beauty and he said,
“With me, every rock that is to be hidden from sight is a sacrilege of what
the good God has done in carving them into beautiful shapes.”^®'* John Nolen,
in his classic on “State Parks of Wisconsin,” agreed, with the comment:
“When , . . the level of the water is raised, the present generation . . . will
have covered forever more of the essential natural beauty of the State than
future generations can re-create.”’®*
III. The Conservation Movement
Possibly the decade from 1908 through 1917 was the most controversial
so far as public rights in navigable waters were concerned, but also the most
formative for state water policy. A statement made by Forester Grijffith is a
good key to the argument: “The rivers of the state furnish water power to
the extent of 1,000,000 horse power and the region of their headwaters should
be kept under forest cover to maintain a more uniform stream flow.”’®^ It
seems that both the public resource administrators and the private water
power developers generally agreed with this recommendation (although some
hydrologists questioned the theory), but the battle developed over public
control of these potential water powers and possible effects on navigation
caused by dams and fluctuating reservoirs. When the smoke cleared in 1915,
after two water power control enactments by the legislature and the forestry
program itself had been declared unconstitutional,’®® the public had received
some unexpected benefits in stronger protection of public rights in navigable
waters. Not unrelated was the strong national conservation movement starting
in 1908.
Just prior to the landmark “Governor’s Conference on Conservation of
Natural Resources” called by President Theodore Roosevelt at Washington,
D. C. in May 1908,’®^ articles previewing the subject appeared in national
magazines. Two of these, by W. J. McGee on “Our Inland Waterways” in
Popular Science Monthly, and by John Lathrop Matthews on the “Future of
Our Navigable Waters” in the Atlantic, caused quite a stir in Wisconsin. The
former referred to the present needs being intensive development and con¬
servation and especially “the retention of rights in power developed by private
means, the time limitation in grants for state and private works, and the
leasing of power developed on public works.” It referred to the vast inherent
Wafer Policy Evolufion in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 155
value of forests as ‘"a bagatelle in comparison with the inherent value of our
living waters/" claiming that “the time is ripe for taking stock of this im¬
measurable resource; and it behooves the people through their representatives
. . . to claim this greater heritage on which the lives of the generations must
depend.’"^®
The latter article by Matthews spoke eloquently of the “white coal” of
hydro power potential, stating that the “public domain is a public grab-bag”
and suggested a federal commission to consider possible by-profits of public
work, “such as that from water power.” He used the Wisconsin River as an
example of good public development as compared to a give-away type of
water power development on the headwaters of the Mississippi River in
Minnesota. However, some of his ideas did not please Wisconsin’s private
corporations, such as the fledgling Wisconsin Valley group, when he referred
to federal partnerships for the development of power in navigable streams,
the fear of monopolization of water powers by private concerns and of bills
in Congress “giving to such concerns rights in perpetuity, without any return
whatsoever, in public streams and depriving the government of the power
to benefit from any of the improvement . .
Governor James O. Davidson led Wisconsin’s representatives at the Gov¬
ernor’s Conference, with State Forester Griffith and three others interested
in forest conservation and utilization advising him. Two past-presidents of
the Wisconsin Academy — T. C. Chamberlain and C. R. Van Hise represent¬
ing the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the Na¬
tional Association of State Universities — addressed the Conference. Van Hise,
who already was an authority on conservation of natural resources and was
preparing a book on the subject (published in 1910),^’® pointed out how a
few large corporations were in a position rapidly approaching monopolization
of the coal and iron resources of the nation, which “are the inalienable heritage
of our People, and not of a chosen few.” He said these corporations “must so
administer their trust that the people shall possess their heritage” and main¬
tained that unless this were done willingly and fairly to the advantage of the
People, “the Nation and the States not only ought to but will prescribe all
regulations necessary to accomplish this.”^^ It should be noted that Senator
Robert M. La Follette, Sr. very probably was in the audience listening to
his friend who was President of the University of Wisconsin.
Promptly on his return from this Conference, Governor James O. David¬
son appointed a State Conservation Commission (on July 24, 1908)“^ con¬
taining most all of those who had attended the Washington meeting with
him, plus Professor E. A, Birge, Director of the State Geological and Natural
History Survey, and member of both the fishery and forestry commissions.
In this capacity, Birge also knew something about the state’s hydroelectric
resources, for the Survey published Leonard S. Smith’s book on “The Water
Powers of Wisconsin” that year. Federal flow measurements on the larger
rivers since 1902 were recognized and he claimed that “the water power
resources are as certain and eternal as the sunshine.” It was predicted that
the Wisconsin, Chippewa and St. Croix Rivers could “produce power equaling
and even exceeding that of the lower Fox.”^^
In this setting, Governor Davidson’s message to the 1909 legislature
observed that “in many cases a public utility is a natural monopoly, and with-
156
Walter E. Scott
out regulation by the state the people are oppressed by inadequate service
or by imposition of excessive rates.” He explained that recently the Railroad
Commission’s powers and duties had been expanded to include regulation on
many things as well as water and water power.^^^ The next month he sent a
detailed statement to the Legislature transmitting the first report of his Con¬
servation Commission, calling attention to the section written by Edward
Birge on the need for conservation of the state’s undeveloped water powers.
He himself added five recommendations asking the legislature to have some
state agency administer issuance of franchises, carefully define their terms
and conditions, impose an annual franchise tax and stipulate a fixed date for
expiration of both old and new franchises for maintaining dams on navigable
streams.”'^
The Birge report referred to “unlimited franchises” such as was given
to the Wisconsin Valley Improvement Company in 1907 and called for a
general law both to encourage industrial development and secure “to the
public some share in the control and in the future worth of this valuable asset
. . .” He advised that the European policy of leasing water powers be con¬
sidered and claimed that to date Wisconsin had treated them “as if they had
no value to the public . . . Now we suddenly awake to the fact that these water
powers are the most valuable possession remaining to the state, and the prob¬
lems of their control and utilization must be settled now if ever.”^®
The 1909 legislature responded by passing three joint resolutions as¬
signing duties and creating a special legislative committee to investigate
“Water Powers, Forestry and Drainage.””^ They started their work at a joint
meeting with the Conservation Commission and held a series of hearings
throughout the state.^^® At one in Milwaukee both Birge and Van Hise gave
testimony and were subjected to intensive questioning by Attorney Neal
Brown or Wausau, representing the private water power interests, but not as “a
paid advocate” because he was one of them. He was noted for his eloquence
and not only criticized Birge and Van Hise for carelessly implying “that the
state has . . . control, and that this is a natural resource of the state in a sense of
the state’s being proprietor or owner . . He claimed many people were
“victims of the phrase monger” (a field in which he was an expert) and de¬
livered a document to the committee containing this classic complaint about
the new conservation movement:
The man who can invent a good mouth-filling phrase is assured of
a certain leadership or prominence. The new phrase of this obsession is
“Conservation of Our Resources.” It has the endearing element of in¬
definiteness; it sounds well. It may mean much; it may mean little; it
may mean anything. It is interpreted differently by the different led
captains of our altruistic army of reformers. They apply it to water
powers which the state does not own, never did own, and never can
own, except by purchase or by condemnation under the eminent domain.
The “resources” they refer to do not belong to the state but to private
citizens.”'^
It is fortunate that the legislature published the report of this Com¬
mittee on Water Powers, Forestry and Drainage — all 779 pages of it — ^but
most valuable are the original verbatim hearing notes which contained argu¬
ments for and against public rights in water still present today,
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 157
Some of these ideas are:
1) Extensive arguments over the wish of farmers to drain the mill pond
at Delavan, which "the people look upon as a beauty spot and as a place for
recreation,” because this milldam backed up the water. University agriculture
experts testified the value per acre of the farm lands would change from two
to four dollars per acre up to forty to sixty dollars per acre. “Prior rights” of
milldam owners here obstructed “public” drainage plans
2) Proposed legislation for changing the drainage statutes would have
changed the definition of the word “navigable” so as to nullify the decisions
of the Supreme Court in that respect and give drainage districts full powers
of condemnation (even over milldams and water powers) and right to deepen
or change the channel of rivers and even drain meandered lakes. One Com¬
mittee member wanted to classify all streams into “floatable” and “navigable”
categories.’^
3) A Conservation Commission bill which also would have included
full regulatory power over all water resource matters and employment of a
hydraulic engineer was considered. The decision eventually was to put most
of this regulation under the “Rate Commission” because they were “out ol
politics.” Forester Griffith favored an all-inclusive natural resources agency.’^’
4) Reference was made by Senator George P, Hambrecht of Grand
Rapids to agricultural irrigation going on in central Wisconsin: “They are
irrigating semi-arid lands along the irrigation ditches, which is practical if
they can get authority to do that.” He also stated that “there ought to be some
scheme for renting water from the irrigation ditches which should be worked
into the drainage bill.”’^^
5) A prediction was made that the contest between water power devel¬
opers and summer resort proprietors or “pleasure people” would become
sharper over the question of water level control on the reservoirs and evidently
considerable conflict already existed.’^
6) The constitutional restriction on internal improvements stopped the
State of Wisconsin from developing its water powers as a public policy, a
move favored by President Van Hise. National Conservation Commission re¬
ports showed an apparent countrywide trend toward such a program. Van
Hise felt strongly that the principle of public control was basic in a natural
resource of this kind and it “should be not the privilege of one or a few, but
should be to the advantage of the entire state.”’^
7) Key witness for the Conservation Commission representing the pub¬
lic’s interest, in water resources was Professor Eugene Allen Gilmore of the
University of Wisconsin Law School and one of the Birge, Griffith and Van
Hise Wisconsin Academy group His detailed brief on “Riparian Rights in
Wisconsin” was published the following year by the Government Printing
Office after presentation by Senator Robert M. La Follette. A subtitle re¬
ferred to these riparian rights in relation to “Limitations Thereon Growing
Out of the Public Nature of the Water.” One argument in his syllabus stated
in part:
All navigable waters, in addition . to being subject to equal use by all
riparian owners, are also subject to use by all members of the public . , ,
158
alter E. Scott
As between riparian proprietors and the publie, the piil^lie riglit of use
is paramount and may be enjoyed to the total exclusion of the private
right.
It further was indicated that this subject was becoming a political matter with
the “Progressive Republicans and Democrats” supporting public rights, and
Senator La Follette had several messages about it.’^
8) Legislation was pending for a Wolf River Improvement Company
to construct reservoirs on the headwaters of that river and detailed revised
plans for six reservoirs dating back originally to 1891 were ready for use.^^
Consulting Engineer C. B. Stewart testified that publicity to the effect that
“the water powers belong to the public and that they would confiscate them
from people who owned them originally, has done a great deal of hurt, and
has stopped the development to a certain extent.” It was pointed out that a
Wolf River dam was one so affected.^®’
9) Senator Paul O. Rusting, a Mayville attorney (later United States
Senator) was a member of this Committee and emerged as a champion of
public rights in navigable waters. With Senator Henry Krumrey, he submitted
a minority report strongly recommending curtailment of the rights given
away with franchises for dams and urging recall for revision and better public
control and limitation of all such authority wherever possible.^^^ In essence,
these two felt that “the state should declare that the beneficial use and na¬
tural energy of the water of the navigable streams and lakes of this state for
all public uses belong to the state in trust for all the people. A proposed
bill they recommended dropped the idea that rivers had to be meandered to
be navigable and added “all rivers and streams navigable in fact for any pur¬
pose . . In the Committee hearings, Birge, Griffith and Van Rise all urged,
regarding the rights which still belong to the state, that they be asserted as
far as possible, and Birge added “for every inch of right that belongs to the
State — and that was the feeling of the Conservation Commission.”^®*
As indicated earlier, battles involving riparian rights as related to public
rights in navigable waters continued through several sessions of the legisla¬
ture and were not resolved until after both the I9II and 1913 Water Power
Acts had been found unconstitutional by the Court. The 1915 Water Power
Law’®^ gave the Railroad Commission exclusive jurisdiction and power to issue
permits for the construction of dams in navigable water as well as some jur¬
isdiction over the Milldam Act and responsibility to settle many problems
arising from obstructions in navigable water.*®® In the State Historical Society’s
collection of the Rusting Papers and publications of the time, a “Preliminary
Report on the Storage Reservoirs” published by the State Board of Forestry
points out that these waters have been used for streamflow regulation on the
Wisconsin River from as early as 1897.*®^ Also, the rapidly growing summer
resort business was in conflict with impoundment developments, especially in
periods of drought, and the problem needed to be resolved for the benefit of
both recreational and industrial water uses.*®®
Political ramifications of this controversy were evident in the 1910 Dem¬
ocratic and Republican platforms, with the former favoring “the conservation
of all the natural resources of the state for the benefit of the many instead of
the few. We believe that the resources of the state are the heritage of all and
should be conserved for the benefit of all.” The latter stated that “We pledge
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 159
legislation that shall encourage the earliest and highest development of these
resources, while we claim all the rights of the people in them . . . Private
monopoly should be controlled by the leasing of water power on limited per¬
mits subject to regulation and valuation compensation/' Significantly, these
platforms were quoted in the biennial report of the State Forester P®
A third document of interest is the “Supplemental Argument” of Neal
Brown presented to the special committee at a later date. In this he sarcas¬
tically criticizes the entire conservation movement from its national leaders,
Gifford Pinchot and Theodore Roosevelt, to Wisconsin's protagonists, Presi¬
dent Van Hise of the University and a number of his faculty members~“but
not all of them. It is an invective classic of the type for which he was fa¬
mous.^*" He called the attack on water power owners “Socialistic,” claimed
Pinchot was “dreaming dreams and seeing visions of Monopoly, accused
the University heads of lobbying with members of the legislature and tore
great holes in the article in which Matthews spoke so highly of the work
being done by State Forester Griffith. “The state forester may well pray to
be saved from such friends as Matthews.”^"^ In the end, he also quoted ex¬
tensively from court decisions which favored his own point of view, main¬
taining that water powers were the private property of the riparian owners
and they should be permitted to develop them with the least possible amount
of regulation and control.
Several items found in the Husting papers (19I0-I9I3 period) are
worthy of mention. They include materials presented to legislative commit¬
tees of which he was a member in the 1911 and 1913 sessions. One is a letter
from Attorney Thomas Kearney, a specialist on drainage law, to Senator Ham-
brecht, in which he observed that the State Supreme Court “has gone to
very great lengths in giving to insignificant streams and ponds the character
of navigable waters because at some time during some high stage of the
water, some hunter or trapper has been able to navigate the same with a skiff
or canoe. He urged revision of the law to declare all such waters to be
private waters unless they “are actually used for floating lumber and logs and
other products of the country to mill or market and for public travel from
place to place in boats . . .
Another item related to the work of State Forester Griffith, who not only
was credited with securing the 4,321 acres of land valued at over $43,000
from his friends the Weyerhaeusers, for the Brule River State, Forest, but
also for two federal grants of land— some 40,000 acres in the headwaters
country worth $200,000 and from 500 to 600 unsurveyed and unallotted is¬
lands in Northern Wisconsin lakes worth $12,000. In addition, he recom¬
mended “a forestry investment fund” to be provided by a two-tenths of one
mill tax on property in the state and helped to promote adoption— through
two sessions of the legislature and an affimative referendum vote — -of a con¬
stitutional amendment allowing the state to appropriate money for the purpose
of acquiring, preserving and developing the water power and forests of the
state.^^® A majority of over 16,000 voters favored the measure in 1910,^^ only
to have the court rule several years later that it was not properly ratified in
1909 and all the proceedings were null and void.'’^^ Griffith, when he left
Wisconsin in 1915, feared that the largest part of the 375,000 acre forest
160
Walter E. Scott
reserve built through a decade of work, would be “thrown upon the market
and sold
One of the leaders in these battles was Senator Paul Husting of Mayville.
In a brief before the Court supporting the State Attorney General against the
Wausau Street Railway Company (Water Power Case), he stated:
The people of this country . . . finally have awakened to the importance
of conserving our natural resources, or at least as much of the same as
they have within their control. They have recognized that . . . the navi¬
gable waters of this state are the heritage of all the people and should
be conserved for the benefit of all the people. The recognize that they
have parted with the fee of some of these resources, but they insist that
whatever dominion that is left in them shall be asserted to the utmost so
that these things which were designed not for the benefit of the few
should so far as possible be conserved for the benefit of humanity
On another occasion, when appearing before Joint Assembly— Senate Commit¬
tees on the 1913 bill, Husting said that “the state . . . has certain rights and
duties in regard to navigable rivers; and each individual is the trustee of these
highways and it is its duty to safeguard them for the best interests of all the
people.”^™
In 1913 Senator Husting had fairly frequent contacts with Senator Robert
M. La Toilette in Washington, D. C. and received compliments from him
when the second Water Power Act passed in 1913. La Toilette wrote that
he was glad “to receive your assurances that the changes made from the bill
as it was considered . . . are changes of form rather than substance, and that
the bill safeguards the rights of the people so far as the state constitutional
limitation permits. Another fact to be noted is that Attorney Theodore W.
Brazeau of Grand Rapids was representing the water power interests then
and his firm also worked for the cranberry growers both before and after this
time.^^“ The fight continued on many fronts through 1915, and the legisla¬
ture had already repealed the 1913 law and enacted a new Water Power
Law before the old one was found unconstitutional by the Court. The Rail¬
road Commission now was given responsibility to investigate stream flow and
dam obstructions “so as to conserve and protect all public rights in navigable
waters” and not only was authorized to consider applications for dams (in¬
stead of the legislature) but directed that they be concerned with scenic
beauty in removal of standing timber from proposed flowages."^^ During the
seventy-three years from 1836 to 1909 when the legislature considered fran¬
chises, 849 dams received approval.^®^
Several years later, after a critical 55-38 vote in the Assembly on June
10, 1915, political aspects of this legislation were evident in newspaper com¬
ments. Headlines in the Wisconsin State Jourtml reported that “Power In¬
terests Suffer Defeat — Water Power People Get Adjournment to Work on the
Members. But the final revised bill, with its limitations on dam franchises
and recapture clauses for the public welfare (whenever the constitution would
so permit), prevailed as a compromise between the hydro power interests
and the Husting forces in the end. Timely comments (quoted here in part)
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 161
about public rights appeared in the state press, discussing the bill sponsored
by private developers :
Milwaukee Journal:
If the water power bill is passed in its present form, giving away
the people's right to the most valuable resource left in the state, a re¬
source that will be increasingly valuable as time goes on, there will never
be a chance to undo the eviL It must not be lost sight of that this meas¬
ure will take away from the people of Wisconsin and their children and
children's children a share of their priceless heritage^'
Milwaukee Leader:
In spite of the efforts of the lobby to entrap the legislature into
passing a water power act that would surrender and sacrifice all that
is good in the existing law (Hiisting’s 1913 Bill), the assembly has stood
firm for a provision that will enable the state or the municipalities of
the state to acquire any waterpower at its present price, precluding the
riparian owners from compelling the public to pay them for the privilege
to erect dams on the public streams.
Milwaukee Daily News quotes Theodore Brazeau of Grand Rapids, who
represented the water power owners:
While I do not think the assembly bill is just to the owners of water-
powers, it does not absolutely retard development as did the Hiisting
law, and there will unquestionably be waterpowers developed in Wis¬
consin under the proposed law if enacted.^'"’®
In passing on the application for a dam in 1916, the State Railroad Com¬
mission explained the difference between the so-called Husting Act (1913)
and the Water Power Act of 1915 by saying:
The policy of the state is changed in that the state now directs the pres¬
ent valuation of the property in connection with its use for developing
water power but denies to the owner any increase in the value of that
property and water power which shall take place during the 30 years
after the issue of the permit."''™
Important to note is the fact that a franchise granting a “perpetual right" to
construct dams in the Chippewa and Flambeau Rivers also was granted to
the Chippewa-Flambeau Improvement Company in 1911 on a basis similar
to that of the earlier Wisconsin Valley Improvement Company franchise.^"*
However, Adolph Kanneberg, "in his definitive article on “Wisconsin Law of
Waters,” stated that “the Public Service Commission has jurisdiction over the
activities of those corporations such as the approval of plans for the dams
and other structures, determination of costs, apportionment of tolls, etc.”^®^
This decade was so full of action in revising statutes and setting prece¬
dents by the courts for strengthening state water policy that a listing with
pertinent comments is essential. Probably most important was the changed
definition of “navigable waters” done simply by adding after words “not navi¬
gable” in the statutes, the clause “in fact for any purpose whatsoever.” Now,
finally, the determining element in each problem case would be whether or
not the water was “navigable in Legislation in 1911 also effectively
killed the old Milldam Act because any stream so small that it was not “navi-
162
Walter E. Scott
gable in fact” would not possess enough power to run a That year legis¬
lative acts were passed to prevent the ‘'malicious waste of natural resources’"^*^
(all-inclusive, but aimed at the waste of flowing ground water resources and
the negative court decision in the Huber Case);^^^ gave the State Board of
Health control over sewage works built before 1905’®® (and they immediately
acted against an industrial polluter and approved the first set of plans for an
industrial waste treatment plant) ;’®'^ and required that all future sales of state
lands
be subject to the continual ownership by the state, of the fee to all lands
bordering on any . . . stream, river, pond or lake, navigable in fact for
any purpose whatsoever, to the extent of one chain on every side thereof,
and shall reserve to the people the right of access to such lands and all
rights necessary to the full enjoyment of such waters . . .’®®
In the four decades after this law was passed, the State Land Commis¬
sion religiously recorded these reservations in every deed so that the public
has, somewhere in Wisconsin, a substantial easement for access and conserva¬
tion on thousands of acres of land. Even as amended in 1951, the present
law requires public access to navigable waters over such lands. Recently
these riparian lands still in public control have been mapped and their value
and importance is being studied.
Of the “Malicious Waste” law. Chairman Van Hise of the Conservation
Commission said he was very enthusiastic for its possibilities:
This is believed to be the most comprehensive law for the protection of
natural resources which has been enacted by any state. At the onset its
effect may not be great, but it will have a steadily increasing power
through the years to come.’®®
This statute remains on the books today as Sec. 348.425 but somehow is not
even included in the separate “Wisconsin Conservation Laws.”^™ Because
it is almost impossible to prove “malicious intent” to impair natural resources,
the fine of $50 for the first offense and up to $200 for a second offense prob¬
ably never has been assessed in such a case in the past forty-four years! It
might be a good law to protect public rights in water if the word “maliciously”
were deleted.
Other legislation in this period included correction of an inconsistency
in the law so the test for “navigable lakes” was the same as for streams;’”
greatly strengthened pollution investigation powers and control of the State
Board of Health by making it a penal offense to throw or draw “into any
stream . . , waste or refuse arising from . . . manufacture . . . deleterious to
fish life . . gave important refinements to the Water Power Act;’^® en¬
acted a code of rules for the State Board of Health governing drainage in¬
stallations in connection with buildings;’” and consolidated the several boards
and commissions for fish, game, parks and forestry into a unified three-man
paid “Conservation Commission” which directed the Conservation Depart¬
ment’s work.’'^® Two bills by the Wolf River Improvement Company asking
approval for a series of reservoirs failed to secure the results desired by the
developers.”®
Among the several later Court cases, public rights in water were improved
in various ways, and especially in the drainage cases, reflecting a mounting
Water PoUctj Evoliituni in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 163
conflict between agricultural and recreational uses of land. One of these in¬
volved a drainage ditch at the outlet of Camp Lake in Kenosha County. A
resort owner brought suit to have the level of the lake maintained and the
court agreed with him, saying that “the drainage laws ... do not authorize
the draining away of the waters of the state which have been declared navi¬
gable/'^"'^ In another scheme, to drain Horicon Marsh for agricultural pur¬
poses, by removal of the dam at Hustisford and draining the pond impounded
there for over forty years, the Court declared, “The policy of this court as
shown by a long line of decisions has been to scrupulously protect the navi¬
gable waters of the state from impairment
To this, Mr. Justice Marshall added a concurring statement to the effect
that these waters had
passed under the great trust vested in the state for public purposes . . .
which trust . . . the state is powerless to abdicate . . . That principle is
of inestimable value to the people. It should be indicated upon all proper
occasions. While the reclamation of vt^aste land is important, the preserva¬
tion of the navigable waters of the state, as a matter of public policy, is
of paramount importance . . . Generally speaking, a trustee can never
rightfully destroy the subject of the trust.^'^^
In a similar Shepard drainage case in Dane County, the court said that “rights
of the public in a small body of water, navigable in fact and constituting a
public highway, are as much entitled to protection as would be in a more pre¬
tentious watercourse/'^®® The Trempealeau drainage case upheld the “rights
of navigation and fishing” in trust for the public.^®^
In another test case, this time set up by Senator Paul Husting, who loved
to hunt, he entered the so-called reserved waters of the Diana Shooting Club
on Horicon Marsh in his hunting boat floating on the waters of Malzahn’s
Bay on the Rock River (Dodge County). The case which followed his arrest
was significant in the fact that he was using a shallow draft boat in water
about twelve inches deep and navigating for purpose of non-commercial navi¬
gation. The Court held that no trespass had been committed. The decision
said that
Navigable waters . . . should inure to the benefit of the public. They
should be free to all for commerce, for travel, for recreation, and also
for hunting and fishing . . , when it is confined strictly to such waters
while they are in a navigable stage, and between the boundaries of or¬
dinary high-water marks ... It may be deep or shallow, clear or covered
v/ith aquatic vegetation.^
Other cases found that the title of Lake Michigan below the ordinary high-
water mark was in the state;™ a public street dedicated to the shoreline of a
river gives the right to pass over submerged land between the shore and dock
line;™ even a state operated fish hatchery cannot legally block the normal
flow of water in a stream;™ and the 1915 Water Power Law was endorsed by
maintaining that unquestionably it was intended to apply to all dams in the
state, was “a general policy applicable to all the navigable water,” and gave
the Railroad Commission broad powers to control water levels and regulate
these waters and obstructions “in the interest of public rights” or “to pro¬
mote safety, and protect life, health and property.”™
164
Walter E. Scott
Of the many other conservation and navigable water relationships in
this decade, the following are especially meaningful: the State Board of For¬
estry showed concern for scenic beauty by purchasing standing timber on the
shores of Trout Lake (Vilas County) “to preserve the beauty of the shores”^®'
and they also sent State Forester Griffith to the National Irrigation Confer¬
ence in the State of Washington.^®® Very probably this was partly to assist
President Van Hise, whose pioneering book on “The Conservation of Natural
Resources” was published the following year. It contained a major part on
water resources, predicted for the future greatly increased agricultural irriga¬
tion in the humid regions and efforts to change or modify the Riparian Doc¬
trine of water use. Van Hise quoted a federal Supreme Court statement that
Few public interests are more obvious, indisputable, and independent
of particular theory than the interest of the public of a state to main¬
tain the rivers that are wholly within it substantially undiminished . . .
this public interest is omnipresent wherever there is a state, and grows
more pressing as the population grows. It is fundamental, and we are
of the opinion that the private property of riparian proprietors cannot
be supposed to have deeper roots .^®®
The ecological approach to biological problems began to assume im¬
portance in scientific reports. Frank C. Baker used this method in his study
of “The Molluscan Fauna of Tomahawk Lake, Wisconsin.”^®” Several years
later, in similar work on waters in the Lake Winnebago region, he called at¬
tention to the serious effect of municipal sewage pollution on these sensitive
animals.^®^ Also, Daniel Medd published “The Flow of Streams and the
Factors that Modify It, with Special Reference to Wisconsin Conditions.”
Agricultural reports indicated that one million acres of Wisconsin had been
reclaimed by tile drainage and “about 1,000,000 acres have been given an
artificial outlet by deepening and straightening shallow, crooked creeks ....
About 2,000,000 acres of swamp and marsh land still await the outlet drain.
The Railroad Commission reported in detail to the legislature on water
powers of the state,^®® including their first “Gazetteer of Streams. The
Commissioner of Fisheries ordered that a fishway be placed in a Brule River
(Douglas County) dam and considered the removal of old dams harmful to
fish production in trout streams.
IV. Prelude to the Conservation Act
From 1918 through 1927, the tempo of interest in preservation of public
waters and other natural resources accelerated. A Conservation Commission
report of the previous biennium complaining about the legislative act permit¬
ting a drainage operation which lowered the water level on Big Muskego Lake
set off a spreading ripple of reaction. After the Supreme Court found this
operation unconstitutional, the corporation failed and abandoned the project.
A small dam at the outlet of the lake was repaired by the Commission under
a law passed by the previous legislature, but the severe damage to the lake
never was rectified.^®® They also commented on the “terrible destruction . . .
pollution of streams is causing” from canning factories, paper and pulp mills,
tanneries, sulphite mills and other industries. They said that “in company with
an officer from the State Board of Health the members of this Commission
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 165
called upon the owners of a number of large industries that were polluting
streams and enabled them to realize the injustice that was being done . . /'
A motion made and passed was to “notify the paper mills to make necessary
improvements.”^"'^
Organization of the national Izaak Walton League of America in 1922,
and the Wisconsin Division shortly thereafter, was a crest of the wave for
protection of public rights in water. It is undoubtedly true that they helped
inculcate the Railroad Commission’s staff with the opinion that the enjoy¬
ment of scenic beauty should be a “public right” in waters similar to other
rights. In a 1927 resolution opposing dams on the Wolf River, they stated
their policy “to preserve to posterity all possible natural resources and beauty”
and they viewed “with alarm this possible devastation of the Wolf River . .
From the first, many civic leaders in the state joined forces with this
group until they had over 100 chapters and thousands of members, with lead¬
ers such as Wm. J. P. Aberg, Frank Graass, Fred Luening, Aldo Leopold,
Haskell Noyes, and Louis Radke. Almost immediately they pushed for pollu¬
tion control legislation, and a great kill of fish in the Flambeau River below
the Park Falls mill in 1925 dramatized the problem.'^"" Fred Luening of The
Milwaukee Journal told this group at their Green Bay meeting that ten tons
of game fish had been killed: “It took ten men ten days to collect the ten
tons of dead fish and bury them!” He also claimed the Wisconsin River was
so polluted in the Wisconsin Rapids-Nekoosa area that the mills were piping
water from springs and streams in the neighborhood because the river wasn’t
good enough to be used by them.^
Most important was a report by State Sanitary Engineer C. M. Baker,
who produced facts and reasons for the fish kill and pictures of ten tons of
dead bass, muskies and other fish. Baker said that so far as he knew, “no
Wisconsin industry is voluntarily doing experimental work or even making
a study of its waste disposal problem. Although talking on the subject of
forestry, Leopold made an impassioned plea for a conservation administra¬
tion run by skilled men not subject to political pressures for their jobs.^^
Horicon Marsh was another major battleground, with magazine articles
telling of farmers interested in drainage who formed a “protective associa¬
tion,” and conservationists describing “the ruin of forty thousand acres of
Wisconsin beauty.”^ Pollution surveys on the Lower Fox, Wisconsin, Flam¬
beau and Ghippewa rivers were conducted by the State Board of Health
and the following year they published their first report on “Stream Pollution
in Wisconsin.”'"^ A year earlier even the Railroad Gommission got into the act
by issuing an opinion and decision on the Flambeau River problem at Park
Falls.^ Better roads and new popularity of the automobile justified state
publicity of the recreation business. A 1927 constitutional amendment was
ratified to permit special taxation of Forest Grop Lands and this eventually
produced a Gounty Forest program facilitating public rights in lakes and
sta'eams, as the lands were open to public access.^" When the Gonservation
Act was passed that same year, setting up a six-man non-paid Gonservation
Gommission, it was aimed at providing “a flexible system for the protection,
development and use of forests, fish and game, lakes, streams, plant life,
flowers and other outdoor resources.”^’ Besides this legislative enactment, the
creation of a “Committee on Stream Pollution” in 1925, which two years later
166
Walter E. Scott
was changed to the “State Committee on Water Pollution,” was a significant
development At this time the University of Wisconsin College of Agricul¬
ture Extension Division began surveying erosion control needs, with O .R.
Zeasman as its project leader.^'*
For some reason, the Attorney General was quite prolific during this
period, issuing a number of opinions in respect to public rights in water. He
decided that the public had a right to fish in all navigable waters irrespective
of ownership of the land under the waters;^“ that farmers owning land on
both sides of a navigable stream had no right to put a fence across the
stream;^^ that marl in a lake bed was held exclusively in trust for the public;'^"
that the public was entitled to fish in lakes provided they could get to the
water without trespassing on private landy^^ and that the state acquires pro¬
prietary title to land formerly part of the bed of a meandered navigable lake
and may sell and convey it if so desired.^^^
Several court cases were important — and especially a federal case en¬
titled “Economy Light v. United States.” The United States brought suit
against the company, asking an injunction to restrain them from building a
dam in the Desplaines River without first securing the necessary federal and
state approvals. This brought up the entire question of what was considered
“navigable water” both on the federal and state levels. The highest court up¬
held the Circuit Court of Appeals, which repeated previous federal court de¬
cisions to the effect that when public rights of highway in navigable waters
capable of bearing commerce from State to State was established, “it did not
regulate internal affairs alone, and was no more capable of repeal by one of
the States than any other regulation of interstate commerce enacted by Con¬
gress . . .” The court also found that
Navigability, in the sense of the law, is not destroyed because the water
course is interrupted by occasional natural obstructions or portages; nor
need the navigation be open at all seasons of the year, or at all stages of
the water
Several years later another somewhat similar case started by a Railroad
Commission decision was decided by the Wisconsin state court on an evenly
divided vote and upheld by the Supreme Court of the United States. It ruled
that even though the Fox River Paper Company dam in question at Appleton
was constructed in 1878, the company was required to comply with state
regulations in order to maintain such obstruction. The riparian owners claimed
their vested rights included “the right to use the water power and for that
purpose to dam the river, subject only to the exercise by the State of its police
power to regulate the use of navigable waters in the public interest, and to
protect public health and safety . . .” The court found no denial of private
property rights and stated that compliance with the state regulations was the
price which must be paid to maintain the dam.^® Of this case, Kanneberg
asserted the constitutionality of the “recapture provision” was sustained by the
United States Supreme Court, and that “the natural energy of the stream, since
it can be developed only by such dam, is not a property right appurtenant to
riparian lands, and that consequently it is either no man’s property, as the
winds that blow or it belongs to the state . . .
Other Wisconsin court cases granted injunctive relief for protection of
the public right of recreation in navigable waters;"^® declared the state was
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Puhlic Trust 167
trustee of the navigable waters within its confines, not merely for the people
of this state, but for the United States and that it was not within its power
""to change navigable waters into agricultural fields, no matter how great the
public benefits might be in favor of the latter; stated that ""the state owns
the beds of navigable lakes below low-water mark in its sovereign capacity
in trust for the people, and not in a proprietary capacity;^ found that the
state had proprietary interest in minerals and other materials in the beds of
navigable lakes and decided that the ""trust reposed in the state is not a
passive trust; it is governmental, active, and administrative.”^ This latter most
critical decision might well be used for positive or negative results so far as
public rights in navigable waters are concerned.
V. Effects of Drought on Water Policy
The decade of 1928-1937 was one in which administrative rules and
orders promulgated by state agencies played a greater role in preservation of
public rights in navigable waters — and the need was more acute due to an
extended period of drought and economic depression. Lower water levels
accentuated existing conditions of water pollution and brought fresh demands
for protecting the flow of navigable waters from diversion. There was a sharp
trend away from drainage and for better long-range planning on both poverty-
stricken and tax delinquent lands. A Joint Resolution of the Legislature in
1931, asking for a report of the State Committee on Water Pollution, reflects
the temper of the public through reference to a petition from almost 1,000
citizens of Lincoln County alleging ""That persons operating paper mills near
the Wisconsin River are causing to be discharged .... certain acids and
refuse which are killing, blinding and otherwise maiming and injuring fish
. . .” The resulting document refers to the $10,000 annual appropriation re¬
ceived from the Conservation Fund for this work and shows substantial gains
in surveys and cooperative contacts with industries and municipalities. The
report refers to an expenditure of almost one and a half million dollars spent
by Wisconsin industries to that date for equipment and research to recover
and treat wastes causing ""objectionable pollution.”^
The famous Horicon Marsh battle was fought in this decade. Authorized
by the Public Service Commission to build a dam at the outlet of Horicon
Marsh, the Conservation Commission was stopped by litigation. Circuit Court
Judge C. M. Davidson reviewed the legal history of this great marsh and
claimed that over the past forty years or so there had been, ""as near as I can
count, 11 cases in the Supreme Court of Wisconsin, between 40 and 60 in
the Circuit Court and innumerable cases in Justice Court. Louis Radke,
in his "‘Horicon Marsh History,” claimed that there was a ‘"desperate organ¬
ized effort to defeat the restoration program” and this was caused "‘by the
drainage lawyers, promoters, and professional land owners, the majority of
them living outside the state . . . .” Attempts to close the dam were met with
“injunctions, controversy and delays for nearly four years . .
Depression years brought federal aids for resettlement and the Civilian
Conservation Corps (CCC) organization to work on erosion control and water
management projects through the Federal Emergency Relief Administration
(FERA) and Works Progress Administration (WPA). The Soil Conserva¬
tion Service started its Coon Valley Project— one of the first in the nation —
168
Walter E. Scott
and the University of Wisconsin College of Agriculture expanded its educa¬
tional efforts in the recreational land use and soil erosion fields.^®
In the 1930’s, the University of Wisconsin published a “Science Inquiry”
on the “Conservation of Wisconsin Waters” at the height of the drought
period. It stated that “more than 300 truck and potato growers in this state
have begun to irrigate their crops, some of them as much as 50 acres.” Some
found a source of water in deep wells, but “The larger projects have employed
water taken from a river or lake, and this raises the question of water rights
between the irrigator and owners of land farther downsti'eam who are thus
deprived of water.” At another point they reported that sewage from over
600,000 urban dwellers still was being poured into the state’s rivers and lakes,
which “amounts to more than 60 million gallons daily, and carried a quantity
of filth of such magnitude that 48 tons of pure oxygen would be needed to
purify it.” Further, “A recent survey of the Fox river valley showed nine times
as much pollution from industrial organic wastes as from domestic sewage.”
They recognized the generous contribution of industry to the wealth of the
state and urged that it be fostered “by every legitimate means.” But, “Use
of waters, with a wholesome respect for public rights, is both an opportunity
and an obligation .... use, and not abuse . . . should be promoted . .
John Cans reviewed “Conservation in Wisconsin” in the 1933 Blue Book
and called special attention to the Wisconsin Commercial Forestry Conference
of 1928 which expressed new hope for forest industries, recreation and wise
land use. He pointed out the relationships between forests and more constant
water quality as well as the impact of the constitutional amendments of 1924
and 1927 making possible the forest crop law and an aggressive state forest
policy. However, he also noted that the state forest reserve managed by the
Conservation Commission contained about 165,000 acres less than it had be¬
fore the ill-fated Supreme Court decision on forestry of 1915.^'® Probably
even more important was the trend toward zoning and planning, through
such new agencies as the Land Economic Inventory^® and the Regional Plan¬
ning Committee.^ First reports of both made specific references regarding
the fallacies of the earlier craze for drainage. In the planning committee re¬
port the first listing and map showing the location of existing drainage dis¬
tricts appeared. Publications on “Forest Land Use in Wisconsin,” “Legisla¬
tive Interim Committee Report on Forestry and Public Land” and the first
study of “Recreation as a Land Use” by George S. Wehrwein and Kenneth H.
Parsons reflected the concern of administrators for a shifting emphasis. County
planning and zoning commissions were encouraged both by the legislature
and College of Agriculture specialists such as Walter Rowlands.^^^ Milwaukee
County started its pioneering work in establishing parks along its waterwa)'
flood plains under the incentive of C. B. Whitnall."®^
A strong land use conflict existed on the Central Wisconsin Conserva¬
tion Area (CWCA) where the new Water Regulatory Board was supervising
over 200 dams placed in drainage ditches to raise the water levels and help
prevent fires. Much malicious damage to these small remote installations was
caused when stop logs, locks and chains were destroyed or stolen, presumably
by people favoring use of the ditch for drainage.^® However, interest in build¬
ing reservoirs continued, with legislative interim committees on water and
electric power reporting in favor of the state building such flowages which
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 169
might be “useful for flood control ... or even for irrigation purposes under
certain circumstances,” besides the production of hydro power. Also, there
was discussion of scenic beauty preservation.^* A detailed federal report dis¬
couraged dams and reservoirs on the Wolf River and cited “increasing oppo¬
sition from the interests rapidly developing the Post Lake region as an ex¬
cellent summer resort.”^"’ Milwaukee Journal writer Fred Luening explained
in his “Conservation Essays” that frequently power plants divert water through
their turbines and artificial outlets so that “many waterfalls and picturesque
rapids must be sacrificed.” In fact, he suggested that “in districts having ade¬
quate power; where new plants mean rather profit for a few men than needed
service for the community . . . beautiful waterfalls . . . probably will add more
to the richness of human life than multiplied power plants.”^'’
In keeping with this thinking, the Public Service Commission (name
changed from Railroad Commission in 1931) issued several decisions and
orders under its new authority,*^ including setting the level for Silver Lake
near Portage in Columbia County to control removal of water by the railroad
for their engines; requiring removal of a fence across Pollack Creek between
two very small lakes in Langlade County because the water was navigable
and public; ordering the Wisconsin-Michigan Power Company to operate its
Weyauwega dam so as to conserve fish life in the stream below; and denying
(in 1937) a dam permit requested by the Mellen Granite Company in the
Potato River in Ashland and Iron Counties, on the grounds that it would de¬
stroy part of the beauty of a mile of stream containing waterfalls dropping
180 feet. This later significant decision was based on legislation secured in
the 1929 legislature.^ A decision by the Attorney General supported public
rights to the effect that: 1) if a navigable stream is legally dammed, causing
the water to flow over private land, the public has a right to enjoy privileges
afforded by water overflowing such lands; 2) that it is a question of fact
whether a certain stream is navigable and the test can be made by floating
logs or a skiff; and 3) that licenses for private fur farms may not be issued
covering any land submerged by a navigable lake or pond.^^®
The 1935 modification of the common law permitted diversion of so-
called “surplus waters” for restoring lakes or streams in adjacent watersheds.
The statutes stated:
and water other than surplus may be diverted with the consent of ri¬
parian owners damaged thereby for the purpose of agriculture or irriga¬
tion but no water shall be so diverted to the injury of public rights in
the stream or to the injury of any riparians located on the stream, unless
such riparians shall consent thereto.
Surplus water was defined as “any water of a stream which is not being
beneficially used,” and the Public Service Commission was given the job of
deciding what was “surplus water.”"*® Much interesting history of this legis¬
lation cannot be detailed here, but several background facts are worthy of
comment:
1) Agricultural irrigation had been experimentally carried on for sev¬
eral decades in Wisconsin and was not completely new even though water
was taken without a permit either from wells or by common law riparian
right from surface sources.^**
170
Walter E, Scott
2) The Cranberry Water Cooperative of Wood County had been divert¬
ing water to irrigate their crops from the Wisconsin River to their Cran-
moor Reservoir and back to the Yellow and Wisconsin Rivers since 1933
under the “Cranberry Laws,” and undoubtedly were the first to pay by-passed
lower riparian hydro power interests for the non-surplus water used.^^
3) While the Conservation Commission started promotion of the legis¬
lation for diverting flood waters (as the bill first read) for restoring lake and
stream levels for aquatic life and recreation use during the prolonged drought
(and they were to be responsible for its administration), this regulatory role
was given to the Public Service Commission as a result of the legislative pro¬
cess. Substitute Amendment 1, A. to Bill 234, A. changed “flood waters” to
“surplus waters” and “Conservation Commission” to “Public Service Com¬
mission” throughout.^ Conservationists favored this legislation in spite of the
change (no one appeared in opposition at two public hearings) and the
Conservation Department Director appeared at the second public hearing
for the bill."^
4) As indicated earlier, the Brazeau legal firm at Wisconsin Rapids
represented both the water power and cranberry interests and this proposed
legislation was submitted to them for review. The ideas of “surplus water”
and “beneficial use” evidently were added on their recommendation. At that
time there were known to be at least seventy-eight farmers irrigating about
1,400 acres of land."^
Although on the surface this apparent “weakening” of Wisconsin’s water
policy to permit some diversion of water may seem detrimental to public
rights in streams and rivers, the test of time has shown it may rather have
had a strengthening eflFect. Even though permits for agricultural irrigation
were not issued under this law for many years, eventually it was so used
quite effectively. With a permit system, it was possible to stop irrigation
from small trout streams and to regulate the highly consumptive use of agri¬
cultural irrigation from most other waters when necessary. It should be recog¬
nized that the primary purpose of this law soon became secondary and only
a few cases of diversion of surplus waters to restore other lakes and streams,
such as by Sawyer County from the Chippewa River to Round Lake and
by Washburn County from Clam River to Shell Lake, were approved.^'^
Interestingly, the Conservation Commission in 1936 issued an order
requiring any person or agency “desiring to conduct lake and stream im¬
provement projects in any manner materially affecting fish or fish life or their
natural environment in or on any of the inland waters . . .” to apply for a
permit to conduct such projects Another item of interest is a current thesis
by University of Wisconsin hydraulic engineer Arno T. Lenz in which, with
others, he proposed a water plan for Wisconsin’s future including water use
priorities with “Recreation and Wildlife Conservation” as No. I and “Water
Power Development and Land Drainage” Nos. 7 and 8. Surprisingly, they did
not assign any priority to Agricultural Irrigation.
Of the many new laws or strengthened statutes in this decade, the fol¬
lowing should be cited :
New legislation created the influential State Regional Planning Com¬
mittee,^® which M. W. Torkelson subsequently directed for many years, as
well as the Water Regulatory Board,^ which still exists. Pollution control re-
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 171
ceived better definitions, effective organization, and power to control some
sanitation aspects of plats along water courses.^ The Public Service Com¬
mission was given orders to make a detailed study of floods on the Milwaukee
River (with no funds to do the job),^"^ plus greater control or powers for
protection of scenic beauty in requests for dam permits,^ the digging or
filling of the beds of navigable waters,^ and diversion of surplus waters,"^
while at least 25% of low flow was required as water to be passed through
dams at all times The Conservation Commission was given new powers
to start civil actions for fish killed by pollution or otherwise, secured per¬
mission to build fish management structures on the Brule River (Douglas
County)^ and was required to determine on all its land sales that they were
“no longer needed for conservation purposes.”^
One authority points out that in spite of passage of the “scenic beauty”
bill, the Water Power Law at that time (1929) was only amended to require
“that a dam permit was not to be granted if public rights in the stream were
violated.”^® The revised “surplus water diversion” law of 1935 included refer¬
ence to water use “for the purpose of irrigation,” but it also stated, “No water
shall be diverted to the injury of public rights in the stream. A vitally
important section added to the fish propagation statutes in 1925 favored
public fishing rights in navigable waters as follows: “. . . the state conserva¬
tion commission, or its agents and employes, shall not furnish fish or fry
from state hatcheries to private ponds, private clubs, corporations or preserves,
and shall not plant them in waters where the general public is not allowed
the rights and privileges enjoyed by any individual,
There were a number of court decisions which strengthened the state’s
policy of preserving public rights for future generations. Even the final bitter
ruling that Horicon Marsh (State v. Adelmeyer) had to be purchased from
the landowners might be considered one of these for the several good results
of the battle. One decision especially referred to the status of the state as
trustee and its right to complain against an invasion of its rights as trustee
when there is an intrusion by a third person upon the bed of a navigable
water held in trust by it — and this technique for action probably should be
used more of ten.
The court decided in other cases that the state alone may object to plans
for changing the waterlevels or course of a stream even if all riparian owners
agree;®^ authority cannot be given for invasion of the bed of a navigable
stream which would preclude the state from removing such structures when
necessary in aid to navigation;®® unsurveyed islands in unmeandered lakes
are not part of the lake bed no matter their size;®^ the public gains prescrip¬
tive right to enjoy artificial waters after members of the public have used it
for twenty-seven years (Blass Lake) regardless of whether the stream was
! navigable or the bed remains in private ownership;®*^ two Langlade County
lakes of 5.24 and 2.35 acres (deepest points twenty -five feet and eighteen
feet respectively) connected by a channel twenty-two feet long, ten feet wide
i and two feet deep are navigable (even though entirely surrounded by private
I land) and the channel cannot be fenced to prevent access;®® and such sub-
. jects of statewide concern as the conservation of fish and game (also part of
I the public trust and often dependent on water habitat) cannot be considered
merely of “local” interest.®^®
172
Walter E. Scott
One 1930 case deserves special consideration here. The Railroad Com¬
mission had denied the Nekoosa-Edwards Paper Company a permit or license
to maintain a dam on Four Mile Creek, a small Wood County stream flowing
into the Wisconsin River, partly because application was made under the
Milldam Act applying to streams 'not navigable for any purpose.” The Com¬
mission maintained the stream was navigable and that the dam had to be
authorized under the Water Power statutes. In upholding the Commission,
Mr. Justice Crownhart, speaking for the Court, declared.
Navigable waters, in contrast to non-navigable waters, is but one way of
expressing the idea of public waters, in contrast with private waters.
Boating for pleasure is considered navigation as well as boating for
pecuniary profit ... As population increases, these waters are used by the
people for sailing, rowing, canoeing, boating, fishing, hunting, skating,
and other public purposes. While the public right may have originated
in the older use or capacity of the waters for navigation, such public
right having once accrued ... is not lost . . .
He also pointed out that the state’s fish stocking program had kept the small
streams of the state as fishing waters "that the public may more fully enjoy
the sport and recreation of fishing ... so long as they do not trespass on the
private property along the banks.
VI. Preface to the Namekagon Case
The next fourteen years might be considered a preview to the Namekagon
Case, which is the high water mark of all decisions to date, so far as pre¬
serving public rights in Wisconsin navigable waters is concerned. The period
began with Adolph Kanneberg’s 1938 article, "A General Survey of the Water
Power Law,” in which he commented,
. . . state policy is that no dam shall be built for any purpose whatso¬
ever which is capable of developing 50 theoretical horsepower or more
for 50 per cent of the time unless provision is made whereby the state
may acquire the project after 30 years from the date of the permit.^^
This statement also reviewed the many responsibilities of the Public
Service Commission, background history, and cited decisions in a number of
cases during this period involving public rights. To name a few, one required
a larger opening in the "narrows” of Plum Lake, Vilas County; another ordered
a riparian to fill in a ditch he had dug affecting a lake and outlet stream;
and a third declared in favor of public use of a beach on Upper Genesse
Lake in Waukesha County abutting a highway.^^' Reasons were detailed for
refusal to issue a permit to the Central Wisconsin Power Company for a dam
on the Wolf River because the Company had first secured a license for the
dam from the Federal Power Commission. The conflict arose over a federal
recapture clause which would interfere with a similar requirement in the
state statutes
The Conservation Commission showed interest in current problems by
establishing a continuing “Rivers Survey” project with an annual budget of
about $25,000 at their February 1948 meeting.^^ Reflecting the developing
Water Policy Evokition in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 173
strength of the Commission was their endorsement of a Watershed Manage¬
ment Program at the February 1950 meeting with an annual budget of
$228,000^^
Also, the state’s interest was evident when Assistant Attorney General
Hoy G. Tulane is quoted on the subjects of the public trust in surface water
and riparian rights at the half-century mark;
The state owns the water in trust for all public purposes and this in¬
cludes navigation, fishing, hunting and pleasure. Currently the basic state
law is that property owners with riparian rights are entitled to a reason¬
able use but cannot substantially reduce the flow to other riparian owners,
or cause damage to the state . . . There hardly is a free flowing river
in all Wisconsin except the Brule. Only the Wisconsin and Mississippi
rivers are big enough to stand much diversion and still have rivers left.^‘“
Miscellaneous developments of special interest at this time included
federal (Pittman-Robertson) aids to help acquire Horicon Marsh, and the
beginning of the Conservation Commission’s land acquisition program for
wildlife management (Deansville Marsh); establishment of two land
and water management projects — the Central Wisconsin Conservation Area
(1940) and Necedah National Wildlife Refuge (1939); formation of the
Sulphite Pulp Manufacturer’s Research League;^^^ holding of the first public
hearings on Lower Fox River pollution (1948-49) with subsequent clean-up
orders;^® publication of three comprehensive “Reports to the People” by the
Conservation Department, including one on watersheds and water manage¬
ment;^^® presentation of a “Consolidated Report on Wisconsin’s Water Con¬
servation Program and Policy” (assembled and prepared by M. W. Torkelson)
to the President’s Water Policy Commission;^ and also publication of Aldo
Leopold’s articles on “The Flambeau,” making a plea for its preservation as a
“wild river,”^^ and “The Ecological Conscience,” with this critical comment
on “The Flambeau Raid”:
The good soil which enabled the Flambeau to grow the best cork
pine for Paul Bunyan, likewise enabled Rusk County, during recent
decades, to sprout a dairy industry. These dairy farmers wanted cheaper
electric power than that offered by local power companies. Hence they
organized a cooperative REA and applied for a power dam which, when
built, will clip oft the lower reaches of canoe-water which the Conserva¬
tion Commission wanted to keep for recreational use. There was a bitter
political fight, in the course of which the Commission not only withdrew
its opposition to the REA dam, but the legislature, by statute, repealed
the authority of the Public Service Commission and made County Com¬
missioners the ultimate arbiters of conflict between power values and
recreational values. I think I need not dwell on the irony of this statute.
It seals the fate of all wild rivers remaining in the state, including the
Flambeau. It says, in effect, that in deciding the use of rivers, the local
economic interest shall have blanket priority over statewide recreational
interests, with County Commissioners as the umpire.
Attorney General’s opinions during these years stated that the legisla¬
ture had no power to make a grant of the bed of a navigable lake for a
174
Walter E. Scott
private purpose;^ that diversion of water from a lake which reduces flow of
the outlet stream is the same as a diversion from the stream;^ that dumping
ashes in a navigable lake is in violation of the property rights of the state,
and also of other state laws if deleterious to fish life;^* that the Conservation
Department has no authority to issue private fish hatchery licenses on a
“natural” lake;^'® and that in enforcement of the law prohibiting throwing
of debris into public waters, the proof of putting any such things in the
water is proof of violation.^®
An effort to establish a “protected stream list” for the prevention of
any future dams (on 3,300 miles of “Priority I Waters”) was the substance
of a recommendation considered by the Conservation Commission and later
submitted (Bill 113, S.) in revised form (and in vain) to the legislature
for action.^ Other legislation in this period stopped the use of one-half the
income of state swamp land sales for drainage purposes;^® established the
Wolf River Reservoir Company, including power to condemn state lands
repealed and revised the 1907 Wisconsin Valley Reservoir Act, but retained
a recapture clause;^" strengthened the statutes to require the Public Service
Commission to “regulate and control the level and flow of water in all navi¬
gable waters” to better safeguard the public’s rights and also to have them
set levels on lakes used for agricultural irrigation purposes approved the
important County Forest law^‘ and established two new state coordinating
agencies — the Natural Resources Committee^'*^ and the State Board for Pres¬
ervation of Scientific Areas. ^ The former was a compromise from a proposed
bill to create a “Water Use Council.”
The infamous “County Board Law”“’^ passed by the legislature in 1947
to favor a Flambeau River Dam being promoted by the Dairyland Power
Cooperative was not struck down until the Court ruled in the Namekagon
Case. After this, the legislature passed a revised and weakened “County
Board Law.”^'* An explanation of this plan by A. Allen Schmid is good back¬
ground for understanding the importance of the battle for preserving public
rights in navigable waters:
The amendment provided that the economic need of electric power
for the full development of agriculture and industry was to be con¬
sidered along with other public rights. It further required the Public
Service Commission to weigh the recreational use and scenic beauty
of the artificial reservoir against that of the natural river. Another part
of the amendment provided that a dam permit could not be denied on
the ground that the proposed dam would violate public rights in fishing
and scenic beauty if the local county board approved the dam by a
two-thirds vote. It was a provision which favored the hydro-electric
interests, since local people, feeling that a dam would contribute to
their community’s economic growth, usually were in favor of it, even
though some public uses were lost,^^
Besides the court decisions to be discussed later, the most important
new development was the rapid increase in the consumptive use of water
for agricultural irrigation. While some other states may have had less reason
for concern, many of Wisconsin’s finest trout streams were located in the
same areas as the agricultural regions being irrigated on sand-type soils. At
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 175
the close of World War 11 alumiiiiiin production was at a peak and in sur¬
plus and new lightweight pipe was available and strongly promoted for spray-
type irrigation. There were several state and federal bulletins and numerous
articles in agriculture journals encouraging “Humid Region Irrigation.”
Despite the fact that the 1935 legislature added Section 31.14 to the
Statutes^® providing for issuance of permits to divert surplus water from
streams, only one permit had been issued (to the State Department of Public
Welfare) by early 1950.^^ The United States Census of 1934 had reported
seventy-eight farmers irrigating 1,438 acres in Wisconsin while in 1949 the
figure was 354 farmers irrigating 9,781 acres.®“ Most of this was from wells,
pits, and landlocked lakes, all of which did not require a permit, but many
also were irrigating from other surface waters where a permit was required.
As early as February 1948, Lewis C. French of the Milwaukee Journal
staff publicized the fact “one Langlade County potato grower has more than
five miles of this pipe and pumps capable of pulling out 1,000 gallons of
water a minute.”®”^ Late in 1949, Professor F. W. Duffee, Chairman of the
University of Wisconsin’s Agricultural Irrigation Committee, was explaining
publicly that within twenty-five to fifty years possibly 300,000 acres of Cen¬
tral Wisconsin lands would be under irrigation agriculture and that irrigation
would triple in Wisconsin in the next three years. Similar statements were
made by Professor O. 1. Berge of the College of Agriculture, who said, “What
we need is to regulate withdrawal of water and put on the books legal recog¬
nition of irrigation, establishing what the farmer can use, how much and
when.”®®^ An even earlier 1947 United States Department of Agriculture re¬
port reviewed the increasing use of irrigation in producing Wisconsin potato
crops.
In the fall of 1949 the Milwaukee Sentinel carried the following story;
There’s a battle brewing over water use that is making enemies among
leaders of our billion dollar agriculture and our 300 million dollar a year
recreation industry. For proof, residents in the north central counties
in Wisconsin whisper furtively about costly pumping engines ruined by
sand poured into them at night.®^
Early the next year, Virgil J. Muench, President of the Izaak Walton
League of America, criticized professors of the University of Wisconsin for
“promoting irrigation projects” and inferred that they “seem to fail to under¬
stand that all the people of the state have a vital interest in our public water¬
ways.”®^^ About this same time civil suits were filed against three Langlade
County potato growers with large acreage on the Antigo flats for building
barriers to impound waters of Spring Creek for irrigation use without a
permit. The state ordered them to stop drawing off the creek water and they
then resorted to the use of easily available ground water.®"®
Two University of Wisconsin Law School students have given detailed
explanations as to why the Public Service Commission had not required agri¬
cultural irrigators to secure permits when the statute evidently required them.®"^
In brief, the Commission’s replies to requests for information generally were
worded so as to discourage the possible applicant. By March 1950, only one
such permit had been granted to another state agency. On December 12,
176
Walter E. Scott
1950 the Public Service Commission received a reply to a series of ques¬
tions asked on this subject from the Attorney General as follows:
These statutes clearly require that application of water for agricultural
irrigation should be considered and disposed of under section 31.14,
Stats ... it would appear that the public service commission could not
properly determine that water was surplus if its diversion would injure
public rights. . . . Such a permit may be withdrawn or amended by the
commission at any time . . . The pumping of water from a lake which
results in reducing the flow of its outlet stream does constitute a diver¬
sion from the outlet stream.
This decision also indicated that those riparians involved were any located
“downstream from the diversion to the junction of the next stream” and the
common law applied because the Munninghoff case in the Wisconsin Supreme
Court had ruled specifically “that non-riparians did not have a right to the
use of water other than for navigation and its incidents.”®’'^
Schmid reported that the Public Service Commission did not require all
irrigators to have a permit until 1956 and gives this explanation:
In March 1951, James R. Durfee, a lawyer from Antigo, was appointed
to the Commission. Prior to his appointment he was legal counsel for
the Wisconsin Potato Growers Association. Durfee was chairman of the
Commission from 1954 to 1956 and while a member of the Commission
it continued to hold permit hearings only upon complaint.^'’
The Conservation Commission’s policy in regard to these rapidly in¬
creasing supplemental irrigation practices was developed through experience
gained by the Conservation Department. In response to a request from the
Northwest Area for advice. Assistant Director H. T. J. Cramer made the
following reply (in part) :
The policy of the Wisconsin Conservation Department in the matter
of water diversion is to recognize the multiplicity of rights to the use
of the water. It recognizes the riparian’s right under common law to a
reasonable use of the water, considering such defined or authorized
diversions reasonable which are not detrimental to fish, wildlife, vegeta¬
tion, and scenic beauty, or the pursuit of these values. In theory then,
finding that a particular diversion is detrimental to these values, is suffi¬
cient to enable the Public Service Commission to make the necessary
corrective ruling under Chapter 31 of the statutes (31.02 and 31.14) to
protect these recognized public rights. Under existing statutes our policy
is adequate — if we can determine that public rights, particularly the
rights we are charged with, are injured — and if we can demonstrate that
such injury will or is likely to occur ....
The complete absence of observations on flow in most of the waters
likely to be diverted or suitable for diversion, let alone low flow obser¬
vations, makes the problem of demonstrating deleterious effects most
difficult . . . Until far more information is available on low stream flow
conditions Rivers Survey has established a policy of questioning permit¬
ting non-surplus diversion in streams where flow is less than 10 c.f.s.
Water Policy Evoliiiioih in Wisconsin: Protection of the Pul)lic Trust 177
and opposing any diversion where low flow is less than 5 c.f.s. in waters
inhabited by game fish. It has no minimum standards for low flow effects
on game or cover.®’®
The Public Service Commission now was in the business of regulating
diversion of surface waters for supplemental irrigation and the Conservation
Commission of attempting to preserve the public trust as well as the wildlife
and outdoor heritage. It is of no little import that the second application for
such water diversion for supplemental irrigation which was received by the
Public Service Commission, on the Little Wolf River in Marathon County,
was denied because a lower riparian testified he had purchased his property
primarily for its trout fishing values and any diversion would injure his type
of “beneficial use.”®" A talk by Attorney G. R. Coates to the 1950 University
of Wisconsin Farm and Home Week on “Water and the Wisconsin Farmer,”
fired the first shot of severe criticism against the state’s water policy in a
pitched battle for water rights which was to last more than another decade.®'"
Several other items of interest in this period included an Attorney Gen¬
eral’s opinion to the effect that the state could build a dam only as an im¬
provement of a public park (or similar project) and that the Conservation
Commission could build one only when express statutory authorization also
was received.®’® Chief Engineer George P. Steinmetz wrote a memorandum to
members of the Public Service Commission in 1948 calling attention to the
problems of agricultural irrigation and a request from the Conservation De¬
partment for a conference on the subject in conjunction with the University
of Wisconsin College of Agriculture. He referred to a memorandum on the
subject from Sam Bryan dated February 26, 1926, with the comment that
such irrigation had been carried on to some extent for many years under
the “common law” rights of riparians. Steinmetz even related surface water
levels to pumping from high capacity wells for this purpose and urged con¬
sideration of that problem in cooperation with the State Board of Health,
which supervised ground water use.®" The Legislative Council in 1950 pre¬
pared a report on the state’s Water Resources,®'” and Coates, in his January
speech, urged farmers to use whatever surface waters they wished on any of
their land and thereby force others being damaged to prove that the use was
not “reasonable” or the water not “surplus.”®’®
Shortly thereafter, the Public Service Commission set up criteria for
consumptive use of surface waters in the Stanislawski Case (1951), putting
the burden of proof on the applicant, as follows:
The record must therefore establish the following:
1. That the proposed diversion of water other than surplus water
will not be to the injury of public rights in the stream.
2. That all injured riparian owners, if any, have consent thereto.
(1) The burden is upon the applicant to produce evidence sufficient
lo prove these facts. Failure to substantiate either element must result in
denial.
(2) The failure of a riparian owner to appear at a hearing in
response to a direct or published notice does not establish that he will
not be injured by the proposed diversion or that he consents thereto, if
he is injured thereby. Some more specific evidence is essential. Just what
178
Walter E. Scott
form such proof should take or how extensive it should be cannot be here
set forth, since circumstances may differ widely.
It is possible that in certain cases the amount of water to be takelu
from the stream will be so small in comparison with the entire volume of
flow that it may be inferred therefrom that no riparian would be
injured. . .
Shortly thereafter, the Public Service Commission limited any permit for
diversion for purposes of irrigation to land which was riparian to the stream
from which water was to be taken, using the “source of title” definition of
riparian lands as “consisting of the smallest legal subdivision which is in
contact with water or of a larger assembly of legal subdivisions, some por¬
tion of which is in contact with water, and which have come down to present
ownership in an uninteiTupted chain of title from the original government
patent.”^^® Significantly, in 1953 a pioneering “Statement of Watershed De¬
velopment Cooperation” (An Interagency Agreement) was signed by the
United States Soil Conservation Service and three state agencies: Soil Con¬
servation Committee, Agricultural Extension Seiwice and Wisconsin Con¬
servation Department. It has been expanded and revised several times since
and still proves to be a useful tool for coordination and cooperation.
Several court actions in this period were important. In Winnebago County
Circuit Court, a Public Service Commission decision requiring the Cook and
Brown Lime Company to restore fill removed from the bed of Lake Butte des
Morts without a permit was upheld even though the restoration involved con¬
siderable expense.®^ Also, a Chippewa County case of stream pollution by
the City of Stanley is interesting because it involved serious wastes from
local cannery operations and a farmer named Abner Krogan won an award
for damages. Moreover, the canneries subsequently closed some of their plants
in the area — possibly in part for this reason.®^
A policy-setting Federal Circuit Court action brought by the Wisconsin
Public Service Corporation in which they were joined by the state, asked
review of a Federal Power Commission decision requiring a federal license on
the company’s Tomahawk dam built in 1887. The printed transcript of testi¬
mony, showing navigation difficulties in the Wisconsin River prior to the
dams, contains 637 pages and the Corporation’s “brief” another 100 pages.®^'
In the end, the federal court upheld the Federal Power Commission’s deci¬
sion that all of the Wisconsin River was “navigable water of the United States”
and under their jurisdiction so far as this type of obstruction was concerned.®^
A state court case in 1943 dealt with the 25% of natural flow required
to pass through dams and was brought by the Northern States Power Com¬
pany. Limitations of this law were discussed and it was pointed out that its
principal purpose was “. . . to protect rights of riparian owners to a reason¬
able natural adequate flowage of the stream against upper owners cutting
off that flowage.”®^ However, public rights also are present in these mini¬
mum flows and certainly are covered by the court’s decision. The 1949 Mun-
ninghoff Case decision was negative in that it eliminated trapping as one of
the public’s rights in navigable water, but it did result in some benefit and
supported such recreational activities as boating, canoeing, bathing, fishing,
hunting and recreation, “until the heart of the public is content.”®'® In this
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Piihlic Trust
179
case, the briel ol Thomas E. Fairchild and Roy (h Tiilane for the Wisconsin
Conservation Commission was a masterpiece of completeness in explaining
the state’s viewpoint and stated in part:
If meaning is to be accorded to the phrase “FOREVER FREE”, con¬
sistent with the legitimate restrictions that have been put upon it, it can
only mean that the navigable waters are common property which all the
people have a right to go upon, to navigate, and to the incidents of
navigation and it is owned by the state in trust for the preservation of
such rights. If the navigable waters are common property or public prop¬
erty and required to he preserved as such by the Constitution, then
obviously no man can be given a special privilege therein for a private
purpose. If any portion of our navigable waters can be surrendered to
private control and the public excluded therefrom then all portions could
be likewise transferred to private control and the public rights defeated
in toto.^
VII. The Namekagon Case
The Namekagon Case^‘”“ was instigated by the Wisconsin Division of
the Izaak Walton League of America in the name of their President, Attorney
Virgil J. Muench of Green Bay, and with the counsel of Attorney Alfred
Sutherland of Fond du Lac. It was supported by the Wisconsin Conservation
Commission and the Attorney General’s office. The Public Service Commis¬
sion invited this case by refusing to make a finding on the scenic values in¬
volved on an application for a dam on the Namekagon River in Washburn
County. Many serious questions of Wisconsin water policy were laid to rest
by the outstanding decision handed down for the Court by Mr. Justice Currie
in 1952, reversing an earlier decision in the Dane County Circuit Court. The
earlier judgment in favor of the Public Service Commission’s grant of permit
not only was reversed, but the case was sent back to them for further pro¬
ceedings in accordance with the high court’s opinion. Most important was
the finding that the “County Board Law” section of the statutes was uncon¬
stitutional, as follows:
The delegation of power attempted in the “county board law” permits
the “public right to the enjoyment of fishing, hunting, or natural scenic
beauty” in a navigable stream to be seriously impaired or destroyed
through action of a county board and the Public Service Commission
action is rendered powerless thereby to intervene to protect these public
rights. Such an attempted delegation of power by the legislature, in¬
volving as it does a complete abdication of the trust, is therefore void.*'^"”
However, the decision involved many other findings, including:
1) The Public Service Commission decisions are reviewable in the courts.
2) Attorney Muench was declared a person “aggrieved” and “directly
affected” even though he was not a riparian owner and lived many miles
away from Washburn County.
3) The Attorney General has a right to intervene and it is the duty
of the state through its Wisconsin Conservation Commission to appear in be-
180
Walter E. Scott
half of the public in proceedings pending before the Public Service Com¬
mission in their judicial capacity as was done in this case.
4) The Public Service Commission will be required to make findings
‘'as to whether public rights for the recreational enjoyment of this stream in
its present natural condition outweigh the benefits to the public which would
result in the construction of the dam.”
The Court defined Wisconsin’s water policy trend by observing that it
was the purpose
in development of the law of navigable waters in this state to extend
the rights of the general public to the recreational use of the waters of
this state, and to protect the public in the enjoyment of such rights . . .
The right of the citizens of the state to enjoy our navigable streams
for recreational purposes, including the enjoyment of scenic beauty, is
a legal right that is entitled to all the protection which is given to financial
rights. ''''''
The sequel to the Namekagon Case was even sweeter than this excellent
decision. Namekagon Hydro Company had requested a federal license from
the Federal Power Commission simultaneously with their litigation in Wis¬
consin. Before the Public Service Commission made a new decision in ac¬
cordance with directions from the Court, their problem was solved by the
Federal Circuit Court of Appeals (Seventh District) which supported the
Federal Power Commission’s refusal of a license. In a strongly worded en¬
dorsement of the Wisconsin Supreme Court’s earlier decision, Chief Judge
Duffy declared for this Court that the free-flowing “wild river” qualities of
this twenty-two mile stretch of the Namekagon River in Washburn County
were to be preserved for the future. Their decision pointed out that eighty-
five other lakes in a ten mile radius offered recreation similar to that offered
by another flowage, and “that there would be nothing unusual or unique about
a body of water thus formed.” The Court endorsed the Federal Power Com¬
mission decision
that the unique recreational features of the river were of greater public
benefit than the use of the river for water-j^ower development . . . and
which the Commission has determined that it was bound to protect in
the public interest. No modification of the project short of its prohibition
would serve the public interest.'^"’
This federal decision has made a tremendous difference in preservation
of public rights in Wisconsin’s navigable waters, especially in the present
decade. Of late years there has been an unprecedented trend toward the
use of public waters in many ways unfavorable to their future life, such as
by pollution, diversion, encroachment, obstruction, enlargement and many
other forms of manipulation for private interest or profit.
VIIT. Conclusion — The Pendulum Swings
Wisconsin’s water policy has evolved gradually over the past century
and there have been many battles over the decisions — political, legislative and
judicial, and involving many administrative agencies and private interest
groups. This latter category includes the large number of conservation and
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 181
sportsmen’s organizations which have so much to lose if public rights in
navigable waters of the state are weakened in any manner. The latest decade,
when agricultural interests clashed most appressively with the conservationists
over the use of surface waters, already has been reviewed in detail elsewhere
and therefore was not included here.^" Also, the smoke has not completely
cleared as yet from that encounter and it is difficult to see it in historical
perspective.
As stated earlier, the pendulum swings from some weakening decision
to another with strengthening qualities for preservation of the public trust.
However, it is evident that any losses from the original heritage of this trust
are very difficult to regain and much already is gone. In this paper the
strengthening decisions have been stressed but reference has been made to
the concerted effort being made by some to point out the decisions which
have had a weakening effect. The presumption seems to be that if this can
be done for one special interest, such as the consumptive use of water in
agricultural irrigation, there is no reason why it cannot also be done for others.
In this respect, Richard Harnsberger, in his thesis on “The Present and Future
Status of Public and Private Rights in Wisconsin’s Waters,” claimed that the
first modification of our “Riparian Doctrine” incorporating a feature of the
“Western Prior Appropriation Doctrine,” was the Milldam Act of 1840 when
Wisconsin was a Territory Likewise, A. Allan Schmid writes: “There is no
provision in the statutes permitting the communal benefits of irrigation to
be weighed against any losses in other public rights, as was the case in legis¬
lation affecting dams.”’*“
There always has been a close relationship between the state and federal
Supreme Courts so far as their decisions are concerned and in this there is
hope for the future. A typical example of this was in the federal case of
Holyoke Water Power v. Lyman in which Mr. Justice Clifford delivered the
opinion of the Court as follows (in part) :
Rivers, though not navigable even for boats or rafts, and even
smaller streams of water, may be and often are regarded as public rights,
subject to legislative control, as the means for creating power for oper¬
ating mills and machinery, or as the source for furnishing a valuable
supply of fish, suitable for food and sustenance. Such water-power is
everywhere regarded as a public right, and fisheries of the kind, even in
waters not navigable, are also so far public rights that the legislature of
the State may ordain and establish regulations to prevent obstructions
to the passage of the fish, and to promote the usual and uninterrupted
enjoyment of the right by the riparian owners.
This case subsequently was quoted by the Wisconsin Court in the case of
State V. Nergaard, in which it was stated:
We believe it has never been seriously denied (and it is now cer¬
tainly too late to deny) that the state has the right, in the exercise of its
police power, to make all reasonable regulations for the preservation of
fish and game within its limits.'*^'^
Since one of the major controversies so far as use of the public waters
jn lakes and streams is concerned always will be in respect to fish and fishing.
182
Walter E. Scott
tile definition of a Wisconsin navigable stream as “one in which a trout can
swim on its side” is of interest. Possibly the closest reference to this statement
ever being made by an authority on the state’s water law was found in the
text of a radio talk presented by Adolph Kanneberg in 1940, and that may
be where the story started. Commenting on the 1911 amendments (Chapter
652) to the Wisconsin water laws, he said that it
was intended to enlarge the definition of a navigable stream by including
streams of lesser capacity than that required to float saw logs to mill or
market. Perhaps the legislature intended to include streams of a capacity
to float pulpwood, as is practiced, we are informed, in New York State
and Canada. If this interpretation is correct, then most any stream
capable of supporting game fish is navigable and public.®^
That the future still is questionable is quite obvious. Even though public
rights in water may be better protected — including both non-navigable streams
and ground waters — the constantly increasing pressure of man’s developments
on the land and use of these waters will tend to diminish the value of this
public trust. Gradual impairment over the years will make remaining unspoiled
water resources even more precious, inspiring interested citizens to fight even
harder for their legacy.
Professor J. H. Beuscher has referred to the public rights in Wisconsin’s
navigable waters as a “burden” on the abutting riparian land but has added
that “the public rights will, when the chips are down, prevail.” He then
goes on to indicate, however, that there is latitude for adjustment in specific
situations “which will permit the private owner to accomplish his desires
without substantially impairing the public’s rights.”®^ (Underlining is mine).
It is this “annoying and wearing away” of the public waters that continues
to reduce the quality, quantity and value of this sacred trust.
In a recent paper, Harold H. Ellis of the University of Wisconsin Law
School reported on “Water Rights and Legislation in the Eastern States,” with
some interesting observations in his summary. He recognizes the importance
of the question “how to define and safeguard the public interest” and the
arguments which have arisen over the use of “some type of maximum-net-
benefits principle ... as a primary general goal of a water-rights system.”
However, he then points out the fact that “more detailed areas of concern
may include such questions as the feasibility or method of making and utiliz¬
ing monetary evaluations of alternative uses of water and how to ascertain
and what to do about so-called spill-over or external costs or benefits.”"®^
(Underlining is mine).
Possibly Luna Leopold, Chief Hydraulic Engineer of the United States
Geological Survey, gave the best analysis of this suggestion in his talk before
the Izaak Walton League in Colorado several years ago when he said:
... We as a people must recognize that certain esthetic and ethical
values are important — values sufficiently important, in fact, to be pre¬
served whether or not they are compatible with the greatest monetary
return from our resources. In the field of water we must face the fact
that to preserve any stream from pollution, to preserve any piece of
wilderness, we must make this decision before the pressures for exploita¬
tion become too great. Not all places can be preserved the way we
Water FoUcy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust 183
would like to have them; not all streams can be free of pollution. In
this civilized society rivers must continue to serve the important pur¬
poses of dilution and transportation of wastes. But if we judge values
only in economic terms, eventually no piece of country will remain un¬
touched and no stream unpolluted.®^
So for Wisconsin, there shall be a continuing controversy — and many
battles- — between “Economic Development and Natural Resource Conserva¬
tion.”®®® The hopes for the future lie partly in the several state agencies charged
with various responsibilities for protection of public rights in the state’s water
resources, primarily the Public Service Commission, Conservation Commis¬
sion, State Committee on Water Pollution and Board of Health.®^® Many others
have vitally important duties such as comprehensive planning, zoning and
platting controls (Department of Resource Development), scenic beauty pres¬
ervation along waterways (Highway Commission) and natural areas preser¬
vation (State Board of Preservation of Scientific Areas).
The future also will bring additional decisions by the Attorney Ceneral,
the Legislature, and the state and federal Supreme Courts. For Wisconsin,
the 1959 court decisions in Nekoosa-Edwards Paper Co. v. Public Service
Commission again was a “high water mark” for public rights although the
battle largely involved private riparian rights as related to agricultural irri¬
gation under the 1935 permit law. The Court rightly pointed out that Section
31.14 included “rights of the public, sportsmen . . and those people interested
in recreation, conservation and the enjoyment of natural scenic beauty” as
well as other private and public utility water users and they “all are a part
of the water problem.
Whether the increased legislative power of urban communities through
the “one person-one vote” decision will help or hinder the cause of public
rights protection in the state’s water resources remains to be seen. It can be
said that rural agricultural irrigation from sources affecting navigable surface
waters and other rural-based activities such as taconite mining and flowage
developments may expect to receive critical evaluation and even opposition
from urban citizens in some cases. However, the justification of any opposi¬
tion depends upon understanding of these problems by the public and accen¬
tuates the great need for more research on water resource problems as well
as better communication of such facts to the people.
Citizens of Wisconsin must be given credit for their alert and militant
action in many cases when they joined together for preservation of some
principle or choice water area which they considered worthy of preservation.
Credit also should go to a conscientious Supreme Court, capable statesmen,
outstanding educators and public administrators. Still, it must be remembered
that it was Wisconsin’s unusually fine natural heritage which made these
waters worth fighting about, even by private riparians — that made a large part
of the difference.
But history reveals the erosion of quality in public waters due to con¬
tinual small changes which individually have not challenged the public’s
conscience or which did not seem important enough for a fight. Even worse,
some major battles were lost in spite of the efforts of state agencies as the
184
alter E. Scott
Conservation Commission, as chronicled by Aldo Leopold as he reflected and
“healed the wounds” he had received in the conflict:
We lost the Flambeau as a logical consequence of the fallacy that
conservation can be achieved easily. It cannot. Parts of every well-
rounded conservation program entail sacrifice, usually local, but none-the-
less real. The farmers’ raid on our last wild river is just like any other
raid on any other public wealth; the only defense is a widespread public
awareness of the values at stake. There was none.
He then went on to his oft-quoted and classic observation:
The practice of conservation must spring from a conviction of what
is ethically and esthetically right, as well as what is economically ex¬
pedient. A thing is right only when it tends to preserve the integrity,
stability, and beauty of the community, and the community includes
the soil, waters, fauna, and flora, as well as people.®*^-’
In 1931 Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes stated that “a river is more than
an amenity, it is a treasure ... It offers a necessity of life that must be ra¬
tioned among those who have power over it.”^^ His comments apply as well
to lakes, ponds and springs — and to the ground waters which continually feed
the flowing surface waters. It must be clearly recognized that “those who have
power over it” refers to the public as well as to private riparian owners and
that public rights are paramount to private rights. Although those who make
the decisions for rationing these waters need the wisdom of Solomon, their
decisions will be wiser when based upon facts resulting from adequate re¬
search. Each water resource problem will contain different factors from the
others and as conditions change frequently, searching for these truths requires
a never-ending process. Actually, it will become more urgent and important
in proportion to increasing population pressure on the water resource.
This year Harold E. Alexander of Arkansas reported to the North Ameri¬
can Wildlife and Natural Resources Conference that
Wisconsin has the most positive program to preserve some of its fine
streams. They have prepared positive conservation policies, explored legal
avenues, conducted surveys and encouraged public groups in efforts to
establish a state system of wild rivers.'^
May the state of Wisconsin ever continue its efforts to protect and pre¬
serve public rights in its water resources!
References Cited
1. L. P. Voigt, The Wisconsin Idea in Conservation, (WCD, Madison, 1963),
p. 6.
2. Harvey E. Wirth, Water Use in Wisconsin, (SBH, Madison, 1959).
3. “Wisconsin’s Rich Heritage in Public Surface Waters” (map), Wisconsin
Academy Review, Vol. 9, No. 2, 1962, pp. 72-73.
4. William E. Tokkelson, “What Legislation Has Accomplished for Protection
of Wisconsin Waters.” Proceedings, Inlaml Waters Seminar, Mich. Nat. Res.
Council (Lansing, Mich., 1964), p. 61.
5. Adolph Kanneberg, “Wisconsin Law of Waters,” Wisconsin Law Review
(Madison, fuly, 1946), pp. 351-52.
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust
185
6. Roger GRiFFiras, “An Essay . . (London, 1746), xi.
7. Ibid, pp. 10'8-109«
8. Harold E. Alexander, “Problems and Progress in Stream Preservation,’’
Transactions, Thirtieth N. A. Wildlife and Nat. Res. Conference, Wildlife
Mgt. Inst, (Washington, D.C., 1965).
9. See Phase Reports No. 22 and 23, U, W. Law School Contract with U.S.D.A.
on “Legal and Economic Aspects of Water Rights in Minnesota, Wisconsin,
Indiana and Ohio” ( 1961 ) and “An Analysis of Private and Public Water
Rights in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Indiana and Ohio” ( 1961 ) and George
Taack, “Administrative Problems and Approaches for Michigan’s Inland
Lakes and Streams,” Proceedings, Inland Waters Seminar, Mich. Nat. Res.
Council (Lansing, Mich., 1964), p. 8.
10. J. H. Beuschem, “Wisconsin’s Law of Water Use,” Wiscomin Bar Bull. (Madi¬
son, Oct. 1958), pp. 30-37.
11. William George Ballantine and Frederick Hans Larsen, “Consumptive
Use of Water in Wisconsin” (unpublished thesis, Hydrology Laboratory,
University of Wisconsin, 1951), p. 11.
12. See J. H. Beuscher, “Appropriation Water Law Elements in Riparian Doc¬
trine States,” Buffalo Law Review (Buffalo, N, Y., 1961), pp. 256-57;
Glenn R. Coates, “Present and Proposed Legal Control of Water Resources
in Wisconsin,” Wisconsin Law Review (Madison, March, 1953), and U. W.
Law School Phase Reports, especially No. 22 part by Frank J. Trelease
(n. 9 above).
13. Earl Finbar Murphy, Water Purity: A Study In Legal Control of Natural
Resources (Madison: U. W. Press, 1961), and C. Graham Waite, “Public
Rights to Use and Have Access to Navigable Waters,” Wisconsin Law
Review (Madison, May, 1958) and “The Dilemma of Water Recreation
and a Suggested Solution,” Wisconsin Law Review (Madison, luly, 1958).
14. A. Allen Schmid, “Water and the Law in Wisconsin,” Wisconsin Magazine
of History (Madison, Spring, 1962), pp. 207-208.
15. L. A. Posekany, “Competitive Uses of Public Waters,” Transactions, LIII
(Part A), Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters (Madison, 1964),
p. 119.
16. Acts, n. 1.
17. Kanneberg, loc. cit.
18. Cases, n. 1.
19. Acts, n. 2.
20. Kanneberg, op. cit., p. 357.
21. Acts, n. 3.
22. Ernst G. Timme, Compilation of United States Laws, State Laws, Decisions,
Messages and Correspondence Relating to the Swamp and Overflowed Land
Fund of the State of Wisconsin (Madison, 1882, pp. 9-15).
23. Acts. n. 4.
24. John Berkley, “Drainage,” Transactions, Wisconsin State Agricultural Society
(Madison, 1854), p. 174.
25. Acts, n. 2.
26. Oases, n, 2.
27. Cases, n. 3 and 4. d.
28. Acts, n. 5.
29. Cases, n. 5.
30. Acts, n. 6.
31. Acts, n. 7.
32. I. A. Lapham, j. G. Knapp and H. Crocker (Forestry Commission), Report
on the Disastrous Effects of the Destruction of Forest Trees, Now Going
on So Rapidly in the State of Wisconsin (Madison, 1867), pp. 4-17.
186
Walter E. Scott
33. Acts, n. 8.
34. C. S. Whittier, “Cranberry Culture and die Management of a Cranberry
Farm,” Transactions, Wisconsin State Horticultural Society (Madison, 1877),
pp. 53-59.
35. Acts, n. 9.
36. Adolph Kanneberg, “Water Rights and the Diversion of Water,” Unpub¬
lished MMS talk to Wisconsin Cranberry Growers Assn, about August 1,
1935 (from. Files PSC).
37. Reports, n. 1.
38. Cases, n. 6.
39. Cases, n. 7.
40. Cases, n. 8.
41. Cases, n. 9.
42. Cases, n. 10.
43. Cases, n. 11.
44. Cases, n. 12.
45. Cases, n. 9.
46. Murphy, op. cit., pp. 74-75 and 188.
47. I. A. Lapham, “Oconomowoc Lake, and other Small Lakes of Wisconsin,
Considered with Reference to their Capacity for Fish-Production,” Transac¬
tions, III, Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters (Madison,
1876), pp. 31-36.
48. Acts, n. 10.
49. Acts, n. 11.
50. Acts, n. 12 and also E. M. Griffith, “History of Forestry in Wisconsin,”
University of Toronto, MMS, Fernow Papers (ca. 1915).
51. Timme, op. cit., p. 243.
52. Cases, n. 13,
53. Cases, n. 14.
54. Cases, n. 15.
55. Acts, n. 13.
56. Reports, n. 2.
57. Thomas W. Orbison’s report on Wolf River Storage Reservoirs in Official
MMS Record, Legislative Committee on Water Powers, Forestry and Drain¬
age, (1909-1910), Legislative Reference Bureau, State Capitol, Madison.
58. Reports, n. 3.
59. Reports, n. 4.
60. The University and the Erosion Problem (Science Inquiry), Bull. U. W. Series
2097 (ca. 1935), pp. 18-19.
61. E. A. Birge, O. a. Olsen and H. P. Harder, “Plankton Studies on Lake
Mendota, I., Transactions, X, Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and
Letters (1895), pp. 421-84.
62. Ibid. pp. 595-607.
63. Cases, n. 16.
64. Cases, n. 17.
65. Cases, n. 18.
66. Cases, n. 19.
67. Cases, n, 20.
68. Cases, n. 21.
69. Cases, n. 22.
70. Acts, n. 14.
71. Acts, n. 15.
72. Acts, n. 16.
73. Acts, n. 17.
74. Murphy, op. cit.
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust
187
75. Acts, n. 18.
76. Reports, n. 5.
77. Cases, n. 23.
78. Cases, n. 24.
79. Cases, n. 25.
80. Cases, n. 26.
81. Cases, n. 27.
82. Cases, n. 28.
83. Cases, n. 29.
84. Cases, n. 30.
85. Cases, n. 31.
86. Cases, n. 32.
87. WGNHS Report (Madison, 1898), pp. 40-42.
88. N. M. Fenneman, WGNHS, (Madison, 1902).
89. Dwight Marsh, WGNHS, (Madison, 1903).
90. Unpublished Thesis, University of Chicago (later published with Samuel Weid-
man), WGNHS, (Madison, 1915).
91. Bulletin, University of Wisconsin, Engineering Series No. 106 (Madison, 1905).
92. Acts, n. 19.
93. Acts, n. 20.
94. Acts, n. 21.
95. Acts, n. 22.
96. Fish Commission Minutes and Related Materials from Organization in 1874
to Consolidation with Conservation Commission in 1915, WCD (Madison,
1963).
97. Acts, n. 23.
98. Edwin E. Bryant, “The Power of the State to Regulate Fisheries, and the
Taking of Fish;” also see Reports, n. 6.
99. Reports, n. 7.
100. E. M. Griffith (Sec.), Wisconsin State Board of Forestry Minutes of Meet¬
ings, July 19, 1904 to January 29, 1915, WGD (Madison, 1958).
101. Acts, n. 24,
102. Leonard S. Smith, The Water Powers of Wisconsin. WGNHS Bulletin XX
(Madison, 1908), p. 135.
103. Robert Wells, “The Legacy of H. H. Bennett — A Time Remembered,” The
Milwaukee Journal, May 2, 1965, p. 14 Roto Section.
104. Reports, n. 8.
105. Griffith, op. cit., p. 7.
106. Ibid., pp. 10-14, and Kanneberg, op cit., p. 360.
107. W, J. McGee (Rec. Sec.), Proceedings of a Conference of Governors, May
13-15, 1908 (Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office, 1909).
108. McGee, April, 1908, pp. 300-303.
109. Matthews, May, 1908, pp. 694-704.
110. Charles R. Van Hise, The Conservation of Natural Resources in the United
States, (New York; The MacMillan Co., 1910).
111. McGee, Proceedings, op. cit., p. 48.
112. Reports, n. 9.
113. Smith, op. cit., p. 1.
114. Wisconsin Governor, 1909 (Davidson), Message to Legislature, p. 13.
115. Reports, n. 9, (Introduction).
116. Ibid., (Birge),p. 11.
117. Acts, n. 25.
118. Reports, n. 10.
119. Ibid., Verbatim Transcript, p. 1295.
188
Walter E. Scott
120. Neal Brown, In the Matter of Proposed Legislation before the Wisconsin
Legislature Asserting Ownership on the Part of the State to the Water
Powers of Wisconsin. Before the Joint Committee on Forestry of the Wis¬
consin Legislature, 1909, p. 5.
121. Reports, n. 10, Verbatim Transcript, pp. 2357-58.
122. Ibid., pp. 2359-85.
123. Ibid., pp. 2695-2864.
124. Ibid., pp. 2865-68 and p. 2887.
125. Ibid., p. 2894.
126. Ibid., pp. 1246-71.
127. U. S. Congress, Senate, Doc. No. 449, 61st Cong., 2nd Sess., 1910.
128. Reports, n. 10, Verbatim Transcript, pp. 1552-1638.
129. Orbison, op. cit., p. 4 (Neenah Hearing).
130. Ibid., p. 311.
131. Reports, n. 11.
132. Ibid., p. 20.
133. Ibid., p. 55.
134. Reports, n. 10, Verbatim Transcript, p. 1402.
135. Acts, n. 26.
136. Adolph Kanneberg, A General Survey of the Water Power Law of Wisconsin,
PSC (Madison, 1938).
137. Reports, n. 12.
138. Ibid., pp. 48-49.
139. Reports, n. 13.
140. Supplemental Argument by Neal Brown, Wausau, before the Committee on
Water Powers, Forestry and Drainage of the Wisconsin Legislature, (Wau¬
sau, 1910).
141. Ibid., p. 26.
142. Ibid., p. 19.
143. Reports, n. 10, and Letter from Thomas Kearney of Kearney, Thompson
& Meyers (Racine), September 28, 1910, in Wis. State Hist. Soc. MMS,
Husting Papers (Box 1).
144. Ibid.
145. Ibid., (Document ca. 1914?)
146. The Blue Book of Wisconsin (Madison, 1911), p. 338.
147. Cases, n. 33 and also Reports, n. 14 and n. 16, p. 10.
148. Griffith, (MMS) op. cit., p. 14.
149. Husting Papers (n. 143 above) Box 1, The State of Wisconsin on the Rela¬
tion of Wausau Street Railway Co. (Plaintiff) v. The Hon. the Att. Gen.
of Wisconsin.
150. Senate Conservation Committee and Assembly State Affairs and Joint Finance
Committees, Hearings on Water Power Bill, no. 454, S. (1913) Part II, p.
292, Legislative Reference Bureau, State Capitol.
151. Letter from Hon. Robert La Follette, Sr., Senator for Wisconsin, Wash¬
ington, D. C. August 21, 1913, Husting Papers, op. cit., (Box H).
152. Letter from Theodore W. Brazeau to Senate Conservation Committee on Pro¬
posed Substitute to Bill 454, S., June 18, 1913, Husting Papers, op. cit.,
(Box II).
153. W. J. Anderson, A Compilation of the Laws Relating to the Regulation of
Public Utilities (Including Water Powers), 1907-1919, Railroad Commis¬
sion (Madison, 1920), pp. 58-59 and 67.
154. Kanneberg (Water Power Law) op. cit., p. 1.
155. Legislative Reference Bureau (Madison, State Capitol) Water Power News¬
paper Clippings.
156. Milwaukee loufnal. May 11, 1915, LRB Clippings.
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust
189
157. Milwaukee Leader, June 15, 1915, LRB Clippings.
158. Milwaukee Daily News, June 17, 1915, LRB Clippings.
159. J. C. Ralston, The Milwaukee Journal, Nov. 23, 1924, LRB Clippings.
160. Acts, n. 27.
161. Kanneberg, op. cit., p. 368, and see also his ‘'Electric Power Situation in
Wisconsin,” pp. 336-339 in Reports, n. 17.
162. Acts, n. 28.
163. Acts, n. 29.
164. Acts, n. 30.
165. Cases, n. 34.
166. Acts, n. 31.
167. Murphy, op. cit., p. 80.
168. Acts, n. 32.
169. Reports, n. 15.
170. Wisconsin Conservation Laws, 1963-64, WCD (Madison, 1964).
171. Acts, n. 33.
172. Acts, n. 34.
173. Acts, n. 35.
174. Acts, n. 36.
175. Acts, n. 37.
176. Bills 344, S. (1909) and 673, A. (1911).
177. Cases, n. 35.
178. Cases, n. 36.
179. Ibid.
180. Cases, n. 37.
181. Cases, n. 38.
182. Cases, n. 39.
183. Cases, n. 40,
184. Cases, n. 41.
185. Cases, n. 42.
186. Cases, n. 43, and Kanneberg (Law of Waters), op. cit., pp. 391-92.
187. Item n. 100 (January 20, 1908)
188. Ibid. (May 6, 1909).
189. Van Hise, op. cit., p. 204 (U. S. Supreme Court Case quotation from Penn¬
sylvania Law Review, December 1909), p. 155.
190. Transactions, WASAL, Part I, No. 3, Vol. XVII, p. 200 (Madison, 1911).
191. Frank C. Baker, “The Fauna of the Lake Winnebago Region,” Transactions,
WASAL, Vol. XXI, (Madison, 1924), 115.
192. E, R. Jones and O. R. Zeasman, Tile Drainage on the Farm, U. W. Agr.
Expt. Station Bull. 284 (Madison, 1917), pp. 3-4.
193. Reports, n, 1.
194. Ibid., pp. 489-540.
195. Op. cit.. Item 96 (January 23, 1905).
196. Reports, n. 18.
197. Ibid., p. 59.
198. Report of the Fifth Annual Convention of the Wisconsin Division of the Izaak
Walton League of America (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Nov, 10-11, 1927).
199. Reports, n. 19.
200. Fred Luening, “Trail’s End” in Report of the Third Annual Convention of
the Wisconsin Division of the Izaak Walton League of America (Green
Bay, Wisconsin, October 14-15, 1925), pp. 42-43.
201. C. M. Baker (State Sanitary Engineer), “A Backlash,” Ibid., p. 59.
202. Aldo Leopold, “Forestry in Wisconsin,” Ibid., pp. 82-84.
203. John M. Gaus, Forest Land Use in Wisconsin, Executive Office (Madison,
1932), p. 148 ( bioliography ) .
190
Walter E. Scott
204. Reports, n. 19, pp. 127-236.
205. Reports, n. 19, p. 276.
206. Reports, n. 14, p. 16.
207. Acts, n. 38.
208. Reports, n. 20.
209. O. R. Zeasman and I. O. Hembre, A Brief History of Erosion Control in
Wisconsin, State Soil and Water Conservation Committee and U. W. Ex¬
tension Service (Madison, 1963).
210. Opinions, n. 1.
211. Opinions, n. 2.
212. Opinions, n. 3.
213. Opinions, n. 4.
214. Opinions, n. 5.
215. Cases, n. 44.
216. Cases, n. 45.
217. Reports, n. 17, pp. 338-39.
218. Cases, n. 46.
219. Cases, n. 47.
220. Cases, n. 48.
221. Cases, n. 49.
222. Cases, n. 50.
223. Reports, n. 20, p. 3.
224. Wisconsin Supreme Court, Case No. 34 (Aug. Term 1935), State of Wis¬
consin V. Frank Adelmeyer et al., p. 132 of record.
225. Louis Radke, Horicon Marsh History, (Horicon, ca. 1935), p, 9.
226. George S. Wehrwein and Kenneth H. Parsons, Recreation As a Land Use,
U. W. Agr. Expt. Station Bull. 422 (Madison, 1932), and See also n. 209.
227. The University and Conservation of Wisconsin Waters, ( Science Inquiry II,
Serial No. 2193), Bull. U. W, (Madison, 1936), pp. 19-20; 41-42 and 44.
228. loHN M. Gaus, “Conservation in Wisconsin,” Blue Book (Madison, 1933),
p. 69.
229. Land Economic Inventory of Juneau County, No. 1, Div. of Land Economic
Inventory of Executive Council, (Madison, 1934).
230. M. W. Torkelson, Ed., Regional Planning Committee Progress Report, Bull.
No. 1 (Madison, 1034); See also Acts, n. 39.
231. W. A, Rowlands, “The History of Rural Zoning in Wisconsin,” Wis. Acad.
Review, Spring 1963, pp. 55-57.
232. C. B. Whitnall, “Milwaukee’s Efforts in City and Regional Planning,” City
Planning, Oct. 1929, and “How the Kinnickinnic Should Look,” (Milwau¬
kee, ca. 1931).
233. H. T. 1. Cramer, “The Wisconsin Water Regulatory Board,” Wis. Cons. Bull.,
WCD (Madison, April 1940), pp. 3-9.
234. Reports n. 17, pp. 52 and 336.
235. U. S. Congress, House of Representatives, Doc. No. 276, 72nd Cong., 1st
Session, 1932, p. 21.
236. Fred Luening, The Conservation Essays, (The Milwaukee Journal, 1930),
“Lakes, Streams and Marshes,” p. 28.
237. See n. 136, pp. 25-27 (Respectively PSC Dockets WP-434; 2-WP-llO;
2-WP-124 and 2-WP-326). Also see Reports n. 21 for earlier cases.
238. Acts, n. 40.
239. Att. Gen. Op. n. 6.
240. Acts, n. 41.
241. Reports, n. 4.
242. See Item n. 36.
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust
191
243. Schmid, op. ctt., pp. 213-215. See also brief “In Re Bill 234, A. (undoubtedly
by A. Kanneberg) on legal and administrative aspects of original bill in
PSC files, dated Jan. 22, 1935.
244. See original files in PSC and hearing record at Secretary of State’s office.
Also see Kanneberg, Item n. 5, pp. 371-74.
245. See Item n. 36, Schmid, op. cit., p. 213 and Adolph Kanneberg, “A Study
of the Laws Pertaining to the Culture of Cranberries,” PSC (Madison, ca.
1942?).
246. Kanneberg, Law of Waters, op. cit., p. 373.
247. Official Minutes, Wisconsin Conservation Commission, April 14, 1936, pp.
10-11.
248. Arno T. Lenz, “A Water Resources Plan for the State of Wisconsin” (un¬
published thesis for degree in Civil Engineering, University of Wisconsin,
1937).
249. Acts, n. 39.
250. Acts, n, 42.
251. Acts, n. 43.
252. Acts, n. 44.
253. Acts, n. 40.
254. Acts, n. 45.
255. Acts, n. 41.
256. Acts, n. 46.
257. Acts, n. 47.
258. Acts, n. 48.
259. Acts, n. 49.
260. Schmid, loc. cit., p. 207.
261. Kanneberg, Law of Waters, op. cit., p. 372.
262. Statutes Relating to Wild Animals, WCD (Madison, 1925), pp. 76-77 (Sec.
29.50).
263. Cases, n. 51.
264. Cases, n. 52.
265. Cases, n. 53.
266. Cases, n. 54.
267. Cases, n. 55.
268. Cases, n. 56.
269. Cases, n. 57.
270. Cases, n. 58.
271. See Item n. 136, Adolph Kanneberg also published “Log Driving and the
Rafting of Lumber in Wisconsin” (84 pp. plus exhibits, reviewing many
cases of use of navigable water), PSC (Madison, 1944).
272. See Item n. 136, p. 26 (Respectively, PSC Dockets 2-WP-223; 2-WP-69 and
2-WP-19).
273. Ibid., pp. 13-14.
274. “Project Set Up for Survey of Rivers,” Activities Progress Report, No. 4,
WCD (Madison, Feb. 28, 1948),
275. “Watershed-Steam Management Program Initiated,” Activities Progress Re¬
port, No. 24, WCD (Madison, March 8, 1950), p. 9.
276. “Whose Water Is It? Overhaul of State Laws Expected to Put Sharper Teeth
in Regulations,” The Milwaukee Journal, August 27, 1950, p, 1.
277. Murphy, op. cit., pp, 104-105 and 198.
278. Ibid., pp. 92-93 and 192-93, and see T. F. Wisnieski, “Progress in Pollution
Control,” SCWP (Madison, Revised 1960)
279. Walter E. Scott, “Report to the People of Wisconsin on Cover Destruction,
Habitat Improvement and Watershed Problems of the State in 1950,” Wis.
Cons. Bull. (Madison, Feb. 1951).
192
Walter E. Scott
280. M. W. Torkelson, Statement Before Hearing on the President’s Policy Com¬
mission on Water Resources, Columbus, Ohio, July 24, 1950.
281. Aldo Leopold, “The Flambeau,” Wis. Cons. Bull., March, 1943, pp. 13-17;
and “The Ecological Conscience,” Wis. Cons. Bull., Dec. 1947, pp. 4-7.
282. Opinions, n. 7.
283. Opinions, n. 8.
284. Opinions, n. 9.
285. Opinions, n. 10.
286. Opinions, n. 11.
287. “Name 3,300 Miles of Stream for Priority Protection,” Activities Progress
Report, No. 47, June 19, 1952 and see official Conservation Commission
Minutes of June 13, 1952 for complete “Protected Stream List.”
288. Acts, n. 50.
289. Acts, n. 51.
290. Bill 371, S. (1939).
291. Acts, n. 52.
292. Acts, n. 53.
293. Acts, n. 54.
294. Acts, n. 55.
295. Acts, n. 56.
296. Acts, n. 57.
297. Schmidt, loc. cit., pp. 207-208.
298. Acts, n. 41.
299. See PSC Docket 2-WP-761.
300. U. S. Bureau of the Census, U. S. Census of Agriculture: 1954, Vol. I, Part
7 (Washington, U. S. Govt. Printing Office, 1956), p. 2.
301. Milwaukee Journal, Feb. 6, 1948.
302. “Water Supply Problem Seen,” Milwaukee Journal, Feb. 6, 1949.
303. Emil Rauchenstein, Irrigation of Potatoes in Wisconsin and Michigan, Re¬
port of Bureau of Agricultural Economics, U. S. Dept. Agr., in Cooperation
with Wis. Agr. Expt. Station, Dec. 1947.
304. Milwaukee Sentinel, Sept. 14, 1949.
305. “U. W. Men Abet Harm to River, Sportsmen Told,” Wisconsin State Journal,
April 3, 1950.
306. See Item 276, p. 3.
307. See Coates and Schmid, supra., items 12 and 14.
308. Opinions, n. 8 and Cases, n. 59.
309. Alfred A. ScHMro, “Water Allocation and Development in Wisconsin,” (Un¬
published Ph. D. Thesis, Dept, of Agr. Economics, Univ. of Wis., 1959),
p. 116.
310. Memorandum from H. T. J. Cramer to Charles N. Lloyd, Oct. 8, 1951,
on the subject of “Water Policy,” WCD, Madison Office files.
311. See PSC Docket 2~WP-859 (1951), A. Stanislawski & Son.
312. Memorandum from W. E. Scott to Ernest Swift of Feb. 2, 1950 on “Notes
from University’s Farm and Home Week Discussion on ‘Water and the
Wisconsin Farmer’” in WCD Files (Madison).
313. Opinions, n. 12.
314. Memorandum from George P. Steinmetz to the Commission, PSC Official
files, July 28, 1948.
315. Wisconsin Legislative Council, “Water Resources, 1950” in 1950 Report, v.
2 (State Capitol, Madison).
316. Coates, supra., see Item n. 312.
317. Supra., Item 311,
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust
193
318. George P. Steinmetz, “Agricultural Rights to Water,” Proceedings, Water
Management in Soil Conservation Districts, Jan. 10-11, 1957 (U. W. Coll,
of Agr., Madison).
319. Walter E. Scott, “Wisconsin’s Experience in Writing a Water Law,” Pro¬
ceedings, Water Rights Conference, Michigan State Univ. Coll, of Agr., March 29^
1960, p. 37.
320. Kanneberg, op. cit., “A General Survey of the Water Power Law of Wiscon¬
sin,” p. 23.
321. Letter from Phil McCaffery, Stanley, Wis. to Walter E. Scott, April 26,
1965, WCD files (Madison).
322. Wisconsin Pubfic Service Corporation Petition to the U. S. Circuit Court of
Appeals for review of Fed. Power Comm, order. Transcript of Record No.
8427 and Brief of Petitioner No. 8463
323. Cases, n. 60.
324. Cases, n. 61.
325. Cases, n. 59.
326. Brief of Appellants in Wisconsin Supreme Court, August Term (No. 251),
Paul Munninghoff v. Wisconsin Conservation Commission, et. al., pp. 42-43
( Madison ) .
326a. For detailed explanation of Namekagon Case background, see letter of Sept.
2, 1965 from Roy G. Tulane to Congressman Vernon W. Thompson in
files of Attorney General’s Office.
327. Cases, n. 62.
328. Ibid., pp. 511-12.
329. Cases, n. 63.
330. Scott, supra.. Item 319.
331. Richard Stephen Harnsberger, (Unpublished Doctor’s Thesis, Law School,
Univ. of Wis., 1959), p. 469.
332. Schmid, op. cit., p. 214.
333. Cases, n. 64.
334. Cases, n. 65.
335. Adolph Kanneberg, Radio Talk of Jan. 16, 1940, PSC files (Madison).
336. Beuscher, op. cit., p. 49.
337. Harold H. Ellis, “Water Rights and Legislation in the Eastern States,” Con¬
ference on Water Resources and Economic Development in the South, March
22-23, 1965 (Atlanta, Georgia)
338. Luna Leopold, “The Challenge to Water Resources,” Talk, 36th Annual
Convention, IWLA, May 15, 1958, Colorado Springs, Colo.
339. Walter E. Scott, “Economic Development and Natural Resource Conserva¬
tion.” Paper presented to Wis. Chap. Soil Cons. Society of America, Jan.
18, 1963 (Milwaukee).
340. J. H. Beuscher, “Wisconsin’s Law of Water Use Today,” Report to the
Water Resources Comm, of the Legislative Council, Jan. 28, 1958 (State
Capitol, Madison), pp. 27-29.
341. Cases, n. 66.
342. See Item n. 281.
343. Cases, n. 67.
344. See Item n. 8.
Abbreviations
Explanations for some abbreviations used appear below:
FC — -Commissioners of Fisheries (or Fish Commission)
IWLA — Izaak Walton League of America
LRB — Legislative Reference Bureau
OAG — Opinions of Wisconsin Attorney General
194
Walter E. Scott
PSC
RRC
RS
SBH
SCWP
SHSW
UW
WASAL
WCD
WGNHS
— Public Service Commission
— Railroad Commission
— Revised Statutes
— State Board of Health
— State Committee on Water Pollution
— State Historical Society of Wisconsin
— University of Wisconsin
— ^Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters
— Wisconsin Conservation Department
— Wisconsin Ceological and Natural History Survey
List of Legislative Acts
(All Wisconsin imless otherwise indicated)
Cases Cited
1. Illinois Steel Co. v. Bilot and Wife, 109 Wis. 418, 426 (1901).
2. Jones v. Pettibone, 2 Wis. 225 ( 1853 ) .
3. Douglas V. State, 4 Wis. 403 ( 1854).
4. Barnes v. Racine, 4 Wis. 474 ( 1855).
5. Mohr V. Gault, 10 Wis. 455 (1860).
6. Hoyt V. City of Hudson, 27 Wis. 656, 661 ( 1871 ).
7. Whisler v. Wilkinson, 22 Wis. 546 ( 1868).
8. Wisconsin River Improvement Co. v. Lyons, 30 Wis. 61 (1872).
9. Olsm V. Merrill, 42 Wis. 203 ( 1877).
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust
195
10. Attorney General v. Eau Claire, 40 Wis, 533 ( 1876),
11. Green v, Nunnemacher, 36 Wis. 50 (1874).
12. Diedrich v. Northwestern Union Ry., 42 Wis. 263 ( 1877).
13. S. P. Boom Co. v. Reilly, 46 Wis. 237 (1879).
14. Cohn V. Wausau Boom Co., 47 Wis, 314, 325 ( 1879).
15. Delaplaine v. C. & N. Ry. Co., 42 Wis. 214 (1887).
16. A. C. Conn Co. v. Little Suamico Lumber Mfg. Co., 74 Wis. 652, 655 (1889).
17. Illinois Central Railroad Co. v. Illinois, 146 U. S. 389 (1892).
18. Lamprey V, Metcalf, 52 Minn. 181 (1893).
19. McLennan v. Prentice, 85 Wis. 427 ( 1893)
-20. Green Bay and M. Canal Co. v. Kaukauna Water Power Co., 90 Wis. 370.
(1896).
21. Ne-pee-nauk Club v. Wilson, 96 Wis. 290, 295 ( 1897).
22. Middlestadt v. Waupaca Starch and Potato Co., 93 Wis. 1, (1896).
.23. Willow River Club v. Wade, 100 Wis, 86, 104 ( 1898),
24. Mendota Club v. Anderson, 101 Wis. 479 ( 1899).
25. State ex tel Jones v. Froelich, 115 Wis. 32 (1902).
26. Pewaukee v. Savoy, 103 Wis. 271, 274 (1899).
27. Lathrop v. City of Racine, 119 Wis. 461 ( 1903).
28. Dancy Drainage Dist., 129 Wis, 129, 138 (1906).
29. Rossmiller V. State, 114 Wis. 169 (1902).
30. Priewe v. Wis. State Land Improvement Co., 103 Wis. 537 (1899).
31. Illinois Steel Co. v. Bilot, 109 Wis. 418, 426 (1901).
32. Winchell v. City of Waukesha, 110 Wis. 101 ( 1901).
33. State ex tel. Owen v. Donald, 160' Wis. 21.
34. Huber V. Merkel, 117 Wis. 355 (1903)
35. Runyard v. Oetting Bros. Ice Co'., 142 Wis, 471 ( 1910).
36. In Re: Horicon Drainage District: Appeal of Rottenberger, 136 Wis. 227.
37. Shepard Drainage District v. Eimerman, 140 Wis. 327 ( 1909 ) .
38. In Re: Trempealeau Drainage District, 146 Wis, 398 ( 1911).
39. Diana Shooting Club v. Husting, 156 Wis. 261 ( 1914).
40. C. Beck Co. v. City of Milwaukee, 139 Wis. 340 ( 1909).
41. City of Superior v. Northwestern Fuel Co., 164 Wis. 631 (1917).
42. Apfelbacher v. State, 167 Wis. 233 (1918).
43. Chippewa & Flambeau Improvement Co. v. Railroad Commission, 164 Wis. 105
(1916).
44. Economy Light Co. v. United States, 256 U. S. 113 (1921).
45. Fox River Paper Co. v. Railroad Commission, 274 U. S. 651 (1927).
46. Att. Gen. ex rel. Becker v. Bay Boom Wild Rice 6- Fur Co., 172 Wis. 363
(1920).
47. In Re: Crawford Co. Levee and Drainage District No. 1, 182 Wis. 404 (1924).
48. Doemel v. Jantz, 180 Wis. 225 (1923).
49. Angelo v. Railroad Commission, 194 Wis, 543 (1927).
50. Milwaukee v. State, 193 Wis. 423 ( 1927).
51. Madison v. Wisowaty, 211 Wis. 23 ( 1933).
52. State' Y. Adelmeyer, 221 Wis. 246 (1936).
53. S. S. Kresge v. Railroad Commission, 204 Wis. 479 ( 1931).
54. Munro v. Meilke, 200 Wis. 167 (1929).
55. Haase v. Kingston Coop. Creamery Assn., 212 Wis. 585 (1933).
56. Baker v. 217 Wis. 415 ( 1935).
57. Monka v. State Conservation Commission, 202 Wis. 39, ( 1930).
58. Nekoosa Edwards Paper Co. v. Railroad Commission, 204 Wis. 479 (1930').
59. Munninghoff v. Wisconsin Conservation Commission, 255 Wis. 252 (1949).
60. Wisconsin v. Federal Power Commission, 348 U. S. 833 (1954).
61. State ex rel. Priegel v. Northern States Power Co., 242 Wis. 345 (1943).
196
Walter E. Scott
62. Muench v. Public Service Commission, 216 Wis. 492 (1952).
63. Namekagon Hydro Company v. Federal Power Commission, 216 F. 2d 509
(1954).
64. Holyoke Water Power Company v. Lyman, 82 U. S. 500.
65. State v. Nergaard, 124 Wis. 414 at page 420 ( 1905).
66. Nekoosa-Edwards Paper Co. v. Public Service Commission, 8 Wis. 2d 582
(1959).
67. New Jersey v. New York, 283 U. S. 336 (1931).
1. 8 OAG, 412 (1919).
2. 10 OAG, 269 (1921).
3. 12 OAG, 251 (1923).
4. 15 OAG, 315 (1926).
Opinions Cited
5. 12 OAG, 215 (1923).
6. 17 OAG, 52 (1928).
7. 39 OAG, 230 (1950).
8. 39 OAG, 564 (1950).
9. 38 OAG, 404 (1949).
10. 41 OAG, 203 (1952).
11. 37 OAG, 307 (1948).
12. 36 OAG, 264 (1947).
Reports Cited
1. Report of the Railroad Commission of Wisconsin to the Legislature on Water
Powers, 1915, pp. 194-199.
2. Report of the State Board of Health of Wisconsin, ( 1889), pp. 205, 243 and 268.
3. Fourteenth Report of the Commissioners of Fisheries of Wisconsin (1893), pp.
16 and 29-31.
4. Thirteenth Annual Report, Agr. Expt. Station of Univ. of Wisconsin (1896),
pp. 189-204.
5. Biennial Report of the Commissioners of Fisheries and the State Fish & Game
Warden, 1897-98 (Madison, 1899) p. 93.
6. Biennial Report of the Commissioners of Fisheries, 1901-1902 (Madison, 1903),
pp. 103-115.
7. Biennial Report of the Commissioners of Fisheries, 1903-04 (Madison, 1905),
pp. 15-16.
8. John Nolen, State Parks for Wisconsin, State Park Board (Madison, 1909),
pp. 28-29.
9. First Report of the Conservation Commission (Madison, 1909).
10. Report of the Committee on Water Powers, Forestry and Drainage of the Wis¬
consin Legislature, 1910 (Madison, 1911). See also original verbatim tran¬
scripts on file at LRB (State Capitol) and Husting MMS, SHSW.
11. Report (Minority) of Senators Paul O. Husting and Henry Krumrey, 1910
Legislative Committee on Water Powers, Forestry and Drainage (Madison,
1910).
12. C. B. Stewart, Preliminary Report on Storage Reservoirs at the Headquarters
of the Wisconsin River and their Relation to Stream Flow, State Board of
Forestry (Madison, 1911), p. 7.
13. E. M. Griffith, Report of the State Forester of Wisconsin for 1909 and 1910,
State Board of Forestry (Madison, 1910), pp. 15-16.
14. Report of the Interim Committee on Forestry and Public Lands to the Wisconsin
Legislature of 1929 (Madison, 1929), pp. 13-14.
15. Third Biennial Report of the Conservation Commission of the State of Wiscon¬
sin (Madison, 1912), p. 3.
16. Fourth Biennial Report of the Conservation Commission of the State of Wis¬
consin (Madison, 1915).
17. Report of the Wisconsin Interim Legislative Committee on Water and Electric
Power (Madison, 1929).
18. Biennial Report of the State Conservation Commission of Wisconsin for the
Fiscal Years Ending June 30, 1917 and June 30, 1918 (Madison, 1918), p. 25.
Water Policy Evolution in Wisconsin: Protection of the Public Trust
197
19. Special Report on Stream Pollution in Wisconsin, Wis. St. Bd. of Health (Madi¬
son, 1927), pp. 225-237.
20. Progress Report of the State Committee on Water Pollution, St. Bd. of Health
(Madison, 1931), pp. 10-13.
21. Second Report of the Railroad Commission of Wisconsin on Water Powers,
1914-1923 (Madison, 1924), pp. 480-501.
Appendix
Selected Bibliography of Author’s Articles on Related Subjects
Unpublished Studies and Talks:
Wisconsin’s Natural Resources Committee (January 13, 1955).
An Analysis of Wisconsin’s Survey of the Economic Aspects of Hunting and Fish¬
ing (January 18, 1956).
An Analysis of the Conservation Publics in Wisconsin (May 31, 1956).
A New Look at Natural Resource Conservation Financing in Wisconsin (January
28, 1957).
Wisconsin Conservation Commission and Department: Ideal Organization for the
Third Quarter of the Twentieth Century, with Thomas J. Rausch, June 1955.
The Use and Misuse of Wisconsin’s Water Resources, (Talk before League of
Women Voters of Appleton, Wisconsin, September 25, 1957).
The Multiple Use of Wisconsin’s Water Resources, ( Talk before League of Women
Voters of Wisconsin, Lake Delton, May 20, 1958 ) .
Economic Development and Natural Resource Conservation, (Paper presented be¬
fore 1963 annual meeting, Wisconsin Chapter, Soil Conservation Society of
America, January 18, 1963, as part of panel topic; “Interests of Business and
Industry Exemplified” ) .
Preserving Wisconsin’s Wild Rivers ( Statement on Wild Rivers Panel, Conserva¬
tion Conference, John Muir Chapter, Sierra Club, Wisconsin Center, Madison,
December 6, 1964).
Published Materials:
“Report to the People of Wisconsin on Cover Destruction, Habitat Improvement
and Watershed Problems of the State in 1950,” Wis. Cons. Bull., WCD (Feb¬
ruary 1951, Madison), 78 pp.
“The Shape of the State,” The Conservationist (Wis.), no. 113, November 1958.
“Wisconsin’s Experience in Writing a Water Law,” Proceedings, Water Rights
Conference (Mich. State Univ., East Lansing, March 29-30, 1960), pp. 35-53.
“Wisconsin Conservation History,” published serially in Wis. Cons. Bull, from
March 1937 through April 1938, WCD (Madison), 52 pp.
“The People’s Part in Wisconsin Conservation History,” Wis. Cons. Bull., WCD
(Madison, June 1948), pp. 84-90.
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